[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 145 (1999), Part 4]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages 4835-4837]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




REMARKS OF SECRETARY OF STATE MADELEINE K. ALBRIGHT ON THE ACCESSION TO 
             NATO OF POLAND, HUNGARY AND THE CZECH REPUBLIC

                                 ______
                                 

                            HON. TOM LANTOS

                             of california

                    in the house of representatives

                       Wednesday, March 17, 1999

  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, last Friday at the Harry S. Truman 
Presidential Library in Independence, Missouri, Secretary of State 
Madeleine K. Albright president over the ceremony marking the final 
step in the accession of Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic to 
membership in the North Atlantic Alliance. This was a historic occasion 
as these three former members of the Warsaw Pact, an alliance which was 
established to counter the North Altantic Treaty Organization, were now 
joining as full members of this western alliance.
  Mr. Speaker, it was most appropriate that the ceremony marking full 
accession to NATO took place at the Harry S. Truman Presidential 
Library. It was under the far-sighted and thoughtful leadership of 
President Truman that NATO was established fifty years ago this year. 
We mark not only the 50th anniversary of the establishment of NATO, but 
also the 10th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall and the 
collapse of Soviet dominance in Central and Eastern Europe.
  If any one individual deserves credit for the end of communist 
domination in Europe and for the end of the Soviet empire, Mr. Speaker, 
it is President Harry Truman. He was the President who made the 
critical decisions in the early days of the cold war; he was the 
President under whose leadership the policy of containment was 
enunciated; and he was the President who established the critical 
institutions which were the basis of U.S. policy throughout the cold 
war. His successors--from Dwight Eisenhower to Ronald Reagan and George 
Bush--were simply implementing the fundamental policy that was 
enunciated, initiated, and put in place by Harry Truman.
  Mr. Speaker, the accession to NATO of Poland, Hungary and the Czech 
Republic at the Truman Library was a quintessentially ``American'' 
event--the United States Senator who introduced our Secretary of State, 
my friend and colleague from Maryland, Barbara Mikulski, is Polish-
American; I had the honor of participating in that event and, as my 
colleagues know, I am a native of Budapest, Hungary; and, of course, 
our Secretary of State, Madeleine K. Albright who presided on this 
occasion, was born in Prague in the Czech Republic.
  The remarks on this festive occasion by our Secretary of State, Mr. 
Speaker, provide an outstanding statement of the U.S. government policy 
that underlies this landmark addition of new members to NATO. Secretary 
Albright's speech also provides an excellent summary of the importance 
of the first half century of the NATO alliance as well as a discussion 
of its future. I ask that Secretary Albright's remarks be placed in the 
Record, and I urge my colleagues to read and give them thoughtful 
attention.

       SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: Thank you, Senator Mikulski, for that 
     wonderful and personal introduction, and thank you for your 
     great friendship. I want to thank you and your colleagues, 
     Senators Roth and Smith and Representatives Skelton, Lantos, 
     and McCarthy for your bipartisan leadership on behalf of NATO 
     and NATO enlargement. You have helped to make history, 
     because without your support we would not be here today.
       Minister Kavan, Minister Martonyi, and Minister Geremek, 
     excellencies from the diplomatic corps, Admiral Gough, 
     General Anderson and other leaders of our armed forces, 
     officials of the Truman Library--thank you for remembering my 
     daughter--honored guests, colleagues, and friends, today is a 
     day of celebration and re-dedication and remembrance and 
     renewal.
       Today we recognize in fact what has always been true in 
     spirit. Today we confirm through our actions that the lands 
     of King Stephen and Cardinal Mindszenty, Charles the Fourth 
     and Vaclav Havel, Copernicus and Pope John Paul II reside 
     fully and irrevocably within the Atlantic community for 
     freedom. And to that I say, to quote an old Central European 
     expression. ``Hallelujah.'' (Applause.)
       History will record March 12, 1999, as the day the people 
     of Hungary, the Czech Republic and Poland strode through 
     NATO's open

[[Page 4836]]

     door and assumed their rightful place in NATO's councils.
       To them I say that President Clinton's pledge is now 
     fulfilled. Never again will your fates be tossed around like 
     poker chips on a bargaining table. Whether you are helping to 
     revise the Alliance's strategic concept or engaging in NATO's 
     partnership with Russia, the promise of ``nothing about you 
     without you,'' is now formalized. You are truly allies; you 
     are truly home.
       This is a cause for celebration not only in Prague, 
     Budapest and Warsaw, but throughout the Alliance. For the 
     tightening of transatlantic ties that we make today inspired 
     the vision of translatlantic leaders half a century ago. That 
     generation, which in Dean Acheson's famous phrase was 
     ``present at the creation,'' emerged from the horror of World 
     War II determined to make another such war impossible. They 
     had seen--and paid in blood--the price of division; so their 
     policies were inclusive. They wanted to help build a 
     transatlantic community of prosperity and peace that would 
     include all of Europe.
       But between the 1947 offering of the Marshall Plan and the 
     forgoing of NATO two years later, it became evident that the 
     reality of their times did not match the boldness of their 
     vision. The Iron Curtain descended, and across the body of 
     Europe, a brutal and unnatural division was imposed. Now, due 
     to bravery on both sides, that curtain has lifted, and 
     links that should have been secured long ago are being 
     soldered together.
       Today is evidence of that. For this morning, NATO is joined 
     by three proud democracies--countries that have proven their 
     ability to meet Alliance responsibilities, uphold Alliance 
     values and defend Alliance interests.
       Since the decision to invite new members was first made, 
     President Clinton has argued that a larger NATO would make 
     America safer, our Alliance stronger and Europe more peaceful 
     and united. Today, we see that this is already the case. For 
     NATO's new members bring with them many strengths. Their 
     citizens have a tradition of putting their lives on the line 
     for liberty: Witness Hungary's courageous freedom fighters in 
     1956; the students who faced down tanks in the streets of 
     Prague 12 years later; and the workers of Gdansk whose 
     movement for Solidarity ushered in Europe's new dawn.
       As young democracies, these countries have been steadfast 
     in supporting the vision of an integrated Europe. Their 
     troops are serving alongside NATO forces in Bosnia. And each 
     is contributing to stability in its own neighborhood.
       As a daughter of the region, and a former professor of 
     Central and East European affairs, I know many Americans have 
     not always had the understanding of this region that they now 
     do. Earlier this century, when Jan Masaryk, son of the Czech 
     President, came to the United States, an American Senator 
     asked him, how is your father; and does he still play the 
     violin?
       Jan replied, sir, I fear that you are making a small 
     mistake. You are perhaps thinking of Paderewski and not 
     Masaryk. Paderwski plays the piano, not the violin, and was 
     President not of Czechoslovakia, but of Poland. (Laughter.)
       Of our Presidents, Benes was the only one who played; but 
     he played neither the violin nor the piano, but football. In 
     all other respects, your information is correct. (Laughter.)
       Later, after his father had died and World War II had been 
     fought, Jan Masaryk became Czechoslovak Foreign Minister--my 
     father's boss. It soon became clear that the revival of 
     Czechoslovak democracy and Czechoslovak aspirations to be 
     part of the West would be short-lived.
       Czechoslovakia was also invited to join the Marshall Plan. 
     However, Foreign Minister Masaryk was summoned to Moscow and 
     told that Czechoslovakia had to refuse the invitation. He 
     returned to Prague to tell his colleagues, ``I now know I am 
     not the Foreign Minister of a sovereign country.''
       Masaryk's statement reminds us of another great gift the 
     Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary bring to our Alliance for 
     freedom: the living memory of living without freedom.
       NATO's success has enabled generations protected by the 
     Alliance to grow up and grow old under democratic rule. For 
     that, we are enormously grateful.
       But we must also guard against a danger. For there is a 
     risk that to people who have never known tyranny, an Alliance 
     forged before they were born to counter an enemy that no 
     longer exists, to defend freedoms some believe are no 
     longer endangered, may appear no more relevant than the 
     fate of Central Europe did to some of our predecessors 60 
     years ago.
       The Truman Library is a fit place for plain speaking. So 
     let me speak plainly now. It is the job of each and every one 
     of us, on both sides of the Atlantic, to bring home to the 
     generations of today and tomorrow the compelling lessons of 
     this century.
       We must never fall back into complacency or presume that 
     totalitarianism is forever dead or retreat in the face of 
     aggression. We must learn from history, not repeat it. And we 
     must never forget that the destinies of Europe and North 
     America are inseparable; and that this is as true now as it 
     was when NATO was founded 50 years ago.
       Of course, there will always be differences between Europe 
     and America. We have been aptly called cousins, but we will 
     never be mistaken for clones. Today, there are splits on 
     trade and other issues--some of which are quite 
     controversial. But do not exaggerate, these are differences 
     within the family.
       However, I think I can speak for each of my Alliance 
     colleagues when I say that on the central questions that 
     affect the security and safety of our people, our Alliance is 
     and will remain united, as it must. For the hopes of future 
     generations are in our hands. We cannot allow any issue to 
     undermine our fundamental unity. We must adapt our alliance 
     and strengthen our partnerships. We must anticipate and 
     respond to new dangers. And we must not count on second 
     chances; we must get it right--now.
       This requires understanding that the more certain we are in 
     preparing our defense, the more certain we may be of 
     defending our freedom without war. NATO is the great proof of 
     that. For its success over five decades is measured not in 
     battles won, but rather in lives saved, freedoms preserved 
     and wars prevented. That is why President Truman said that 
     the creation of NATO was the achievement in which he took the 
     greatest pride.
       Today we, too, have grounds for pride. For NATO enlargement 
     is a sign that we have not grown complacent about protecting 
     the security of our citizens. The nations entering our 
     alliance today are the first new members since the Cold War's 
     end, but they will not be the last. For NATO enlargement is 
     not an event; it is a process.
       It is our common purpose, over time, to do for Europe's 
     east what NATO has already helped to do for Europe's west. 
     Steadily and systematically, we will continue erasing without 
     replacing the line drawn in Europe by Stalin's bloody boot.
       When President Clinton welcomes his counterparts to 
     Washington next month to mark NATO's 50th anniversary, they 
     will affirm that the door of the Alliance does remain open; 
     and they will announce a plan to help prepare aspiring 
     members to meet NATO's high standards.
       But enlargement is only one element in our effort to 
     prepare NATO for its second 50 years. The Washington Summit 
     will be the largest gathering of international leaders in the 
     history of Washington, D.C. It will include representatives 
     from NATO and its partner countries--44 in all--and it will 
     produce a blueprint for NATO in the 21st Century.
       Our leaders will, I am confident, agree on the design of an 
     Alliance that is not only bigger, but also more flexible; an 
     Alliance committed to collective defense, and capable of 
     meeting a wide range of threats to its common interests; an 
     Alliance working in partnership with other nations and 
     organizations to advance security, prosperity and 
     democracy in and for the entire Euro-Atlantic region.
       The centerpiece of the Summit will be the unveiling of a 
     revised strategic concept that will take into account the 
     variety of future dangers the Alliance may face.
       Since 1949, under Article V of the North Atlantic Treaty, 
     the core mission of our alliance has been collective defense. 
     That must not change, and will not change. NATO is a 
     defensive alliance, not a global policeman.
       But NATO's founders understood that what our alliance 
     commits us to do under Article V is not all we may be called 
     upon to do, or should reserve the right to do. Consider, for 
     example, that when French Foreign Minister Robert Schuman 
     signed the North Atlantic Treaty, he characterized it as 
     ``insurance against all risks--a system of common defense 
     against any attack, whatever its nature.''
       During the Cold War, we had no trouble identifying the 
     risks to our security and territory. But the threats we face 
     today and may face tomorrow are less predictable. They could 
     come from an aggressive regime, a rampaging faction, or a 
     terrorist group. And we know that, if past is prologue, we 
     face a future in which weapons will be more destructive at 
     longer distances than ever before.
       Our alliance is and must remain a Euro-Atlantic institution 
     that acts by consensus. We must prevent and, if necessary, 
     respond to the full spectrum of threats to Alliance interests 
     and values. And when we respond, it only makes sense to use 
     the unified military structure and cooperative habits we have 
     developed over the past 50 years. This approach shouldn't be 
     controversial. We've been practicing it successfully in 
     Bosnia since 1995.
       We are also taking steps, as we plan for the summit, to 
     ensure that NATO's military forces are designed, equipped and 
     prepared for 21st Century missions. And we expect the Summit 
     to produce an initiative that responds to the grave threat 
     posed by weapons of mass destruction and their means of 
     delivery.
       Clearly, NATO's job is different now than when we faced a 
     single monolithic adversary across a single, heavily-armed 
     frontier. But NATO's purpose is enduring. It has not changed. 
     It remains to prevent war and safeguard freedom. NATO does 
     this not only by deterring, but also by unifying. And let no

[[Page 4837]]

     one underestimate its value here, as well. For if NATO can 
     assure peace in Europe, it will contribute much to stability 
     around the globe.
       The history of this century and many before it has been 
     marked by shifting patterns within Europe as empires rose and 
     fell, borders were drawn and redrawn, and ethnic divisions 
     were exploited by aggressors and demagogues. Twice this 
     century, conflicts arose which required American troops to 
     cross the Atlantic and plunge into the cauldron of war.
       NATO and NATO's partners have closed that book and are 
     authoring a new one. In collaboration with regional 
     institutions, we are encouraging the resolution of old 
     antagonisms, promoting tolerance, ensuring the protection of 
     minority rights and helping to realize, for the first time in 
     history, the dream of a Europe whole and free.
       So let us not hesitate to rebut those who would diminish 
     the role of our alliance, dispute its value, or downplay the 
     importance of its unity and preparedness. For if NATO does 
     not respond to the 21st  Century security challenges facing 
     our region, who will? If NATO cannot prevent aggressors 
     from engulfing whole chunks of Europe in conflict, who 
     can? And if NATO is not prepared to respond to the threat 
     posed to our citizens by weapons of mass destruction, who 
     will have that capability?
       The 20th Century has been the bloodiest and most 
     destructive in human history, and despite the Cold War's end, 
     many threats remain. But we have learned some hard lessons 
     from this history of conflict, and those lessons underlie all 
     our planning for the Washington Summit.
       We know that when the democracies of Europe and America are 
     divided, crevices are created through which forces of evil 
     and aggression may emerge; and that when we stand together, 
     no force on Earth is more powerful than our solidarity on 
     behalf of freedom.
       That is why NATO is focused not only on welcoming new 
     members, but also on strengthening its valuable partnerships 
     with Russia, Ukraine and Europe's other democracies. Their 
     inclusion and full participation in the transatlantic 
     community is essential to the future we seek. For NATO's 
     purpose is not to build new walls, but rather to tear old 
     walls down.
       Five years ago, while serving as U.S. Permanent 
     Representative to the UN, I traveled with General 
     Shalikashvili to Central and Eastern Europe, to outline 
     President Clinton's plan for a Partnership for Peace. That 
     concept continues to deepen and pay dividends for countries 
     whether or not they aspire to NATO membership. Today, former 
     adversaries are talking to each other, training with each 
     other, carrying out missions together, and planning together 
     for the future. By fostering that process, we prevent 
     potentially dangerous misunderstandings, address present 
     problems and lay a solid foundation for future cooperation.
       We also remind ourselves, that although NATO stands tall, 
     it does not stand alone. The EU, OSCE and NATO and its 
     partners form the core of a broader system for protecting 
     vital interests and promoting shared values.
       We learned in Bosnia earlier this decade how vital such a 
     system is. We face a test of that system now in Kosovo, and 
     we welcome Russian Foreign Minister Ivanov's efforts in 
     Belgrade today to help achieve our common goal.
       There, together, we have backed diplomacy with tools 
     ranging from humanitarian relief to OSCE verifiers to the 
     threatened use of NATO force. Together, we have hammered out 
     an interim political settlement which meets the needs and 
     respects the rights of all concerned.
       When talks resume next week, we must be firm in securing 
     this agreement. We must be clear in explaining that a 
     settlement without NATO-led enforcement is not acceptable 
     because only NATO has the credibility and capability to make 
     it work. And we must be resolute in spelling out the 
     consequences of intransigence.
       To those abroad and in my own country who have raised 
     doubts, I reply that the plan we and our partners have 
     developed is not risk-free. But we prefer that risk to the 
     certainty that inaction would lead to a renewed cycle of 
     repression and retaliation, bloodletting and ethnic 
     cleansing. The path we have chosen for our alliance in Kosovo 
     is not easy; but it is right. It serves NATO interests, and 
     it upholds the values of our alliance for which it was 
     created and which we will defend.
       Today, as NATO embarks upon a new era, our energy and 
     vision are directed to the future. But we are mindful, as 
     well, of the past. For as we welcome three new members, we 
     have a debt we cannot fail to acknowledge.
       In this room today are ambassadors and foreign ministers 
     and generals and members of Congress. In this room, there is 
     great pride and good reason for it. But let us never forget 
     upon whose shoulders we stand. We pay homage to our 
     predecessors and to the millions of soldiers and sailors and 
     aviators and diplomats who, throughout the past half-century, 
     have kept NATO vigilant and strong.
       We pay homage, as well, to those who fought for freedom on 
     the far side of freedom's curtain. For the Berlin Wall would 
     be standing today; the Fulda Gap would divide Europe today; 
     the Warsaw Pact would remain our adversary today, if those 
     who were denied liberty for so long, had not struggled so 
     bravely for their rights.
       Let us never forget that freedom has its price. And let us 
     never fail to remember how our alliance came together, what 
     it stands for, and why it has prevailed.
       Upon the signing of the North Atlantic Treaty, President 
     Harry Truman referred to the creation of NATO as a 
     ``neighborly act.'' ``We are like a group of householders,'' 
     he said, ``who express their community of interests by 
     entering into an association for their mutual protection.''
       At the same time, Canadian Secretary of State Lester 
     Pearson said, ``The North Atlantic community is part of the 
     world community, and as we grow stronger to preserve the 
     peace, all free men and women grow stronger with us.''
       Prime Minister Spaak of Belgium added, ``The new NATO pact 
     is purely defensive; it threatens no one. It should therefore 
     disturb no one, except those who might foster the criminal 
     idea of having recourse to war.''
       Though all the world has changed since these statements 
     were made, the verities they express have not. Our alliance 
     still is bound together by a community of interests. Our 
     strength still is a source of strength to those everywhere 
     who labor for freedom and peace. Our power still shields 
     those who love the law and still threatens none, except those 
     who would threaten others with aggression and harm. Our 
     alliance endures because the principles it defends are 
     timeless and because they reflect the deepest aspirations of 
     the human spirit.
       It is our mission now, working across the Atlantic, to 
     carry on the traditions of our alliance and prepare NATO for 
     the 21st Century. To that end, we take a giant step today. 
     And we look forward with confidence and determination to the 
     historic summit in Washington and further progress tomorrow.
       Thank you all very much.
       (Applause)

       

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