[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 145 (1999), Part 3]
[Senate]
[Pages 4042-4044]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




 SENATE RESOLUTION 60--RECOGNIZING THE PLIGHT OF THE TIBETAN PEOPLE ON 
  THE 40TH ANNIVERSARY OF TIBET'S ATTEMPT TO RESTORE ITS INDEPENDENCE

  Mr. MACK (for himself, Mr. Moynihan and Mr. Lott) submitted the 
following resolution; which was referred to the Committee on the 
Judiciary:

                               S. Res. 60

       Whereas during the period 1949-1950, the newly established 
     communist government of the People's Republic of China sent 
     an army to invade Tibet;
       Whereas the Tibetan army was ill equipped and out-numbered, 
     and the People's Liberation Army overwhelmed Tibetan 
     defenses;
       Whereas, on May 23, 1951, a delegation sent from the 
     capital city of Lhasa to Peking to negotiate with the 
     Government of the People's Republic of China was forced under 
     duress to accept a Chinese-drafted 17-point agreement that 
     incorporated Tibet into China but promised to preserve 
     Tibetan political, cultural, and religious institutions;
       Whereas during the period of 1951-1959, the failure of the 
     Government of the People's Republic of China to uphold 
     guarantees to autonomy contained in the 17-Point Agreement 
     and the imposition of socialist reforms resulted in 
     widespread oppression and brutality;
       Whereas on March 10, 1959 the people of Lhasa, fearing for 
     the life of the Dalai Lama, surrounded his palace, organized 
     a permanent guard, and called for the withdrawal of the 
     Chinese from Tibet and the restoration of Tibet's 
     independence;
       Whereas on March 17, 1959 the Dalai Lama escaped in 
     disguise during the night after two mortar shells exploded 
     within the walls of his palace and, before crossing the 
     Indian border into exile two weeks later, repudiated the 17-
     Point Agreement;
       Whereas during the ``Lhasa Revolt'' begun on March 10, 
     1959, Chinese statistics estimate 87,000 Tibetans were 
     killed, arrested, or deported to labor camps, and only a 
     small percentage of the thousands who attempted to escape to 
     India survived Chinese military attacks, malnutrition, cold, 
     and disease;
       Whereas for the past forty years, the Dalai Lama has worked 
     in exile to find ways to allow Tibetans to determine the 
     future status of Tibet and was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize 
     for his efforts in 1989;
       Whereas it is the policy of the United States to support 
     substantive dialogue between the Government of the People's 
     Republic of China and the Dalai Lama or his representatives; 
     and
       Whereas the Dalai Lama has stated his willingness to 
     negotiate within the framework enunciated by Deng Xiaoping in 
     1979: Now, therefore, be it
       Resolved, That it is the sense of the Senate that--
       (1) March 10, 1999 should be recognized as ``Tibetan 
     National Day'' in solemn remembrance of those Tibetans who 
     sacrificed, suffered, or died as a result of Chinese 
     aggression against their country and of the inherent right of 
     the Tibetan people to reject tyranny and to determine their 
     own political future, including independence, if they so 
     determine; and
       (2) March 10 of each year should serve as an occasion to 
     renew calls by the President, Congress, and other United 
     States Government officials on the Government of the People's 
     Republic of China to enter into serious negotiations with the 
     Dalai Lama or his representatives until such a time as a 
     peaceful solution, satisfactory to both sides, is achieved.
  Mr. MACK. Mr. President, the Tibetan people are suffering today in 
the name of freedom, and I am pleased to rise with Senator Moynihan to 
submit a resolution in solemn commemoration of this day, March 10, in 
Tibetan history.
  It was on March 10, 1959 that the Tibetan people said, ``enough is 
enough.'' The city of Lhasa organized into what later became known as 
the ``Lhasa revolt'' on this day forty years ago, to protect their 
beloved leader, the 14th Dalai Lama, and to reject the impositions of 
Beijing. Let me provide some details.
  The new communist government in Beijing sent an army to invade Tibet 
in 1949. The People's Liberation Army quickly overwhelmed Tibetan 
defenses. In 1951, a Tibetan delegation went to Beijing to negotiate a 
peace agreement. But negotiation is too kind of a word. The Tibetan 
delegation was forced to sign a PRC-written document known as the ``17 
Point Agreement.'' Even though it was forced upon the Tibetan 
government, it promised to preserve Tibetan political, cultural, and 
religious institutions, and so was warily accepted by the Tibetan 
government.
  Mr. President, going back to the early days of the PRC, we can see a 
pattern. The terms on paper protected the Tibetan way of life. But the 
promises proved empty. I suggest this is a lesson our President today 
would be wise to learn. Whether regarding Hong Kong, weapons 
proliferation, or trade, we must remember what Ronald Reagan taught 
us--``trust, but verify.'' This is especially true of our dealings with 
communists and authoritarian rulers.
  In Tibet, nine years of trying to compromise with the communists, 
from 1951 to 1959, failed. In fact, the restrictions on Tibet increased 
progressively, as did the oppression and brutality of Beijing's rule.
  March 10, 1959 stands out as an important day, not only in Tibet's 
history, but also in the history of humanity's struggle for freedom. On 
this day, the people of Lhasa organized a permanent guard around the 
Dalai Lama's palace, and demanded the withdrawal of the Chinese from 
Tibet and the restoration of Tibet's independence.
  One week later, the Dalai Lama was forced to flee his home and his 
people while his palace was being shelled by the PLA. It is important 
to note that, in a great and triumphant official act, he repudiated the 
17-Point agreement.
  According to Chinese statistics, 87,000 Tibetans were killed, 
arrested, or deported to labor camps during this ``Lhasa Revolt.'' 
Countless tried to follow the Dalai Lama to India--unfortunately, only 
a very small percentage of the thousands who attempted to escape 
through the Himalayas to India survived. If they could successfully 
avoid the Chinese military--then they would succumb to malnutrition, 
cold, and disease.
  Mr. President, we are today honoring the memory of the more than 
87,000 Tibetans who paid with their lives for the preservation of 
Tibet. We also honor the 6 million Tibetans today who keep alive the 
hope of one-day returning home.
  Mr. President, we believe in certain inalienable rights; it is part 
of our constitution. I believe that our freedom

[[Page 4043]]

cannot be complete, and we as a nation cannot achieve our fullest 
greatness, so long as others suffer from the yoke of tyranny and 
oppression. Tibet today suffers from cultural genocide at the hands of 
the PRC. And yet, don't they also have inalienable rights: to reject 
tyranny? to determine their political future including independence? to 
chose freedom and reject oppression?
  The answer, very clearly, must be a resounding ``yes.'' We have 
introduced this resolution today, to register this ``yes.'' We do it 
for His Holiness, the Dalai Lama of Tibet. We do it for the 6 million 
Tibetans in the world today facing the very real and unfortunate threat 
of seeing their homeland destroyed and culture obliterated. And, we do 
it for each of us who believe that the gifts we have in our lives here 
do not excuse us from caring about the struggles of others.
  I am pleased to submit this resolution, and ask my colleagues to 
support its immediate adoption.
  Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that a statement issued by the 
Dalai Lama of Tibet be printed in the Record.
  There being no objection, the statement was ordered to be printed in 
the Record as follows:

  Statement by the Dalai Lama on the 40th Anniversary of the Tibetan 
                   National Uprising, March 10, 1999

       My sincere greetings to my compatriots in Tibet as well as 
     in exile and to all our friends and supporters all over the 
     world on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the Tibetan 
     national uprising of 1959.
       Four decades have passed since we came into exile and 
     continued our struggle for freedom both in and outside Tibet. 
     Four decades are a considerable time in a person's life. Many 
     fellow countrymen, both those who stayed back in Tibet in 
     1959 and those who came out at that time, are now gone. 
     Today, the second and third generations of Tibetans are 
     shouldering the responsibility of our freedom struggle with 
     undiminished determination and indomitable spirit.
       During our four decades of life in exile, the Tibetan 
     community has gone through a process of increasing 
     democratization and has made tremendous progress in 
     education. We have also been able to preserve and promote our 
     unique cultural and religious heritage. Our achievement on 
     all these fronts is now widely recognized and acknowledged by 
     the international community. The credit for this achievement 
     goes to the determination and hard work of the Tibetan 
     people. However, our success would not have been possible 
     without the generous assistance of many international aid 
     organizations and individuals. We are especially grateful to 
     the people and government of India for their unsurpassed 
     generosity and hospitality ever since the late Prime Minister 
     Jawaharlal Nehru gave asylum to the Tibetan refugees and laid 
     down the programmes for education and rehabilitation of our 
     exile community.
       During the same four decades, Tibet has been under the 
     complete control of the government of the People's Republic 
     of China and the Chinese authorities have had a free hand in 
     governing our country. The late Panchen Lama's 70,000-
     character petition of 1962 serves as a telling historical 
     document on the draconian Chinese policies and actions in 
     Tibet. The immense destruction and human suffering during the 
     Cultural Revolution, which followed shortly afterwards are 
     today known world-wide and I do not wish to dwell on these 
     sad and painful events. In January 1989, a few days before 
     his sudden death, the Panchen Lama further stated that the 
     progress made in Tibet under China could not match the amount 
     of destruction and suffering inflicted on the Tibetan people. 
     Although some development and economic progress has been made 
     in Tibet, our country continues to face many fundamental 
     problems. In terms of history, culture, language, religion, 
     way of life and geographical conditions, there are stark 
     differences between Tibet and China. These differences result 
     in grave clashes of values, dissent and distrust. At the 
     sight of the slightest dissent the Chinese authorities react 
     with force and repression resulting in widespread and serious 
     violations of human rights in Tibet. These abuses of rights 
     have a distinct character, and are aimed at preventing 
     Tibetans as a people from asserting their own identity and 
     culture, and their wish to preserve them. Thus, human rights 
     violations in Tibet are often the result of policies of 
     racial and cultural discrimination and are only the symptoms 
     and consequences of a deeper problem. The Chinese authorities 
     identify the distinct culture and religion of Tibet as the 
     root cause of Tibetan resentment and dissent. Hence their 
     policies are aimed at decimating this integral core of the 
     Tibetan civilian and identity.
       After a half a century of ``liberation'' the Tibetan issue 
     is still very much alive and remains yet to be resolved. 
     Obviously this situation is of no benefit to anyone, either 
     to Tibet or to China. To continue along this path does 
     nothing to alleviate the suffering of the Tibetan people, nor 
     does it bring stability and unity to China or help in 
     enhancing China's international image and standing. The only 
     sensible and responsible way to address this problem is 
     dialogue. There is no realistic alternative to it.
       It is with this realization that in the early seventies I 
     discussed and decided with my senior officials the main 
     points of my ``Middle Way Approach''. Consequently, I opted 
     for a resolution of the Tibet issue, which does not call for 
     the independence of Tibet or its separation from China. I 
     firmly believe that it is possible to find a political 
     solution that ensures the basic rights and freedoms of the 
     Tibetan people within the framework of the People's Republic 
     of China. My primary concern is the survival and preservation 
     of Tibet's unique spiritual heritage, which is based on 
     compassion and non-violence. And, I believe it is worthwhile 
     and beneficial to preserve this heritage since it continues 
     to remain relevant in our present-day world.
       With this spirit I responded immediately when Deng 
     Xiaoping, in late 1978, signalled a willingness to resume 
     dialogue with us. Since then our relation with the Chinese 
     government has taken many twists and turns. Unfortunately, a 
     lack of political will and courage on the part of the Chinese 
     leadership has resulted in their failure to reciprocate my 
     numerous overtures over the years. Thus, our formal contact 
     with the Chinese government came to an end in August 1993. 
     But a few informal channels through private persons and semi-
     officials were established after that. During the past one-
     and-a-half year one informal channel seemed to work smoothly 
     and reliably. In addition, there were some indications that 
     President Jiang personally had taken an interest in the 
     Tibetan issue. When US President Clinton visited China last 
     June, President Jiang discussed Tibet with him at some 
     length. Addressing a joint press conference, President Jiang 
     sought a public clarification from me on two conditions 
     before resuming dialogues and negotiations. We, on our part, 
     communicated to the Chinese government my readiness to 
     respond to President Jiang's statement and our desire for an 
     informal consultation before making it public. Sadly, there 
     was no positive response from the Chinese side. Late last 
     autumn, without any obvious reason, there was a noticeable 
     hardening of the Chinese position on dialogue and their 
     attitude towards me. This abrupt change was accompanied by a 
     new round of intensified repression in Tibet. This is the 
     current status of our relation with the Chinese government.
       It is clear from our experiences of the past decades that 
     formal statements, official rhetoric and political expediency 
     alone will do little to either lessen the suffering of the 
     concerned people or to solve the problem at hand. It is also 
     clear that force can control human beings only physically. It 
     is through reason, fairness and justice alone that the human 
     mind and heart can be won over. What is required is the 
     political will, courage and vision to tackle the root cause 
     of the problem and resolve it once and for all to the 
     satisfaction and benefit of the concerned people. Once we 
     find a mutually acceptable solution to the Tibetan issue, I 
     will not hold any official position, as I have clearly stated 
     for many years.
       The root cause of the Tibetan problem is not the difference 
     in ideology, social system or issues resulting from clashes 
     between tradition and modernity. Neither is it just the issue 
     of human rights violations alone. The root of the Tibetan 
     issue lies in Tibet's long, separate history, its distinct 
     and ancient culture, and its unique identity.
       Just as in late 1978, so also today, resumption of contact 
     and dialogue is the only sensible and viable way to tackle 
     this complex and grave problem. The atmosphere of deep 
     distrust between Tibetans and Chinese must be overcome. This 
     distrust will not go away in a day. It will dissipate only 
     through face-to face meetings and sincere dialogues.
       I feel that the Chinese leadership is sometimes hindered by 
     its own suspicions so that it is unable to appreciate sincere 
     initiatives from my side, either on the overall solution to 
     the Tibetan problem or on any other matter. A case in point 
     is my consistent and long-standing call for the need to 
     respect the environmental situation in Tibet. I have long 
     warned of the consequences of wanton exploitation of the 
     fragile environment on the Tibet plateau. I did not do this 
     out of selfish concern for Tibet. Rather, it has been acutely 
     clear that any ecological imbalance in Tibet would affect not 
     just Tibet, but all the adjacent areas in China and even its 
     neighbouring counties. It is sad and unfortunate that it 
     took, last year's devastating floods for the Chinese 
     leadership to realize the need for environmental protection. 
     I welcome the moratorium that has been placed on the 
     denudation of forests in Tibetan areas and hope that such 
     measures, belated though they may be, will be followed by 
     more steps to keep Tibet's fragile ecosystem intact.
       On my part, I remain committed to the process of dialogue 
     as the means to resolve the Tibetan problem. I do not seek 
     independence for Tibet. I hope that negotiations can begin 
     and that they will provide genuine autonomy for the Tibetan 
     people and the preservation and promotion of their cultural, 
     religious and linguistic integrity, as well as

[[Page 4044]]

     their socio-economic development. I sincerely believe that my 
     ``Middle Way Approach'' will contribute to stability and 
     unity of the People's Republic of China and secure the right 
     for the Tibetan people to live in freedom, peace and dignity. 
     A just and fair solution to the issue of Tibet will enable me 
     to give full assurance that I will use my moral authority to 
     persuade the Tibetans not to seek separation.
       As a free spokesman for the people of Tibet, I have made 
     every possible effort to engage the Chinese government in 
     negotiations on the future of the Tibetan people. In this 
     endeavor, I am greatly encouraged and inspired by the support 
     we receive from many governments, parliaments, non-
     governmental organizations and the public throughout the 
     world. I am deeply grateful for their concern and support. I 
     would like to make a special mention of the efforts being 
     made by President Clinton and his Administration to encourage 
     the Chinese government to engage in dialogues with us. In 
     addition, we are fortunate to continue to enjoy strong 
     bipartisan support in the United State Congress.
       The plight of the Tibetan people and our non-violent 
     freedom struggle has touched the hearts and conscience of all 
     people who cherish truth and justice. The international 
     awareness of the issue of Tibet has reached an unprecedented 
     height since last year. Concerns and active support for Tibet 
     are not confined to human rights organizations, governments 
     and parliaments. Universities, schools, religious and social 
     groups, artistic and business communities as well as people 
     from many other walks of life have also come to understand 
     the problem of Tibet and are now expressing their solidarity 
     with our cause. Reflecting this rising popular sentiment, 
     many governments and parliaments have made the problem of 
     Tibet an important issue on the agenda of their relations 
     with the government of China.
       We have also been able to deepen and broaden our relations 
     with our Chinese brothers and sisters, belonging to the 
     democracy and human rights movement. Similarly, we have been 
     able to establish cordial and friendly relations with fellow 
     Chinese Buddhists and ordinary Chinese people living abroad 
     and in Taiwan. The support and solidarity that we receive 
     from our Chinese brothers and sisters are a source of great 
     inspiration and hope. I am particularly encouraged and moved 
     by those brave Chinese within China who have urged their 
     government or publicly called for a change in China's policy 
     towards the Tibetan people.
       Today, the Tibetan freedom movement is in a much stronger 
     and better position than ever before and I firmly believe 
     that despite the present intransigence of the Chinese 
     government, the prospects for progress in bringing about a 
     meaningful dialogue and negotiations are better today than 
     ever. I, therefore, appeal to governments, parliaments and 
     our friends to continue their support and efforts with 
     renewed dedication and vigour. I strongly believe that such 
     expressions of international concern and support are 
     essential. They are vital in communicating a sense of urgency 
     to the leadership in Beijing and in persuading them to 
     address the issue of Tibet in a serious and constructive 
     manner.
       With my homage to the brave men and women of Tibet, who 
     have died for the cause of our freedom, I pray for an early 
     end to the suffering of our people.

  Mr. MOYNIHAN. Mr. President, every year on March 10th we reflect on 
the plight of the Tibetan people. Forty years ago many Tibetan citizens 
gave their lives to defend their freedom and to prevent the Dalai Lama 
from being kidnaped by the Chinese army. For those who are committed to 
standing with the Tibetan people, it is a day to consider what can be 
done to lend support to Tibetan people, it is a day to consider what 
can be done to lend support to Tibetan aspirations. The United States 
Senate will mark the occasion by considering a resolution to mark this 
solemn occasion.
  The United States Congress takes the position that Tibet is an 
occupied country whose true representatives are the Dalai Lama and the 
Tibetan Government in exile. The International Commission of Jurists 
(ICJ), which has closely followed the situation in Tibet since the 
Dalai Lama was forced to flee into exile, and has published reports in 
1959, 1960, 1964, and 1997. After examining Chinese policies in Tibet, 
it reported its findings to the Secretary-General of the United 
Nations. The 1960 report made the important international legal 
determination that ``Tibet demonstrated from 1913 to 1950 the 
conditions of statehood as generally accepted under international 
law.''
  Now the ICJ has returned to the issue of Tibet and produced another 
important report. It finds that repression in Tibet has increased since 
1994. This is an assessment which my daughter Maura shares after having 
visited Tibet and having worked closely for many years with Tibetan 
refugees who continue to make the dangerous journey over the Himalayan 
mountains to flee persecution in their homeland. In 1996 she returned 
from Tibet to report that,

       . . . in recent months Beijing's leaders have renewed their 
     assault on Tibetan culture, especially Buddhism, with an 
     alarming vehemence. The rhetoric and the methods of the 
     Cultural Revolution of the 1960s have been resurrected--
     reincarnated, what you will--to shape an aggressive campaign 
     to vilify the Dalai Lama.

  The Dalai Lama, of course, remains unstained, but it is time for the 
Chinese to consider a policy of ``constructive engagement'' of their 
own--with the Tibetans. For many years now, the United States Congress 
has called on the People's Republic of China to enter into discussions 
with the Dalai Lama or his representatives on a solution to the 
question of Tibet. Today we continue that message. This resolution 
declares March 10, 1999 as ``Tibetan National Day in solemn recognition 
of those Tibetans who sacrificed, suffered, or died as a result of 
Chinese aggression among their country.'' It also affirms the right of 
the Tibetan people to ``determine their own political future, including 
independence if they so determine.'' The government of the People's 
Republic of China should know that as the Tibetan people and His 
Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet go forward on their journey toward 
freedom the Congress and the people of the United States stand with 
them.

                          ____________________