[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 145 (1999), Part 16]
[Senate]
[Pages 22598-22599]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]



 STOP PLAYING POLITICS WITH OUR NATIONAL SECURITY: RATIFY THE TEST-BAN 
                                 TREATY

  Mr. BIDEN. Mr. President, three years ago today, the United States 
led the world in signing the Comprehensive Nuclear Test-Ban Treaty. 
Since then, 152 countries have followed our lead; and 45 of them, 
including Great Britain and France, have ratified the Treaty.
  Two years and two days ago, the President of the United States 
submitted the Comprehensive Nuclear Test-Ban Treaty, plus six 
safeguards, to the Senate for its advice and consent to ratification. 
Since then, the Senate has done nothing.
  That is an outrage. We--who are rightly called the world's greatest 
deliberative body--have been unwilling or unable to perform our 
constitutional duty regarding this major treaty.
  Some of my colleagues have principled objections to this treaty. I 
respect their convictions. I have responded on this floor to many of 
their objections, as have my colleagues from Pennsylvania, North and 
South Dakota, Michigan and New Mexico.
  Now it is time, however, for the Senate to do its duty. 
Administration officials, current and former Chairmen of the Joint 
Chiefs of Staff, and eminent scientists are prepared to testify in 
favor of the Test-Ban Treaty. We, in turn, are prepared to make our 
case in formal Senate debate on a resolution of ratification.
  It is high time that the Republican leadership of this body agreed to 
schedule Senate debate and a vote on ratification. It is utterly 
irresponsible for the Republican leadership to hold this treaty hostage 
to other issues, as it has for two years.
  The arguments in favor of ratifying the Test-Ban Treaty are well-
known.
  It will reinforce nuclear non-proliferation by reassuring non-nuclear 
weapons states that states with nuclear weapons will be unable to 
develop and confidently deploy new types of nuclear weapons.
  It will keep non-nuclear weapon states from deploying sophisticated 
nuclear weapons, even if they are able to develop designs for such 
weapons.
  It will improve our ability to detect any nuclear weapons tests, with 
other countries paying 75% of the bill for the International Monitoring 
System.
  U.S. ratification will encourage India and Pakistan to sign and 
ratify the Test-Ban Treaty--one of the few steps back from the nuclear 
brink that they may be willing to take, without a settlement of the 
Kashmir dispute.
  U.S. ratification will encourage Russia, China and other states to 
ratify.
  Our ratification will maintain U.S. leadership on non-proliferation, 
as we approach the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty Review Conference 
next April. That U.S. leadership is vital to keeping non-nuclear 
weapons states committed to nuclear non-proliferation.
  Equally important are the safeguards that the President has proposed, 
to ensure that U.S. adherence to the Treaty will always be consonant 
with our national security:

       A: The conduct of a Science Based Stockpile Stewardship 
     program to ensure a high level of confidence in the safety 
     and reliability of nuclear weapons in the active stockpile. . 
     . .
       B: The maintenance of modern nuclear laboratory facilities 
     and programs . . . which will attract, retain, and ensure the 
     continued application of our human scientific resources to 
     those programs. . . .
       C: The maintenance of the basic capability to resume 
     nuclear test activities. . . .
       D: Continuation of a comprehensive research and development 
     program to improve our . . . monitoring capabilities. . . .
       E: The continuing development of a broad range of 
     intelligence . . . capabilities and operations to ensure 
     accurate and comprehensive information on worldwide nuclear . 
     . . programs.
       F: . . . if the President of the United States is informed 
     by the Secretary of Defense and the Secretary of Energy (DOE) 
     . . . that a high level of confidence in . . . a nuclear 
     weapon type which the two Secretaries consider to be critical 
     to our nuclear deterrent could no longer be certified, the 
     President, in consultation with Congress, would be prepared 
     to withdraw from the CTBT . . . in order to conduct whatever 
     testing might be required.

  Thus, if nuclear weapons testing should ever be required to maintain 
the U.S. nuclear deterrent, then we will test.
  Thanks in part to these safeguards, our senior national security 
officials support ratification of the Test-Ban Treaty. These officials 
include not only cabinet members such as former Senator Cohen, but also 
the directors of our National Laboratories and the Chairman of the 
Joint Chiefs of Staff.
  Ratification of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test-Ban Treaty is vital to 
our national security. If the Senate dallies, India and Pakistan could 
fail to cap their nuclear weapons race; China could resume testing, to 
make better use of stolen U.S. nuclear secrets; and non-nuclear weapons 
states could give up on non-proliferation.
  In the coming days, therefore, several of us will bring up in a more 
formal form the need for Senate action on this Treaty. I urge all my 
colleagues to support that effort.
  Whatever our views on the Test-Ban Treaty, it is a national security 
issue. Let us agree that it is not to be held hostage to other issues. 
Let us agree that it is not just one more football in the Washington 
game of ``politics as usual.''
  If the Republican leadership does not handle this Treaty responsibly, 
I have no doubt how the issue will play out in next year's elections. 
The latest national poll shows overwhelming public support for the 
Test-Ban Treaty: 82 percent in favor and only 14 percent opposed.
  Those results go beyond party lines. Fully 80 percent of 
Republicans--and even 79 percent of conservative Republicans--say that 
they support the Test-Ban Treaty.
  Republicans may appeal to the far right by calling for a return to 
the Cold War of nuclear testing. Bob Dole did that in 1996 on the 
Chemical Weapons Convention; but he lost. Then he took the responsible 
stand.
  This time, let's skip the politics. Let's do our job--with hearings, 
debate, and a timely vote, at least before next April's Non-
Proliferation Treaty review conference.
  We can address the Test-Ban Treaty responsibly. It isn't hard, and 
the American people know that. It's time the Senate did what Nike says: 
``Just do it.''
  Mr. HELMS. Mr. President, it has been a moving and gratifying 
experience to witness the outpouring of genuine, spontaneous concern by 
countless

[[Page 22599]]

Americans for the victims of the Hurricane Floyd flooding.
  It goes without saying that I am deeply grateful for the countless 
public servants and concerned neighbors who have been and still are 
working around the clock to extend heroic efforts and helping hands to 
the thousands of Eastern North Carolina people who have lost everything 
they possess--except their courage, and their determination to rise 
above the hardship that befell them.
  Mr. President, before I go further I am compelled to convey publicly 
my personal gratitude to FEMA Director James Lee Witt and his 
remarkable associates for their dedication to helping those in such 
dire need. No federal agency could possibly be more efficient in 
carrying out its mission, and Director Witt deserves enormous credit 
for the incredible responsiveness FEMA has demonstrated on so many 
occasions when disasters have befallen many other areas of America.
  Also, I am deeply grateful to my colleagues, who have responded to 
this disaster not merely with kind condolences and genuine sympathy, 
but also with their actions. For example, the senior Senator from 
Missouri, Senator Bond, made every effort to assure that FEMA is 
adequately funded to do the job in North Carolina. The Senate 
Leadership on both sides of the aisle--particularly Senator Lott--have 
been gracious in their offers of assistance.
  Many in the administrative branch are also going out of the way to be 
helpful. Yesterday, Customs Service Administrator Raymond Kelly granted 
my request to administratively waive certain maritime regulations, 
thereby allowing grain and feed shipments to reach flood-ravaged 
farmers more quickly. I am genuinely appreciative of his swift action.
  And Mr. President, let there be no mistake: Eastern North Carolina 
needs all the help it can get. I do not exaggerate when I say that the 
flooding is of near-Biblical proportions. At least 45 people have lost 
their lives; there are fears of finding even more bodies as the flood 
waters recede. Entire communities have been washed away. Standing flood 
waters are becoming more polluted each day by gasoline, chemicals, 
animal waste and drowned livestock. An estimated 1,000 roads have been 
flooded, and countless houses have been damaged, some beyond repair. 
Perhaps the most poignant stories are those of cemeteries washing away, 
with coffins rising to the surface.
  It is a devastating regional problem, Mr. President, but more than 
that, it is truly a national problem affecting every state in the 
Union. Because the communities affected by this flooding--whether they 
be Wilson or Greenville, Rocky Mount or Goldsboro, Kinston or Tarboro--
are communities that are essential to American agriculture.
  The heart of the agriculture community in North Carolina has been 
virtually destroyed by this storm, Mr. President. And as concerned as 
we are for the countless citizens who have lost their homes and their 
possessions, the agricultural implications of this disaster for our 
entire country are enormous.
  Here's why: North Carolina ranks third in total agricultural income, 
behind only California and Iowa. Numerous commodities will be radically 
affected by the flooding because North Carolina ranks in the top ten 
states of production for such a wide variety of products: turkeys, 
sweet potatoes, hogs, cucumbers for pickles, peanuts, poultry and egg 
products, chickens, blueberries, peanuts, strawberries, cotton, 
catfish, pecans, watermelons, peaches, tomatoes.
  In short, Mr. President, North Carolina agricultural production is 
inseparable from U.S. agricultural production, and this regional 
disaster is in fact a national disaster. And I highlight this not to 
insist upon a government response--though one is needed--but to 
underscore the inescapable fact that the private sector must play a key 
role in helping Eastern North Carolina recover from this disaster.
  The federal government can do its share to meet the needs of those 
who have been affected by the flood--and I will work to make sure the 
federal government plays a substantial role in assisting in the 
recovery. (In fact, those who are being helped by FEMA know that the 
federal government is already doing its part to lend a helping hand.) 
But government cannot do it all, Mr. President. The private sector must 
play an enormous role in rebuilding the communities and economy of my 
home state. And this will be an historic test of the strength and 
purpose of the free enterprise system--and of all of us who believe 
that the strength of America is the willingness to stand up for each 
other in times of hardship.
  North Carolinians understand this fact instinctively, Mr. President. 
Already, private citizens and businesses from all over the state are 
volunteering their time and money to help their neighbors. May I offer 
a few examples:
  Carolina Power & Light, a wonderfully civic-minded electrical 
company, has promised to match citizens' donations to the Red Cross up 
to $100,000 and is double-matching its employee's contributions. 
Capitol Broadcasting in Raleigh has donated $100,000.
  From the financial industry, Bank of America has donated $150,000. 
First Union is contributing the same generous amount to the Red Cross 
and is also pitching in with in-kind contributions of ice and water. 
First Citizens Bank has donated $100,000 and has already developed a 
short-term emergency loan program.
  The tobacco industry, which is so important to Eastern North 
Carolina--and which, incidentally, is now facing another spiteful 
attack by the Justice Department--has been especially generous. RJ 
Reynolds has donated $250,000; Philip Morris has donated $50,000 in 
addition to the food products they are donating through Kraft. US 
Tobacco has given an additional $25,000.
  And, of course, I have been in contact almost daily with Franklin 
Graham, son of the remarkable Billy Graham, who operates a truly 
wonderful organization called Samaritan's Purse, which distributes 
food, clothing and medical supplies to people who are suffering all 
over the world. Franklin and his associates have once again 
demonstrated their usual selflessness by sending truckloads of potable 
water and other needed supplies to the areas in greatest need.
  All of this generosity does not include the generous contributions of 
individual North Carolinians that are pouring in, Mr. President. Our 
fine Governor, Jim Hunt, has set up a Disaster Relief Fund for 
contributions to the United Way, and the contributions are coming in so 
fast that they have yet to be counted. I am continually amazed and 
highly gratified by the thoughtfulness of North Carolinians who 
genuinely want to help those in distress.
  Mr. President, neither government nor the private sector alone can 
help rebuild the communities of North Carolina. If ever there was a 
time In North Carolina's history when all of our institutions--public 
and private--must work together, that time is now. And I pledge to do 
my part to make sure that individuals, businesses and government are 
working together to help North Carolina recover from the worst disaster 
in its history.

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