[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 145 (1999), Part 21]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages 30540-30542]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                   THE JESUIT MARTYRS OF EL SALVADOR

                                 ______
                                 

                         HON. JAMES P. McGOVERN

                            of massachsetts

                    in the house of representatives

                       Tuesday, November 16, 1999

  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I have just returned from three days in El 
Salvador where, at the invitation of the Jesuit-run University of 
Central America (UCA) in San Salvador and the Association of Jesuit 
Colleges and Universities, I participated in events surrounding the 
commemoration of the 10th Anniversary of the murders of the Jesuit 
leadership of the UCA. While this horrific event stunned that small 
nation and the international community, the unraveling of that case and 
the identification of who within the Salvadoran armed forces committed 
this crime contributed to a negotiated settlement of the 12-year civil 
war in which over 70,000 Salvadoran civilians lost their lives.
  Along with Congressman Moakley, I delivered an address at the 
University of Central America on November 12th. I walked to the site 
behind the Jesuits' campus residence, the very ground where ten years 
ago the bodies of my beloved friends were discovered. This hallowed 
ground is now a beautiful rose garden. Each day people from all over 
come to the garden to nourish their hope and renew their commitment, 
and it is used by faculty and students alike for meditation and repose. 
There is now a chapel where the six priests are buried. The university 
has also installed a small and emotionally compelling museum dedicated 
to the lives and deaths of the six

[[Page 30541]]

Jesuit priests, their housekeeper and her daughter, who as witnesses 
were also murdered that night.
  Mr. Speaker, the lives and deaths of these priests had a profound 
effect on my own life. I knew them in life, and I helped investigate 
and uncover who ordered and carried out their murders. I have remained 
involved and committed to peace, democracy, and development in El 
Salvador. I will never forget my friends, and I urge my colleagues to 
never forget our obligation to help El Salvador build a better future.
  I would like to enter into the Record the address I made at the 
University of Central America and an article about the 10th Anniversary 
by Father Leo Donovan, the President of Georgetown University.

   10th Anniversary Commemoration of the Jesuit Martyrs, Universidad 
Centroamericana Jose Simeon Canas, San Salvador, El Salvador, November 
                                12, 1999

       I feel privileged to be here tonight, to be part of this 
     company of speakers, to hear the words and memories of the 
     families, and to honor and remember the lives of our 
     friends--Ignacio Ellacuria, Segundo Montes, Ignacio, Martin-
     Baro, Amando Lopez, Juan Ramon Moreno, Joaquin Lopez y Lopez, 
     Elba Julia Ramos and Celina Ramos. Congressman Moakley and I 
     are most associated with the investigation into their 
     murders, but I was honored to know these priests for many 
     years. I was honored to call them my friends. I learned from 
     their insights, research and analysis. I laughed and sang 
     songs with them. And I have been inspired by the lives they 
     led.
       The lives and deaths of my friends and my experiences in El 
     Salvador have informed and influenced all other actions I 
     have taken on human rights issues. they shape the way I 
     tackle the challenges of social justice, fairness, and civil 
     rights in my own country. And they are always in my thoughts 
     as I think about the values and ideals I wish to pass along 
     to my 18-month old son, Patrick George McGovern.
       I believe with all my heart that the United States is a 
     great country. That it is built upon the promotion and 
     preservation of freedom, liberty and respect for the rights 
     and dignity of every one of our citizens. The U.S. has fought 
     to protect democracy, helped war-ravaged countries rebuild, 
     and responded generously to natural disasters, like Hurricane 
     Mitch. As someone who values a sense of history, I'm inspired 
     by the principles enshrined in our founding documents.
       The actions of my government, however, during the long 
     years of the Salvadoran war, were a source of deep 
     disappointment for me because U.S. policy did not reflect the 
     values and ideals of America. Instead, that policy had more 
     to do with our obsession with the Cold war than with the 
     search for peace and justice in El Salvador.
       The U.S. did not cause the war in El Salvador. But our 
     policy did help prolong a war that cost tens of thousands of 
     innocent lives--including the lives of the six men and two 
     women were gather to honor tonight. Had we used our influence 
     earlier to promote a negotiated settlement, perhaps our 
     friends might be here celebrating with us.
       We in the United States need to acknowledge that fact. In 
     particular, our leaders need to acknowledge that fact.
       There was an arrogance about U.S. policy that rationalized, 
     explained away, and even condoned a level of violence against 
     the Salvadoran people that would have been intolerable if 
     perpetrated against our own citizens.
       Presidents, Vice Presidents, Senators and Members of 
     Congress have for years come to El Salvador to tell you what 
     changes you must make in your nation. They--and I--have urged 
     you to make institutional changes in El Salvador--in your 
     military, your police, your judiciary, and your political 
     institutions. And you have made changes, and you have made 
     great progress in these areas.
       To be frank, however, they and I have rarely talked about 
     the institutional changes we need to make in the United 
     States. But the fact is, we in the U.S. have a responsibility 
     to change the culture and mindset of many of our own 
     institutions.
       I fear that we in the U.S. have institutions--namely our 
     military and intelligence agencies--that have not fully 
     learned the lessons of El Salvador. While there are examples 
     where these agencies have performed admirably, we continue to 
     make many of the same mistakes. Sadly, the U.S. continues to 
     train, equip and aid repressive militaries around the world 
     in the name of strategic interest--no matter the level of 
     human rights abuses.
       In late August, I traveled to East Timor. I was there nine 
     days before the historic vote for independence. I spent a day 
     out in the countryside with Catholic priests Hilario Madeira 
     and Francisco Soares, who were protecting over 2,000 
     displaced people who had sought refuge from militia violence 
     in the church courtyard. I had dinner in the home of Bishop 
     Carlos Belo and heard him talk about the escalating violence 
     against East Timorese people. And I thought about El 
     Salvador, and the pastoral work of the Catholic Church, and 
     my friends, the Jesuits, and the work of the UCA.
       Two weeks after I returned to the United States, Father 
     Hilario and Father Francisco were murdered, shot down on the 
     steps of their church as they tried to protect their 
     parishioners from massacre. Bishop Belo's house was burned to 
     the ground, and he was forced to flee his country.
       During the 24 years of Indonesian occupation of East 
     Tmimor, the United States sent the Indonesian military over 
     $1 billion in arms sales and over $500 million in direct aid 
     and training. To the credit of the Clinton Administration, 
     the U.S. severed military relations with Indonesia in 
     September. But we should have done that sooner, and it was 
     the Pentagon that was most reluctant to break relations with 
     its military partners during the first critical weeks of 
     violence that devastated the people of East Timor.
       The problem with the Indonesian military, like the 
     Salvadoran military of the 1980s, is not a problem of a ``few 
     bad apples.'' It is an institutional problem. And the U.S. 
     approach to military aid, training and arms sales reflects an 
     institutional problem within the U.S. military. Never again 
     should the United States be in the position of training and 
     equipping military personnel who cannot distinguish between 
     civilian actors and armed combatants.
       The U.S. has yet to sign the international treaty to ban 
     antipersonnel landmines--a treaty the Government of El 
     Salvador to its great credit has signed. You have seen the 
     devastation of land mines--the tragedy of a young child 
     missing a leg or an arm and maybe even missing a future. But 
     why hasn't the U.S. yet signed the treaty? Because the 
     institutional culture of the Pentagon rejects giving up any 
     kind of weapon currently in its arsenal, no matter how deadly 
     to innocent civilians. This must change.
       Our military institutions should care as much about the 
     lives and security of ordinary citizens as they do about 
     strategic advantage and military relations. I have met many 
     good men and women who serve in the Armed Forces, including 
     many who serve in El Salvador. It is important that our 
     institutions, like these individuals, realize that respecting 
     human rights and safeguarding the lives of ordinary people is 
     in the strategic and national interests of the United States.
       And let me be clear, the U.S. Congress also must fulfill 
     its responsibility and demand accountability of our military 
     programs. All too often, Members of Congress simply don't 
     want to know what our military and other programs abroad are 
     doing.
       We also must change the culture of secrecy and denial 
     within our military and intelligence institutions
       I have pushed my government hard to disclose all documents 
     in its possession related to the case of the four U.S. 
     churchwomen murdered in El Salvador in 1980. It's been 19 
     years--and the families of these murdered women still do not 
     have the satisfaction of knowing all that their government 
     knows.
       I have also pushed my government to release all documents 
     relating to the Pinochet case, including materials on the 
     United States role in the overthrow of the government of 
     Chile and its aftermath. The people of Chile have waited 26 
     years for justice. The action taken by Spanish Judge Garzon 
     has broken new ground in international human rights law, 
     making it clear that no one, no matter how high their office, 
     who commits crimes against humanity, can escape the 
     consequences of their actions.
       I don't do this because I can't let go of the past. I do 
     this because I want to ensure a better future. It is hard to 
     change ``old ways''-- whether we are talking about 
     institutions in the United States or in El Salvador. But we 
     must change in order to protect the freedoms of tomorrow.
       I believe the United States has a special obligation, given 
     our past, to help El Salvador in its economic development, to 
     assist the people of El Salvador in achieving their goals, 
     and to support the rights of Salvadoran refugees still living 
     in the United States. As a Member of the U.S. Congress, I 
     believe it is my responsibility to fight for more resources 
     to aid in the development of El Salvador; to help El Salvador 
     confront the challenges of poverty and inequality that limit 
     the futures of so many Salvadoran families; and to aid the 
     people of this great country in pursuing their dreams and 
     aspirations.
       I'm proud of our current programs in El Salvador. I know 
     our Ambassador and USAID director have made it a priority to 
     reach out to the Salvadoran people, to encourage 
     participation in the planning of United States development 
     projects, and to forge a working relationship with 
     communities throughout El Salvador--and I commend them for 
     their fine work.
       As a citizen of the United States, I want my country to be, 
     in the words of my good friend and mentor, George McGovern, 
     ``a witness to the world for what is just and noble in human 
     affairs.'' This will require the citizens of my country to 
     bring our nation to a higher standard--and we will do so with 
     respect and a deep love for our country.
       Over a decade ago, the Jesuits of the UCA taught me that a 
     life committed to social justice, to protecting human rights, 
     to seeking the truth is a life filled with meaning

[[Page 30542]]

     and purpose. I hope my life will be such a life. And if it 
     is, it will be due to my long association with the Jesuits, 
     the UCA, and the people of El Salvador. And for that, I thank 
     you--all of you--you who are here tonight, and those who are 
     with us every day in spirit. You are truly ``presente'' in my 
     life.

               [From the Washington Post, Nov. 16, 1999]

                         Martyrs in El Salvador

                      (By Leo J. O'Donovan, S.J.)

       Ten years ago in the early morning darkness of Nov. 16, 
     army soldiers burst into the Jesuit residence at the 
     University of Central America (UCA) in San Salvador and 
     brutally killed six Jesuit priests, their housekeeper and her 
     young daughter. It was not the first assassination of church 
     leaders: 18 Catholic priests, including Father Rutilio Grande 
     and Archbishop Oscar Romero, and four North American 
     churchwomen have been killed in El Salvador since the late 
     1970s-- more than in any other nation in the world. And the 
     murder of priests and nuns continues to scar the history of 
     other countries, including India, Guatemala and most recently 
     East Timor.
       While we still grieve their loss the 10th anniversary of 
     the Jesuit assassinations offers an important opportunity to 
     reflect on the enduring legacy of the martyrs.
       Far from silencing those dedicated to promoting justice, 
     peace and the alleviation of misery for all in the human 
     family, the Jesuit murders spurred the people of El 
     Salvador--and the world--to witness a higher truth. Shortly 
     after the murders, a U.N. Truth Commission was formed to 
     investigate the killings. Although the government initially 
     claimed that FMLN guerrillas had committed the murders, the 
     Truth Commission determined that the government had in fact 
     ordered the killings.
       In an appalling step five days after the report was 
     released, the Salvadoran National Assembly gave amnesty to 
     those convicted. But through the U.N. Truth Commission, an 
     essential truth about state violence in EL Salvador was 
     uncovered, as well as the deeply disturbing fact that 19 of 
     the 26 Salvadoran officers involved in the slayings had been 
     trained at the U.S. Army School of the Americas at Fort 
     Benning, Ga.
       The murders--and the unfolding truth about who committed 
     them--helped significantly undermine the power and prestige 
     of the armed forces and provided impetus for the peace 
     process. Signed on Jan. 16, 1992, the peace accords ended a 
     war that had cost the lives of 75,000 citizens and represent 
     the triumph of another of the Jesuits' essential goals--peace 
     through dialogue.
       While still fragile, the peace in El Salvador has enabled 
     some political and judicial reform and provides the critical 
     foundation for future advances. Since the end of the civil 
     war, there have been two open, democratic elections, 
     featuring candidates from both the National Republican 
     Alliance Party (ARENA) and the opposing National Liberation 
     Party (FMLN).
       The macroeconomic indictors show that inflation is at its 
     lowest level in nearly three decades. Newly elected President 
     Francisco Flores of the ARENA Party has promised continued 
     economic improvement and a vitally needed reduction of 
     poverty. But many grave challenges face him and the people of 
     El Salvator.
       Approximately 40 percent of Salvadorans live in dire 
     poverty. More than a third of citizens lack safe drinking 
     water and adequate housing. And more than half the population 
     lacks adequate health care. Education for all, a fundamental 
     goal shared by the slain Jesuits, also continues to elude the 
     country--more than 30 percent of Salvadorans are illiterate.
       Violence continues to be a national scourge. A joint U.N. 
     commission in 1994 reported that while military death squads 
     had ceased to operate after the peace accords, criminal gangs 
     or illegal armed groups were committing summary executions, 
     posing death threats and carrying out other acts of 
     intimidation for political motives. The Washington Office on 
     Latin America reports that violent crime continues to 
     threaten the still tender democratic political order. Unless 
     the government can address the problem of citizen security, 
     while respecting human and civil rights, the country may slip 
     back into a state of war. Continuing the work of the martyred 
     Jesuits is more important than ever.
       As we look ahead, the Jesuit martyrs offer us a lasting 
     model of courageous service to humanity. At a time when 
     torture, intimidation and death-squad executions of civilians 
     were daily occurrences, my Jesuit brothers regularly endured 
     threats to their safety and well-being. During the civil war, 
     the UCA campus and the Jesuit residence were bombed at least 
     16 times. But the Jesuit's teaching and research, their 
     pastoral work, and their advocacy of social reform continued 
     despite all challenge. They knew and accepted the great 
     personal risk their work entailed--the risk of their lives.
       In the days prior to his death Father Ignacio Ellacuria, 
     president of UCA, had refused the opportunity to remain in 
     his home country, Spain, and wait out the period of unrest in 
     El Salvador. Father Ignatio Martin-Baro, academic vice 
     president was asked, ``Why don't you leave here, Father? It 
     is dangerous.'' He responded: ``Because we have much to do; 
     there is much work.'' The spirit and conviction of these men 
     endures through the efforts of those who bravely stepped 
     forward to take their places, including Father Charles 
     Beirne, S.J., who took over Martin-Baro's position in the 
     aftermath of the assassinations and Father Chema Tojeria, 
     S.J., who now serves as Father Ellacuria's successor. Their 
     spirit endures in the human rights volunteers from around the 
     world--people from organizations such as Catholic Relief 
     Services, Amnesty International and the Lawyers Committee for 
     Human Rights--all active in El Salvador.
       It lives in the Salvadoran people. And the spirit of the 
     Jesuit martyrs endures as we in distant countries around the 
     globe learn from their example of steadfast commitment to the 
     poor, to education and to a future built on freedom and 
     justice, not opposition and bloodshed.

     

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