[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 145 (1999), Part 5]
[House]
[Pages 6271-6272]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




     INDIA MISSILE TEST SHOULD BE SEEN IN CONTEXT OF CHINESE THREAT

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Mica). Under the Speaker's announced 
policy of January 19, 1999, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Pallone) 
is recognized during morning hour debates for 5 minutes.
  Mr. PALLONE. Mr. Speaker, in light of India's test launch of the Agni 
missile on Sunday, I want to state today or stress today that the U.S. 
should look at India's action in light of China's threat to the Indian 
subcontinent. We should view this step by India in the context of the 
ongoing threat posed by China, and the fact that Pakistan's missile 
development program has developed so quickly because of Chinese 
support.
  The weekend's developments further demonstrate the need for a U.S. 
policy with regard to South Asia that turns away from the current 
stance of confrontation with India and towards recognition of India's 
legitimate security needs. We should have increased consideration for 
the prospects of greater Indo-U.S. cooperation in responding to the 
threats posed by China.
  Mr. Speaker, last week's visit by the Chinese premier to Washington 
also raised important questions about how China, a potential adversary, 
and India, a potential partner threatened by China, are treated in 
terms of U.S. policy.
  Last week official Washington witnessed the arrival of Premier Zhu 
with

[[Page 6272]]

fanfare and ceremony at the White House, suggesting the visit of an 
international leader who was a trusted friend and partner. But during 
the premier's visit, as with other high level meetings between the 
United States and China, we kept hearing of the need for engagement, 
despite the fact that China has a terrible human rights record and has 
actually stepped up the pressure on dissidents; despite the fact that 
China threatens her neighbors, including Taiwan, and provides missile 
technology to unstable regimes like Pakistan; and despite, and I stress 
again, despite the growing evidence of Chinese espionage of American 
nuclear weapons secrets.
  Yet, at the same time, when it comes to our relations with the 
world's largest democracy, that is India, we keep that country at arm's 
length, ever wary of their intentions and motives.
  If pure economics were the only consideration, our policy double 
standard with the two Asian giants still would not make any sense, in 
my opinion, Mr. Speaker, because India's population is almost as large 
as China's, and will surpass China early in the next century. India 
offers opportunities for American trade and investment at least 
comparable to China, and India does not threaten fundamental U.S. 
interests, which is more than we can say about China.
  Furthermore, India, a country that holds regular elections at the 
national and local levels, is seriously committed to improving her 
human rights situation and the treatment of all minority communities, 
again, much more than can be said for China.
  I think, Mr. Speaker, we need to shift our focus from simply 
condemning India for becoming a nuclear power, which whether we like it 
or not is a reality, to adjusting our thinking to this new reality and 
working to promote peace, security, confidence-building, and 
nonproliferation in South Asia.
  Within our U.S.-South Asia policy, our narrow India-Pakistan focus 
overlooks the role of China. I believe that China is the real threat to 
India, as well as to U.S. interests and to regional security. It is in 
this context that India's potential role as a partner for peace and 
stability should be understood. Even if the current climate for 
partnership is not ideal, at least we should stop seeing India as a 
threat.
  In particular, India has legitimate concerns about China's support 
for Pakistan's nuclear and missile programs. A Rand study published 
last year indicated that technical help from China, as well as North 
Korea, is responsible for the accelerated development of Pakistan's 
missile program. In addition, China invaded India in 1962, and 
continues to have designs on Indian territory. Since the U.S. should 
also view China as a potential adversary, there is a growing 
convergence of American and Indian objectives for responding to China.
  Mr. Speaker, in a previous statement on the Floor of the House of 
Representatives in February I said that the U.S. should pay attention 
to the emerging notion of minimum deterrence in the Indian 
subcontinent, combined with a declared policy of no first use of 
nuclear weapons.
  I have always believed that our goal should be to make India a 
partner in the American foreign policy goal of minimizing the threat of 
nuclear war. One way of accomplishing this is to take the long overdue 
step of accepting India as a permanent member of the U.N. Security 
Council. While I recognize there is opposition to this step, we must 
find ways to make India a partner for peace for purposes of confidence-
building, and also avoiding the dangers of isolation.

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