[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 145 (1999), Part 16]
[House]
[Pages 22999-23007]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]



             EXPRESSING SENSE OF HOUSE REGARDING EAST TIMOR

  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the 
resolution (H. Res. 292) expressing the sense of the House of 
Representatives regarding the referendum in East Timor, calling on the 
Government of Indonesia to assist in the termination of the current 
civil unrest and violence in East Timor, and supporting a United 
Nations Security Council-endorsed multinational force for East Timor, 
as amended.
  The Clerk read as follows:

                              H. Res. 292

       Whereas on May 5, 1999, the Governments of Portugal and 
     Indonesia and the United Nations concluded an historic 
     agreement intended to resolve the status of East Timor 
     through a popular consultation based upon a universal, 
     direct, and secret ballot;
       Whereas the agreement gave the people of East Timor an 
     opportunity to accept a proposed special autonomy for East 
     Timor within the unitary Republic of Indonesia or reject the 
     special autonomy and opt for independence;
       Whereas on August 30, 1999, 98.5 percent of registered 
     voters participated in a vote on the future of East Timor, 
     and by a vote of 344,580 to 94,388 chose the course of 
     independence;
       Whereas after the voting was concluded, violence 
     intensified significantly in East Timor;
       Whereas the declaration by the Government of Indonesia of 
     martial law in East Timor failed to quell the violence;
       Whereas it has been reported that hundreds of people have 
     been killed and injured since the violence began in East 
     Timor;
       Whereas it has been reported that as many as 200,000 of 
     East Timor's 780,000 residents have been forced to flee East 
     Timor;
       Whereas it has been reported that East Timor militias are 
     controlling the refugee camps in West Timor, intimidating the 
     refugees and limiting access to the United Nations High 
     Commissioner for Refugees, relief agencies, and other 
     humanitarian nongovernmental organizations;
       Whereas it has been reported that a systematic campaign of 
     political assassinations that has targeted religious, 
     student, and political leaders, aid workers, and others has 
     taken place;
       Whereas the compound of the United Nations Mission in East 
     Timor (UNAMET) was besieged and fired upon, access to food, 
     water, and electricity was intentionally cut off, and UNAMET 
     personnel have been killed, forcing the temporary closure of 
     UNAMET in East Timor;
       Whereas Catholic leaders and lay people have been targeted 
     to be killed and churches burned in East Timor;
       Whereas the international community has called upon the 
     Government of Indonesia to either take immediate and concrete 
     steps to end the violence in East Timor or allow a United 
     Nations Security Council-endorsed multinational force to 
     enter East Timor and restore order;
       Whereas on September 9, 1999, the United States suspended 
     all military relations with Indonesia as a result of the 
     failure to quell the violence in East Timor;
       Whereas on September 12, 1999, Indonesian President B.J. 
     Habibie announced that Indonesia would allow a United Nations 
     Security Council-endorsed multinational force into East 
     Timor;
       Whereas on September 15, 1999, the United Nations Security 
     Council approved Resolution 1264, authorizing the 
     establishment of a multinational force to restore peace and 
     security in East Timor, to protect and support UNAMET in 
     carrying out its tasks and, within force capabilities, to 
     facilitate humanitarian assistance operations, and 
     authorizing countries participating in the multinational 
     force to take all necessary measures to fulfill this mandate; 
     and
       Whereas on September 20, 1999, the multinational force led 
     by Australia arrived in East Timor and began to deploy for an 
     initial period of four months until replaced by a United 
     Nations peacekeeping operation, or as otherwise determined by 
     the United Nations Security Council: Now, therefore, be it
       Resolved, That the House of Representatives--
       (1) congratulates the people of East Timor on their 
     exemplary participation in the August 30, 1999, popular 
     consultation;
       (2) commends the professionalism, determination, and 
     courage of the United Nations

[[Page 23000]]

     Mission in East Timor (UNAMET) personnel in support of the 
     August 30, 1999, vote on the future of East Timor;
       (3) recognizes the overwhelming expression of the people of 
     East Timor in favor of independence from Indonesia;
       (4) condemns the violent efforts of East Timor militias and 
     elements of the Indonesian military to overturn the results 
     of the August 30, 1999, vote;
       (5) notes with grave alarm the failure of the Government of 
     Indonesia, despite repeated assurances to the contrary, to 
     have guaranteed the security of the people of East Timor and 
     further notes that it was the responsibility of the 
     Government of Indonesia to restrain elements of the 
     Indonesian military and paramilitary forces and restore order 
     in East Timor;
       (6) calls upon the Government of Indonesia to recognize its 
     responsibilities as a member of the United Nations and a 
     signatory to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights to 
     cooperate with appropriate United Nations authorities in the 
     restoration of order in, and the safe return of refugees and 
     other displaced persons to, East Timor;
       (7) urges the Government of Indonesia to allow unrestricted 
     access to refugees and displaced persons in West Timor and 
     elsewhere and to guarantee their safety;
       (8) urges the international community to investigate the 
     human rights abuses and atrocities which occurred with 
     respect to the situation in East Timor subsequent to August 
     30, 1999, and calls upon the Government of Indonesia to hold 
     accountable those responsible for these acts;
       (9) notes with approval the decision of the United States 
     to suspend military relations with, and the sale of any 
     military weapons or equipment to, the Government of Indonesia 
     until the Indonesian military has effectively cooperated with 
     the international community in facilitating the transition of 
     East Timor to independence;
       (10) expresses approval of Indonesia's belated decision to 
     allow the United Nations Security Council-endorsed 
     multinational force into East Timor;
       (11) expresses support for a rapid and effective deployment 
     throughout East Timor of the United Nations Security Council-
     endorsed multinational force;
       (12) urges that the United States consider additional 
     measures, including the suspension of bilateral and 
     international financial assistance (except for humanitarian 
     assistance and assistance designed to promote the development 
     of democratic institutions) to the Government of Indonesia 
     should it curtail or suspend cooperation with the 
     multinational force in East Timor, interfere with the full 
     deployment of this multinational force, hinder the operation 
     of UNAMET, hinder the safe return of refugees and displaced 
     persons to East Timor, or otherwise interfere with the 
     restoration of order and respect for human rights in East 
     Timor;
       (13)(A) expresses approval of United States logistical and 
     other technical support for the multinational force for East 
     Timor; and
       (B) declares that neither subparagraph (A) nor any other 
     provision of this resolution--
       (i) shall constitute a waiver of any right or power of the 
     Congress under the War Powers Resolution (50 U.S.C. 1541 et 
     seq.); or
       (ii) shall be construed as authority described in section 
     8(a) of the War Powers Resolution (50 U.S.C. 1547(a));
       (14) strongly commends Australia for its willingness to 
     lead the multinational force for East Timor and for rapidly 
     deploying its initial contingent of forces and welcomes and 
     commends New Zealand, Canada, Thailand, the United Kingdom, 
     Singapore, the Philippines, Italy, Brazil, France, and other 
     nations that will participate in this force;
       (15) urges the Indonesian People's Consultative Assembly to 
     expeditiously ratify the vote of August 30, 1999, in East 
     Timor and to otherwise speed the transition to full 
     independence for East Timor; and
       (16) recognizes that an effective United States foreign 
     policy for this region requires both an effective near-term 
     response to the ongoing humanitarian crisis in, and progress 
     toward independence for, East Timor and a long-term strategy 
     for supporting stability, security, and democracy in 
     Indonesia and East Timor.

                              {time}  1030

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Gibbons). Pursuant to the rule, the 
gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman) and the gentleman from California 
(Mr. Lantos) each will control 20 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman).


                             General Leave

  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may 
have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks 
on House Resolution 292.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from New York?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to rise in support of House Resolution 292, 
expressing the sense of the House of Representatives regarding the 
referendum in East Timor and the tragic events which followed.
  I want to thank the gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Bereuter), our 
distinguished chairman of the Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific, for 
his leadership in helping to bring this very timely measure before us 
today. This measure has broad bipartisan support, and we are proud to 
bring it at this time to the House floor. I am proud to be a cosponsor.
  Mr. Speaker, we are all very troubled by the situation in East Timor. 
Although the first elements of the multinational force, led by our 
friends, the Australians, and supported by some of our American troops, 
have landed on the island, there are still many critical challenges 
ahead. The extent of these challenges is now only becoming known.
  First, the government of Indonesia must abide by the commitment to 
respect the results of the August 30 referendum and the rights of the 
East Timorese to a peaceful transition to independence.
  I have been informed that some 325,000 citizens of East Timor were 
forced to leave East Timor under gun point, and only very few of them 
have returned at this point.
  President Habibie's comments, though tragically late, that Indonesia 
``must honor and accept that choice,'' I think is an important step 
forward. However, I hope his words are going to be fulfilled by deeds. 
Accordingly, the Indonesian parliament must ratify the popular decision 
of the people of East Timor at an early date and set East Timor on its 
course to independence.
  Secondly, the Indonesian military, which participated in the violence 
and aided and abetted the militias, should fully withdraw from East 
Timor. This will allow refugees and displaced persons to return home 
from West Timor and elsewhere, confident of their safety, something 
they will not do unless they are assured of their safety. It will also 
reduce the likelihood of a clash with the multinational force.
  Third, I urge the international community to investigate the human 
rights abuses and the atrocities which occurred in the aftermath of the 
elections, and I call upon the government of Indonesia to hold fully 
accountable those responsible for those reprehensible acts of violence.
  Finally, in light of these devastating events, the administration 
should reevaluate its military relationship with the Indonesian armed 
forces. The Pentagon should conduct a full scale review of its 
military-to-military relationship with Jakarta, including the 
effectiveness of the IMET program, joint training and exercises, and 
arms sales.
  The Pentagon should not reinstitute any aspect of our military 
relationship without a full consultation with the Congress.
  Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to bring this important measure to the 
floor for consideration today. I strongly urge my colleagues to support 
the resolution.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I might consume.
  Mr. Speaker, first I want to commend the distinguished gentleman from 
Nebraska (Mr. Bereuter) for introducing this resolution. I want to 
commend the gentleman from New York (Chairman Gilman) and the gentleman 
from Connecticut (Mr. Gejdenson), the ranking member, for their strong 
support of this resolution. I, of course, rise in strong support of H. 
Res. 292.
  First, Mr. Chairman, we are all pleased that the multilateral 
peacekeeping force has arrived in East Timor. It has begun the long 
process of restoring peace and stability. I think we all need to be 
appreciative of the Australians for being willing to take the lead on 
this most difficult mission.
  Despite the arrival of the peacekeeping mission, Mr. Speaker, there 
are tens of thousands of East Timorese living in the hills, surviving 
as best they can. Many are afraid to come down until they know that the 
anti- independence militias are no longer

[[Page 23001]]

roaming the streets, pillaging and killing. I am convinced that 
everyone's hope is that the peacekeeping force will restore order to 
East Timor as soon as possible so that families may return and start 
the enormously difficult job of rebuilding and reconstruction.
  The resolution before us endorses the policy of our administration to 
provide logistical and technical support for the multilateral force. We 
are always at our best, Mr. Speaker, when we speak with a bipartisan 
voice, and we do so on this issue. Given the humanitarian crisis in 
East Timor and the need to pave the way for a stable and independent 
East Timor, we must use whatever resources we have in the region to 
ensure the success of the peacekeeping mission.
  I also strongly support the language in the resolution, Mr. Speaker, 
calling on the administration to suspend support for bilateral and 
multilateral assistance to Indonesia until the multilateral 
peacekeeping force is fully deployed, the refugees are able to return 
to their homes, order is restored, and human rights are respected.
  The Indonesian military, Mr. Speaker, has blood on its hands for its 
behavior over the past few months. We must keep the pressure on the 
Indonesian Government to finally do the right thing.
  Parenthetically, Mr. Speaker, let me indicate that I am working on 
companion legislation that will make the Indonesian Government fully 
responsible for all of the financial costs involved in this human 
tragedy. It is with the acquiescence and connivance of the Indonesian 
Government that East Timor has been destroyed, physically destroyed; 
and the cost of rebuilding this tiny entity should be borne entirely by 
the government of Indonesia.
  My legislation will oppose any bilateral or multilateral aid through 
any instrumentality--the World Bank, the IMF, or other organizations, 
until the government of Indonesia fully accepts its financial 
responsibility for this sickening outrage that has unfolded on the 
island of East Timor.
  I also wish to express my deep concern, Mr. Speaker, about the plight 
facing over a quarter million East Timorese refugees who are now in 
refugee camps in West Timor. There are reports that the militias are 
targeting East Timorese leaders in these camps. It is critical that 
international observers get full and complete access to these camps 
immediately.
  I would also like to add my regret and concern for the failure of the 
Japanese Government to participate in the peacekeeping effort. Time is 
long overdue for Japan to get over the Second World War psychological 
issues. We have German troops in Kosovo, as we should. Germany is a 
democratic country accepting its responsibility in the international 
arena. It is long past due for the Japanese Government to do the same. 
It simply makes no sense that, from the United Kingdom to the 
Philippines, countries are accepting their peacekeeping 
responsibilities in East Timor; but the most powerful democratic nation 
in Asia, Japan, meticulously stays out and stays away from all of these 
endeavors.
  I am developing a letter to the Prime Minister of Japan, and I am 
asking all of my colleagues to join me in signing this letter, calling 
on him as a friend to recognize Japan's responsibility to participate 
in missions of this kind, not just financially, but with manpower.
  The international community, Mr. Speaker, is now focused on the 
future, how to make the multilateral peacekeeping operation work 
effectively, but we must not forget the past. There must be an 
international inquiry into the atrocities which have been committed in 
East Timor, including those committed by both members of the militia 
and the Indonesian military.
  Those who committed atrocities will have to face up to the 
consequences, and they will have to face an international tribunal as 
have the perpetrators of atrocities in the former Yugoslavia.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 5 minutes to the 
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Paul).
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to this resolution, not 
because I lack concern for the serious problems that the East Timorese 
are undergoing, and not for lack of humanitarian concerns for this 
group of people or anybody in the world. It is just that there is 
another side to the argument for us intervening. And, besides, we 
helped create the problem in Indonesia.
  In the 1970's, we were very supportive of the Indonesian Government 
in their takeover of East Timor after it became independent from 
Portugal. So once again, here we are intervening.
  I would like to advise my colleagues that we are not just endorsing a 
humanitarian effort to help people who are suffering. We are literally 
giving the President carte blanche to go and commit war in this area. 
We are committing ourselves to troops, and it is an open-ended policy.
  We complained a whole lot about what was happening in Kosovo. And 
that operation has not ended. It is continuing. This is just another 
example of being involved, although with good intentions, but with 
unintended consequences just hanging around the corner. I would like to 
point out that some of those unintended consequences can be rather 
serious.
  I would like to call my colleagues' attention to number 11 under the 
resolve clause, making these points. Number 11 says it ``expresses 
support for a rapid and effective deployment throughout East Timor of 
the United Nations Security Council-endorsed multilateral force.'' This 
means troops.
  Our Security Council has already decided to send troops to East 
Timor. What we are doing today is rubber stamping this effort to send 
troops into another part of the world in a place where we have no 
national security interests. We do not know what victory means. We do 
not know what lies ahead.
  In addition, under number 13, it ``expresses approval of United 
States logistical and other technical support for deployment of a 
multinational force for East Timor.'' Troops, that is what it means, 
endangerment and risk that this could escalate.
  Under number 13, there is another part that concerns me a great deal. 
In the 1970s, we passed the War Powers Resolution. Both conservatives 
and liberals, Republicans and Democrats endorsed the notion that 
Presidents should be restrained in their effort to wage war without 
declaration.
  Once again, we are endorsing the concept that, if we just subtly and 
quietly endorse a President's ability and authority to go into a 
foreign country under the auspices of the United Nations, we do not 
have to deal with the real issue of war. But under 13(B), it explicitly 
restates the fact that a President in this situation can at least wage 
war for 60 days before we have much to say about it.
  I think this is dangerous. We should be going in the other direction. 
This is certainly what was expressed many, many times on the floor 
during the Kosovo debates. But we lost that debate, although we had a 
large number of colleagues that argued for non-involvement. We are now 
entrenched in Kosovo, and we are about to become entrenched in East 
Timor, not under the auspices of the United States, but under the 
United Nations.

                              {time}  1045

  I do not see that the sanctity and the interests of the United States 
will be benefitted by what we are getting ready to do.
  Number 16 under the resolved clause, ``recognizes that an effective 
United States foreign policy for this region requires both an effective 
near-term response to the ongoing humanitarian violence in, and 
progress toward independence for, East Timor.''
  If we decide that we have to fight for and engage troops for 
everybody who wants to be independent, we have a lot of work ahead of 
us. And, in addition, in the same clause, ``and a long-term strategy 
for supporting stability, security and democracy.''
  This is a major commitment. This is not just a resolution that is 
saying

[[Page 23002]]

that we support humanitarian aid. This is big stuff. The American 
people ought to know it, the Members of Congress ought to know it.
  This resolution became available to me just within the last 20 
minutes. It has been difficult to know exactly what is in it, and yet 
it is very significant, very important; and we in the Congress should 
not vote casually and carelessly on this issue. This is a major 
commitment. I think it is going in the wrong direction, and we should 
consider the fact that there are so often unintended consequences from 
our efforts to do what is right.
  I understand the motivation behind this, but tragically this type of 
action tends to always backfire because we do not follow the rule of 
law. And the rule of law says if we commit troops, we ought to get the 
direct and explicit authority from the Congress with a war resolution. 
This, in essence, is a baby war resolution, but it is a war resolution.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume, 
and I want to commend my colleague from Texas for stating the case for 
isolationism and appeasement as eloquently as he has. It is appropriate 
when we are discussing a major international issue that the various 
positions be laid out clearly so we can make an intelligent decision.
  In this century we have had numerous instances when in this body the 
voices of isolationism presented their case. And whenever they 
prevailed--and they prevailed from time to time--the cost in blood and 
treasure later on was infinitely greater than it would have been had 
the perpetrators of violence and human rights abuse--whether they were 
called Hitler or Saddam Hussein or the Indonesian militia or the thugs 
of Milosevic--had they been stopped early on, the cost would have been 
infinitely less in both blood and treasure.
  Here now we have the case of East Timor. My friend from Texas, 
instead of placing the burden of blame on the thugs who have persecuted 
a small Catholic minority in a large Muslim nation, the largest Muslim 
nation on the face of this planet, blames the United States for 
contributing 200 individuals and providing logistical and technical 
assistance to an international peacekeeping armada. I could not 
disagree with him more strongly.
  One of the great victories that I am sure we all cherished was the 
collapse of the Soviet empire. The Soviet empire and the threat it 
represented to civilized democratic peace-loving nations across the 
globe was clearly one of the greatest threats of the 20th Century. And 
it was the determination of the United States and our allies, in facing 
up to the mighty Soviet Union, that resulted in the collapse of the 
Soviet empire and the fact that large numbers of countries, from Poland 
to the Czech Republic, are now democratic and free, and three of them 
are now members of NATO.
  Now, if we did not yield to the threats of the gigantic Soviet Union, 
a powerful nuclear nation with vast conventional forces, it would be 
intriguing to know why we should now yield to the militia thugs in East 
Timor who are denying the Catholic population of that little island 
their right to live under rules and authorities and leadership of their 
own choosing. I have difficulty following the logic.
  If the Soviet Union could be resisted by Democratic and peace-loving 
nations, it is hard to see why Milosevic should not be resisted in 
Kosovo and why the thugs of the militia in East Timor should not be 
resisted by democratic forces.
  Let me also point out to my friend, as he well knows, it is our ally, 
Australia, which is carrying the bulk of the load in East Timor. That 
is as it should be. Australia is the most powerful military force in 
the whole region, and our friends in Australia willingly and proudly 
accepted their international responsibility. For the United States to 
bail out on this effort would undermine our long-term policy, conducted 
by Democratic and Republican presidents, supported by Democratically 
controlled and Republican controlled Congresses, of speaking out for 
and taking a stand on the matter of collective security.
  I think it is important to realize that there is a common thread 
running through our opposition to the Japanese warlords in the Second 
World War, to Mussolini and Hitler, to the long regime of Joseph 
Stalin, and to other dictators ranging from Saddam Hussein through 
Milosevic to the militia, the thugs, in East Timor. To argue at the end 
of the 20th century that we should revert to isolationism is really a 
sorry spectacle. What it reveals is that nothing, nothing has been 
learned from the bloody experiences of this entire century, which so 
clearly demonstrate that neither appeasement nor isolationism are 
proper policies for the United States.
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
  Mr. LANTOS. I yield to the gentleman from Texas.
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding. The 
gentleman makes a good case for the humanitarian needs of the people. 
My point is that sometimes our efforts do not do what we want.
  For instance, the gentleman talks about the thugs that are in 
Indonesia, those who are violating the rights of the East Timorese. We 
have to realize that they have been our allies and we helped set up the 
situation. So our interventions do not always do what we want.
  Also, the gentleman talks about the Soviets. We supported the 
Soviets.
  Mr. LANTOS. Reclaiming my time, if I may, Mr. Speaker. If I may 
remind my colleague of history, it was President Ford and under 
President Ford's tenure that we acquiesced in the occupation of East 
Timor by the Indonesian military.
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, if the gentleman will continue to yield, I 
think the gentleman is absolutely correct. But I happen to see these 
things in a very nonpartisan manner. So to turn this into a Republican 
versus Democrat issue, I think, is in error.
  I would like to suggest that the careless use of the word 
isolationism does not apply to me because I am not a protectionist. I 
believe in openness. I want people and capital and goods and services 
to go back and forth. When we trade with people, we are less likely to 
fight with them.
  So the proposal and the program I am suggesting is a constitutional 
program. I believe it is best for the people. It has nothing to do with 
isolating ourselves from the rest of the world. It is to isolate 
ourselves from doing dumb things that get us involved in things like 
Korea and Vietnam, where we do not even know why we are there and we 
end up losing. That is what I am opposed to.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, I must say to my 
colleague from Texas that we have heard voices in the last few days on 
the part of one presidential candidate calling our participation in the 
Second World War against Hitler a mistake. Now, this is a free country, 
and people can choose to accept any position that they are inclined to 
do so.
  But let me state for myself that I think our participation in the 
Second World War was one of the most glorious aspects of the whole of 
American history. Our standing up to the regime of Stalin and other 
Communist dictators in the second half of this century is among the 
most glorious aspects of our history. The work of President Bush in 
pulling together a coalition in facing up to Saddam Hussein was an 
important and glorious chapter in our history.
  And what we are seeing unfolding in East Timor now represents just 
another chapter in the determination of the American people and the 
American government to stand up to the horrendous dictatorships that 
still are present in many parts of this globe.
  And I hope that as we enter the 21st century, this bipartisan policy 
of rejecting isolationism will continue.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, may I ask how much time both sides have?
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Gibbons). The gentleman from California 
(Mr. Lantos) has 4 minutes remaining, and the gentleman from New York 
(Mr. Gilman) has 11 minutes remaining.

[[Page 23003]]


  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas 
(Mr. Paul).
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, I would like to respond. To try to tie in 
World War II is not quite fair. I think the gentleman has to admit that 
we are not talking about that. Besides, I am talking as much about 
procedure as I am talking about the policy itself.
  In World War II there was a serious problem around the world. It was 
brought to this Congress. We voted on a war resolution. We went to war. 
The country was unified, and we won. That is what I endorse, that 
procedure. What I do not endorse is us getting involved the back-door 
way; getting involved carelessly and casually. Not realizing what we 
are doing.
  I come to the floor only to try to warn my colleagues of what they 
are voting on today; that this is not just a simple humanitarian 
resolution. It is the process I'm concerned about. If we bring a war 
resolution to the floor and say, look, we need to go to war to defend 
the East Timorese, we can vote it up and down and decide to go over and 
settle it in 2 or 3 months. But we should not do what we are doing now, 
to endorse internationalism, or interventionism that inevitably fails.
  I think there is a better way to proceed, and it is written in the 
Constitution.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the 
gentleman from Nebraska, (Mr. Bereuter), the chairman of our 
Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific of the Committee on International 
Relations.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this 
time. It is interesting to hear the comments that have taken place here 
on the floor in this resolution. Let me assure my colleagues who are 
listening, who are watching, that the anxieties of the gentleman from 
Texas are not well taken. This resolution has been carefully drafted. 
This is a gentleman who is concerned about the promiscuous use of our 
military forces on peace enforcement, peacekeeping activities around 
the country. As I will try to show point by point, the concerns of the 
gentleman have been taken into account. And, in fact, what we are doing 
here has been very carefully crafted and is appropriate as a military 
and foreign policy response to the crisis in East Timor.
  I want to thank first of all the distinguished chairman of the House 
Committee on International Relations, the gentleman from New York (Mr. 
Gilman), and the distinguished Democratic ranking minority member, the 
gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Gejdenson), for their support of this 
legislation. But in particular I wish to thank my colleague, the 
gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos).

                              {time}  1100

  By the way, I might say in general that he and I and indeed his 
predecessor, the gentleman from California (Mr. Berman), his ranking 
member, have worked on the Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific in a 
very careful bipartisan fashion and the interaction between our staff I 
think has been appropriate on foreign policy matters.
  I do think, of course, we will find times when we disagree even on 
foreign policy issues, but we have worked carefully together to 
preserve whenever possible a bipartisan consensus. We have it in this 
legislation, and I thank him for his effort.
  I also want to thank the gentleman from Florida (Mr.  Hastings), the 
gentleman from Florida (Mr. Goss), the gentleman from California (Mr. 
Pombo), and the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Capuano) in 
particular for their direct assistance in drafting this resolution.
  I might say regarding the distinguished chairman of the House 
Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, the gentleman from Florida 
(Mr. Goss), his concern was that we not just focus on the immediate but 
we take a look at the long-term requirements and concerns that we ought 
to have in a foreign policy sense towards Indonesia and East Timor; and 
we have attempted to reflect that fact as well.
  Now, there were some things where I certainly disagree on a matter of 
historical perspective with the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Paul). The 
story of East Timor is comprised of chapter after chapter of suffering 
and tragedy. After 450 years of neglect, Portugal abandoned this 
impoverished, disease-ridden colony in 1975 without providing any 
preparations for future self-governance.
  If we look back in that period of time, of course, Portugal had 
extreme political, domestic problems and they abandoned all of their 
colonies in Africa and in the Pacific overnight. Of all of the 
colonies, East Timor was the most impoverished. In fact, it is said 
there was not a single college-educated person in that Portuguese 
colony to take on the responsibilities of self-governance.
  In contrast to what the gentleman from Texas (Mr.  Paul) has said, 
the United States never recognized the sovereignty of Indonesia over 
East Timor. We never took that step. They can criticize American 
foreign policy, even Republican and Democratic administrations, for 
some of our relationships with Indonesia, even as they relate to East 
Timor. But I want to make it clear that we never recognized that 
sovereignty when the Portuguese pulled out.
  As we visited with Commissioner Chris Patten of the European Union 
last week, we talked about the European Union's responsibilities; but 
we also talked about the statements that Portugal has made about their 
responsibility and willingness to help finance the first few years of 
operation, I think five was mentioned, of an independent East Timor.
  I believe because of the rejection of the autonomy provision before 
the Timorese people, it is clear that East Timor is moving towards 
independence. That may be difficult. We hope that it is not. The 
international community needs to be there and support them in that 
effort. And part of that requirement is addressed by this resolution.
  It is clear that it is going to be very difficult for the Timorese on 
that end of the island to maintain an independent state. So it is going 
to need a lot of assistance from the world community in general.
  Well, as a result of what happened then, East Timor erupted into a 
very bloody civil war in which all factions were vying for power and 
they engaged in human rights abuses against their own kinsmen. Famine 
soon followed. Indonesia invaded the territory in 1975, annexed East 
Timor in 1976, proclaiming it as Indonesia's 27th province. This 
annexation, as I said, was never recognized by the United Nations or 
the United States.
  While Indonesia devoted significant infrastructure and desperately 
needed development resources to East Timor, Jakarta ruled the territory 
with an iron fist, as vividly exemplified by the massacre of peaceful 
East Timorese demonstrators in Dili in 1991.
  Indeed, Indonesia's repressive actions in East Timor have been a 
festering sore in U.S.-Indonesian bilateral relations. It has been the 
largest complicating factor in our relationship with this, the world's 
fourth most populous, country.
  After years of Indonesian intransigence, President Habibie took the 
bold step towards resolving the long-standing problem of East Timor. 
And he did it, I think it is fair to say, over the opposition of the 
Indonesian military. But last January, he seemingly brushed aside the 
reservations of the military, which considered East Timor its special 
domain, and surprised the world by offering the people of East Timor an 
opportunity to determine their own future through the ballot box and 
under U.N. auspices.
  There was, perhaps, at that time a general sense of guarded optimism 
prompted by the reassurances of President Habibie and Armed Forces 
Chief General Wiranto that Jakarta would live up to its promises to 
maintain order and create an environment conducive for a safe and fair 
election. But that proved not to be a realistic assessment, as we all 
know.
  Despite increased violence and intimidation by Indonesian military-
supported militia, however, on August 30

[[Page 23004]]

of this year, a record 98.6 percent of the registered East Timorese 
voters went to the polls with 78 percent of them choosing in effect by 
rejecting the autonomy provision choosing independence. The will of the 
people of East Timor is clear and overwhelming.
  It is evident by the horrific events in East Timor which followed 
this vote that the Indonesian Government, and particularly the 
Indonesian military, was deliberately unwilling or perhaps in some 
cases unable to uphold their responsibilities to provide peace and 
security.
  Indonesia demanded this responsibility and the international 
community, through the United Nations, entrusted Indonesia with it. 
Instead, elements of the Indonesian military were directly responsible 
for the destruction, the mayhem, the murder that enveloped East Timor. 
Indonesia should be aware that its abject failure to live up to its 
promises and its complicity in that destruction of East Timor, 
especially the capital, Dili, will likely have long-term and far-
reaching negative consequences.
  On September 12, 1999, under pressure especially from this country, 
from our administration and from the Congress, and also from the 
Secretary General, President Habibie reluctantly announced that 
Indonesia would allow a United Nations Security Council-endorsed 
multilateral force into East Timor. The first contingent of that force, 
led by Australia and involving 10 or more countries, which are 
specifically mentioned in this resolution, began to arrive in a limited 
number on September 20.
  The gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) has already talked about 
the major contributions that the Australians have made, their 
willingness to step forward. This is the kind of regional initiative by 
our allies that we have been encouraging around the world that we would 
like to see take place in Africa, that we would have liked to have seen 
take place in Europe. The Australians stepped forward, as they have so 
many times, always by our side for 80 years, the most loyal of all the 
allies. They were the neighboring country. They had the military force. 
They felt a sense of responsibility, and they stepped forward.
  Our resolution does not suggest we are going to have a massive effort 
to involve our military forces there. We have 200, most of whom are in 
Darwin, Australia, not in East Timor itself.
  We specifically mention in section 13(a) that we express approval of 
the United States logistical and other technical support for the 
multinational force in East Timor. We do not talk about combat troops. 
We are very specific in what we are suggesting there. And in 13(b) we 
specifically address the issue of the War Powers Act. We preserve the 
prerogatives of the Congress under the Constitution, a matter that is 
protested by the executive branch and Congress, but we do nothing to 
set aside our prerogatives that we think we maintain in this House of 
Representatives.
  So the concerns of the gentleman expressed here earlier about some 
grant of power are just not here, and I encourage him to look again at 
section 13.
  I also want to say that I think this legislation is one that my 
colleagues should endorse. It is an appropriate step in foreign policy 
and defense. I urge support of the resolution.
  House Resolution 292 supports the referendum that occurred in East 
Timor and our acceptance of the results. Among its other provisions, it 
expresses concern about Indonesia's failure to provide safety and 
security to the people of East Timor and condemns the militias and the 
elements of the Indonesian military that have engaged in violence. It 
urges the international community to investigate the human rights 
abuses that have occurred and calls on Indonesia to hold accountable 
those responsible for such acts. The Resolution urges the unrestricted 
access to and safe return of refugees and displaced persons in West 
Timor and elsewhere. It supports the consideration of additional 
economic and other sanctions against Indonesia should Indonesia not 
cooperate with or hinder the multinational force, the civilian UNAMET, 
the safe return of refugees or the transition to independence for East 
Timor. This measure also supports the limited U.S. logistical and other 
technical support for the multinational force for East Timor. And, it 
strongly commends Australia and the other multinational force 
contributors for their willingness to rapidly deploy this rescue force 
for East Timor.
  Mr. Speaker, H. Res. 292 also recognizes that an effective United 
States foreign policy for the region requires both a near-term response 
to the ongoing humanitarian crisis in, and progress toward independence 
for, East Timor and a long-term strategy for supporting stability, 
security and democracy in Indonesia. This Member stresses to his 
colleagues that while CNN and many of us in this Chamber have focused 
on the crisis affecting 800,000 people on East Timor, we must not lose 
sight of the more important relationship we need to rebuild and 
maintain with 209 million other Indonesians. Previous congressional 
actions which were focused on East Timor have largely been 
counterproductive and have resulted in us losing overall access and 
leverage in Indonesia, particularly with the Indonesian military as 
evidenced by our limited ability influence and temper its role in East 
Timor.
  Mr. Speaker, the pending resolution, however, is a responsible, 
balanced statement. It certainly condemns those Indonesian actions that 
warrant condemnation. It supports the will of the East Timorese people 
and the multinational force being deployed in East Timor. It also helps 
provide direction for a more peaceful and cooperative future for both 
Indonesia and East Timor. Therefore, this Member strongly urges his 
colleagues to support House Resolution 292.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, how much time is remaining?
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Gibbons). The gentleman from New York 
(Mr. Gilman) has no time remaining. The gentleman from California (Mr. 
Lantos) has 4 minutes remaining.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Bilbray).
  Mr. BILBRAY. Mr. Speaker, today we are not just taking a resolution, 
and I want to support this resolution, but it is not just about East 
Timor.
  As my colleague from California has pointed out in the past and the 
President has pointed out, the United States cannot be the policeman 
all over the world for everyone all the time. We cannot be expected to 
carry that responsibility, and we should not.
  This resolution recognizes, in my opinion, the new world order of 
peacekeeping that we need to look forward to going into the next 
millennium; and that is an order that says the United States will be 
involved anywhere and everywhere it can be, but the nations and the 
communities where the problems occur must take the lead, they must take 
the responsibility of being the regional leaders.
  Australia and her Asian allies have taken this responsibility and set 
an example for not only other countries in Europe and Africa, but also 
for us that we should be engaged; but we should also recognize that the 
responsibility of world peacekeeping, of human rights, is not just 
uniquely an American responsibility. It is time that we recognize that 
part of maturing as a society is to make sure that everyone 
participates.
  This resolution supports a strategy that shows that we are now 
participating with but not doing for the rest of the world what they 
need to do for themselves.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I think we had a lively and spirited and useful debate. 
I have no further requests for time. I call on all of my colleagues to 
support this carefully crafted, bipartisan legislation.
  Mr. UDALL of Colorado. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this 
resolution
  On May 5, the United Nations and the Indonesian government signed an 
agreement to allow an independence referendum in the territory of East 
Timor. UN Secretary General Kofi Annan called the signing ``an historic 
moment.''
  As part of the agreement, the Indonesian government promised to 
maintain order and security during and after the August 30 vote. Nearly 
five months later, it is clear that the Indonesian government did not 
fulfill its end of the bargain. In addition, the government-sponsored 
military has been a willing participant in the carnage that has torn 
apart the East Timorese capital and that threatens to destabilize this 
country of 200 million.
  In the days after the referendum, thousands of East Timorese were 
driven from their

[[Page 23005]]

homes and untold numbers were killed. I am hopeful that the recent 
arrival of the Australian-led multinational peacekeeping mission will 
bring a measure of peace to the region. But the continuing support of 
the Indonesian government for the peacekeeping mission is crucial.
  President Habibie said himself last week that ``we must honor and 
accept'' the choice of the people of East Timor to become independent. 
In voting to support a multinational peacekeeping force in East Timor, 
we are sending a strong message that we endorse this view and that we 
won't ignore the democratically expressed wishes of the East Timorese 
people.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge support for this resolution.
  Mr. KUCINICH. Mr. Speaker, I would first like to thank Mr. Bereuter 
for introducing this necessary and timely resolution and for his 
ongoing effort effort to ensure peace and justice. I would also like to 
commend the brave people of East Timor for their courage in 
participating in the August 30th referendum in the wake of the 
escalating violence that occured.
  This resolution makes it a sense of Congress to congratulate these 
brave citizens and to call on the Government of Indonesia to end the 
current civil unrest and violence in East Timor, and it supports the UN 
multinational force for East Timor. In addition, this resolution says 
that the United States should take steps to help end the human rights 
abuses that have for so long taken place in East Timor by suspending 
military and economic aid to Indonesia. Human rights abuses by 
paramilitary forces have taken the lives of more than 200,000 East 
Timorese. In the past 24 years, the United States has spent more than 
1.5 billion dollars in economic aid to Indonesia. In the past 24 years, 
the United States has spent more than 510 million taxpayer-dollars on 
military assistance and training in Indonesia. We know the Indonesian 
military openly associates and arms the paramilitary forces in East 
Timor who continue to provoke violence and spread terror among the 
citizens of East Timor. Just this week two missionary nuns were among 
16 people killed by gunmen in the latest attack on Roman Catholic 
clergy in East Timor. All military and economic assistance to Indonesia 
must end. If America seeks to advance democracy, tolerance and equality 
in the region, we must send a message to the Indonesian government that 
the United States will suspend all of its support permanently if human 
rights continue to be violated. Passing this legislation will send the 
message to Indonesia.
  And with my support for Mr. Bereuter's resolution, I would also like 
to express my support for another bill recently introduced by Mr. 
Patrick Kennedy. It is a binding resolution which would make it U.S. 
policy to end both military and financial assistance to Indonesia until 
the East Timor's vote to be independent is honored and human rights are 
upheld in East Timor and certain conditions are met.
  If you support the restoration of human rights in East Timor, if you 
support the brave citizens of East Timor, then I urge my colleagues to 
support this resolution.
  Mr. WEYGAND. Mr. Speaker, since 1975 when Indonesia invaded East 
Timor, the people of East Timor have been struggling for their 
independence. Last month, they took a courageous step in that 
direction. I therefore strongly support this resolution and urge my 
colleagues to do the same.
  As we all know, the people of East Timor voted on August 30, 1999, 
and by an overwhelming majority, 78 percent, chose independence. 
Unfortunately, the violence that has plagued East Timor for the past 
quarter century was only intensified in the weeks following the 
election.
  The people of East Timor have been brutally attacked by Indonesian 
military forces masquerading as ``militia,'' their homes burned, their 
neighborhoods destroyed, thousands are missing or killed. We heard many 
reports of people, hiding from the militia, starving to death in the 
countryside. Last week, after too many lives were lost a United Nations 
peacekeeping force was deployed to bring order to East Timor.
  The Washington Post reported that the Australian led peacekeepers 
were ``. . . [w]elcomed by Indonesian officers . . .'' and ``. . . 
greeted with smiles from the few relieved civilians. . . .'' However, 
there are also reports that the militia continues to make threats that 
they will return and continue the violence. If these reports are true, 
it is as important now as it ever was to show to those who would 
perpetuate violence that the United States and the United Nations are 
committed to a peaceful transition to democracy and independence for 
East Timor. This resolution sends that message.
  Mr. Speaker, on September 8, 1999, I introduced two pieces of 
legislation. One is a resolution calling for an end to the violence and 
urging the United Nations to take immediate action to end the violence 
and urges the President to provide whatever assistance the United 
Nations may need. The second is a bill that would suspend economic and 
military assistance to the government of Indonesia until the violence 
ends.
  Again, I strongly urge my colleagues to support the East Timorese as 
they continue the process toward independence and to vote for this 
resolution.
  Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I want to commend the Chairman and 
Ranking Member of the International Relations Committee, Mr. Gilman and 
Mr. Gedjenson, for bringing to the House floor this important measure 
regarding the recent dire developments in East Timor.
  I would further deeply commend the Chairman and Ranking Member of the 
Asia-Pacific Affairs Subcommittee, Mr. Bereuter and Mr. Lantos, for 
introducing the resolution and their considerable work on it. I am 
honored to be an orginal co-sponsor of House Resolution 292.
  Like many of our colleagues, I am greatly disturbed and saddened by 
the brutal, violent response of the pro-Jakarta militia and Indonesian 
military to the overwhelming vote for independence demonstrated by the 
courageous people of East Timor. However, I am not at all surprised at 
the rampant killings, Mr. speaker, as the Indonesian military has 
routinely used violence as a tool of repression.
  Although the Timorese struggle for self-determination has received 
much publicity, Mr. Speaker, scant attention has been paid to the 
people of West Papua New Guinea who have similarly struggled in Irian 
Jaya to throw off the yoke of Indonesian colonialism. As in East Timor, 
Indonesia took West Papua New Guinea by force in 1963. In a pathetic 
episode, the United Nations in 1969 sanctioned a fraudulent referendum, 
where only 1,025 delegates handpicked and paid-off by Jakarta were 
permitted to participate in an independence vote. The rest of the West 
Papuan people, over 800,000 strong, had absolutely no voice in the 
undemocratic process.
  Since Indonesia subjugated West Papua New Guinea, the native Papuan 
people have suffered under one of the most repressive and unjust 
systems of colonial occupation in the 20th century. Like in East Timor 
where 200,000 East Timorese are thought to have died, the Indonesian 
military has been brutal in Irian Jaya. Reports estimate that between 
100,000 to 300,000 West Papuans have died or simply vanished at the 
hands of the Indonesian military. While we search for justice and peace 
in East Timor, Mr. Speaker, we should not forget the violent tragedy 
that continues to play out today in West Papua New Guinea. I would urge 
our coleagues, our great nation, and the international community to 
revisit the status of West Papua New Guinea to ensure that justice is 
also achieved there.
  Mr. Speaker, with respect to the events of the past weeks, the 
Indonesian Government should be condemned in the strongest terms for 
allowing untold atrocities to be committed against the innocent, 
unarmed civilians of East Timor. I commend President Clinton for 
terminating all assistacne to and ties with the Indonesian military. 
U.N. estimates are that over 300,000 Timorese, in excess of a third of 
the population of East Timor, have been displaced and it remains to be 
seen how many hundreds, if not thousands, have been killed in the mass 
bloodletting and carnage. Yesterday, the U.N. Human Rights Commission 
voted for an international inquiry into the atrocities committed in 
East Timor. The call for an international war crimes tribunal to punish 
those responsible for the atrocities should be heeded, even if it 
implicates the military leadership in Jakarta.
  I strongly supported the intervention of a U.N.-endorsed 
multinational force in East Timor and am heartened at their arrival in 
Dili last week. Although little more than half of the 7,500 troop 
peacekeeping force is presently on the ground, they have already had a 
significant effect in stabilizing the situation and restoring order. I 
especially commend the government of Australia for its leadership role 
with the multinational force and recognize the important and 
substantial troop-contributions of Thailand to the peacekeeping effort.
  While I bleieve America's role in the peacekeeping mission should 
have been greater, certainly the contribution of U.S. airlift and 
logistical support has been invaluable. If Australia, Thailand and our 
allies call upon us and it is necessary that the United States play a 
more substantial role in the peacekeeping effort--even if it means the 
contribution of a small contingent of ground troops which could easily 
be drawn from our reserves of U.S. Marines in Okinawa--we should not 
shirk our duty.

[[Page 23006]]

  Mr. Speaker, with Indonesia being the fourth largest nation and the 
largest Muslim country is the world, which sits astride major sealanes 
of communication and trade--certainly we have substantial national 
interests in preserving stability in Indonesia and Southeast Asia, as 
well as preventing a U.N. initiative from turning into a catastrophic 
humanitarian disaster.
  By its simple presence, Mr. Speaker, the international peacekeeping 
force in East Timor may well lend a hand in stabilizing not just that 
island but the fragile democracy that ostensibly governs Indonesia at 
this precarious point in that nation's development.
  Mr. Speaker, the resolution before us addresses these concerns and I 
would urge our colleagues to adopt it.
  Mr. HALL of Ohio. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H. Res. 
292 which expresses the sense of the House of Representatives regarding 
the referendum in East Timor. I and proud to be an original cosponsor 
of this important piece of legislation.
  I also want to thank the Chairman of the Subcommittee on Asia and the 
Pacific, Mr. Bereuter, and the Ranking Member, Mr. Lantos, for their 
leadership in bringing this resolution to the floor today.
  Mr. Speaker, I was encouraged when the United Nations and the 
governments of Portugal and Indonesia concluded a historic agreement on 
May 5, 1999, allowing self-determination for East Timor. In an effort 
to stop the referendum, militias, with the support of the Indonesian 
military, began a campaign of terror and intimidation. However, the 
people of East Timor could not be deterred, and the voted 
overwhelmingly for independence on August 30, 1999. Nevertheless, after 
the vote, the militias stepped up their campaign, burning houses to the 
ground, including Bishop Carlos Belo's home, and killing thousands of 
innocent people.
  Mr. Speaker, Indonesia and the international community must respect 
the referendum and the vote of the East Timorese people. Therefore, I 
would urge all Members to support H. Res. 292.
  Finally, Mr. Speaker, I submit for the Congressional Record a copy of 
Bishop Belo's article, which appeared in the international editions of 
Newsweek on October 4, 1999, which outlines the reasons why the 
international community should care about East Timor.

       [From Newsweek (International editions), October 4, 1999]

   Why the World Owes my People--Nations That Ignored East Timorese 
                  Suffering 24 Years Ago Must Help Now

                 (By Bishop Carlos Filipe Ximenes Belo)

       Much of my beloved homeland of East Timor has been 
     destroyed, my people displaced. Much of their land has been 
     forcibly depopulated by Indonesian forces, with hundreds of 
     thousands suffering from hunger and disease. Many have been 
     killed or wounded; babies and the old have died of 
     malnutrition that could have been avoided had relief convoys 
     been allowed to reach them. The world has a solemn obligation 
     to rescue my people before it is too late.
       Why should there be a special debt to East Timor, a former 
     Portuguese colony with a small population (less than a 
     million), a small territory (about the size of the 
     Netherlands) and a remote locale? There are several reasons 
     among them the fact that most, if not all, of the killing and 
     mayhem of recent weeks, and over the past 24 years since 
     Indonesia first invaded our island, might have been averted 
     had the community of nations firmly impressed upon Jakarta 
     that the fate of East Timor was a real concern.
       This is the sad reality that history illustrates. In early 
     1975, months before the initial invasion took place, 
     President Suharto was afraid that important powers might 
     disapprove of Indonesian moves to take East Timor by force. 
     But once the former president became convinced that Indonesia 
     did not have to worry about the world's reaction, he allowed 
     his general to move on East Timor. The result was that more 
     than 200,000 persons, or fully one third of our population, 
     perished as a consequence of this merciless and illegal 
     occupation. Most nations turned a blind eye toward this 
     situation because of their material and political interests 
     in Indonesia: East Timor paid the price.
       Most recently, my people trusted the United Nations to 
     carry out the Referendum this August on whether East Timor 
     should remain part of Indonesia. Though nearly 79 percent of 
     registered voters chose to become independent, the United 
     Nations had no means to protect the people who voted their 
     conscience. They became the victims of a calculated scorched-
     earth policy carried out as revenge for the decision to free 
     East Timor from Indonesian rule. Before the people of East 
     Timor could celebrate the election result, Indonesian forces 
     and their local allies launched a ferocious attack that has 
     killed many East Timorese and uprooted 90 percent of our 
     population, including an estimated 200,000 who were herded 
     across the border into Indonesian territory.
       Thousands had taken refuge in the property surrounding my 
     residence in Dili, the capital, on Sept. 6, when they were 
     compelled to leave after an armed attack led by Indonesian 
     Special Forces. Thousands who found haven next door at the 
     International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) compound also 
     had to flee. Many remain missing, and are feared dead. Both 
     my home and ICRC offices were set afire and destroyed, as 
     were numerous homes and other structures in Dili and 
     elsewhere, not least of all many church institutions. Many 
     were brutally murdered, including members of the clergy whose 
     only crime was to defend their parishioners against violent 
     retribution by Indonesian forces. Many fled to the mountains, 
     where food and medicine remain scarce even now because of 
     Indonesian military obstruction of international relief 
     operations. Those who have been moved to West Timor face 
     appalling conditions and persecution, as do others who have 
     been forcibly moved to other Indonesian islands.
       Now that the spotlight of world attention has reached East 
     Timor, it is vital that everything possible be done to save 
     the lives of those who have thus far survived the Indonesian 
     onslaught, and to make certain that we in East Timor can 
     rebuild our shattered land. The United Nations, having 
     encouraged the people of East Timor to vote their conscience, 
     should assist those who risked all and paid dearly for their 
     decision. The deployment of international peacekeepers is a 
     good beginning, but they must advance into the interior to 
     protect people throughout the territory, not only in Dili.
       The United Nations must insist on obtaining speedy 
     permission to work in West Timor to address the plight of the 
     East Timorese who have been taken there by Indonesian forces, 
     who are reportedly prepared to use West Timor as a base for 
     cross-border attacks and moves to retain control of sections 
     of East Timorese territory. Powerful nations must use their 
     influence on Jakarta to ensure that all such attacks cease 
     against my people in East Timor, West Timor and other 
     Indonesian islands, and to ensure that all East Timorese can 
     return to their homes.
       The killing this week in Dili of Sander Thoenes, a 
     journalist for The Financial Times, is another sad 
     illustration that no one is safe from brazen violence on the 
     part of the Indonesian military, who must be told to withdraw 
     from East Timor once and for all. The disappearance of an 
     East Timorese interpreter and the brutal beating of a driver 
     whose eye was forced out of its socket--both were assisting 
     Western journalists--are further reminders. It seems clear 
     that some Indonesian leaders still believe that they will not 
     suffer any concrete consequences as a result of their crimes 
     in East Timor. How many more lives must be needlessly 
     sacrificed before the world takes a firm stand?

  Mr. PORTER. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express my deep concern, 
sympathy and hope for the people of East Timor. We have witnessed an 
extraordinary month on the island of East Timor. On August 30th, the 
people of East Timor voted overwhelming to reject autonomy within 
Indonesia. The people chose to be a free country, a free people, free 
to make their own laws and practice their own religion, and most 
importantly free from the terror and oppression which Indonesia has 
imposed on them since 1975. It is this same freedom that our country 
stands for, fought for many years ago and must continue to protect 
around the world.
  I want to commend the United Nations and the work the peacekeeping 
force is conducting to secure peace and stability on the island. 
Unfortunately, the work has only just begun. Once stability is 
achieved, the U.N. must work to ensure the safe return of the refugees. 
Thousands of refugees are hiding in the hills of East Timor and 
thousands more are living in refugee camps West Timor. These people 
must be able to return to their homes in Dili, and elsewhere in East 
Timor, without the fear of losing their lives. There is also a great 
concern for the safety of East Timorese living in other regions of 
Indonesia. Reports of threats against these individuals are surfacing. 
A close eye must be kept on this situation by the international 
community and if necessary action must be taken to ensure that no 
additional human lives are lost.
  I was outraged that President Clinton did not speak out sooner about 
the atrocities which took place in the weeks following the election. I 
communicated with the President numerous times in the past months 
expressing my concern for the fairness and outcome of these elections 
and the potential outbreak of violence. The Administration assured me 
that everything would be done to help and protect the people of East 
Timor. The United States encouraged a process of self-determination 
after decades of ghastly human rights abuses by the Indonesians against 
the people of East Timor and, when with great courage, the East 
Timorese overwhelmingly made their choice, the U.S. stood by in 
helpless silence as that choice was reversed by bloodthirsty thugs 
backed by the Indonesia military.
  The United States should be leading the way, cutting all military 
aid, voting against multilateral funding to Indonesia and calling on 
the

[[Page 23007]]

World Bank and the IMF to freeze all funds to Indonesia until it is 
clear that the order has been restored in East Timor and all East 
Timorese are safe. There is no question of Jakarta's involvement in the 
brutal crackdown following the vote. Over 15,000 army and police were 
in East Timor and did nothing to stop the terror, or to protect the 
victims. The Indonesian army exhibited unequivocally not only to the 
East Timorese, but also to the people of Aceh and Irian Jaya, that 
independence from Indonesia and freedom is not an option.
  If this country does not protect human rights around the world and 
support the outcome of free elections, what do we stand for? The United 
States, the founder of democracy and the land of the free, must start 
doing everything in its power to help those who are trying to achieve 
the same goal.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the 
gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman) that the House suspend the rules 
and agree to the resolution, H. Res. 292, as amended.
  The question was taken.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX and the 
Chair's prior announcement, further proceedings on this motion will be 
postponed.

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