[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 145 (1999), Part 15]
[House]
[Pages 21422-21428]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]



   APPOINTMENT OF CONFEREES ON H.R. 2606, FOREIGN OPERATIONS, EXPORT 
        FINANCING, AND RELATED PROGRAMS APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 2000

  Mr. CALLAHAN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to take from the 
Speaker's table the bill (H.R. 2606) making appropriations for foreign 
operations, export financing, and related programs for the fiscal year 
ending September 30, 2000, and for other purposes, with a Senate 
amendment thereto, disagree to the Senate amendment, and agree to the 
conference asked by the Senate.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Hastings of Washington). Is there 
objection to the request of the gentleman from Alabama?
  There was no objection.


                Motion To Instruct Offered By Ms. Pelosi

  Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, I offer a motion to instruct.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Clerk will report the motion.
  The Clerk read as follows:

       Ms. Pelosi moves that the managers on the part of the House 
     at the conference on the disagreeing votes of the two Houses 
     on the bill H.R. 2606 making appropriations for Foreign 
     Operations, Export Financing, and Related Programs for the 
     fiscal year 2000 be instructed to insist on the provisions of 
     the House bill with respect to Indonesia limiting 
     International Military Education and Training to ``expanded 
     military education and training only''.

                              {time}  1100

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Hastings of Washington). Pursuant to the 
rule, the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi) and the gentleman 
from Alabama (Mr. Callahan) each will control 30 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi).
  Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, it is 11 o'clock a.m. in Washington, D.C. It is 
nighttime in East Timor; and families there and those who have been 
evacuated from East Timor are living with the suffering of the past 
week and longer, much of it perpetrated by the Indonesian military 
cooperating with the militias in Dili and the rest of East Timor.
  The motion to instruct conferees I have offered today moves that the 
House insist on its position restricting military training to Indonesia 
to expanded IMET only. The Senate bill contains no such restriction.
  Were it within the scope of my motion to instruct to cut off all 
military training to the Indonesian military, I would do so. But the 
constraints of the parliamentarian are such on my motion that I cannot.
  Just as a matter of explanation, Mr. Speaker, the Department of 
Defense spends about $50 million a year on independent national 
military education and training. That is called IMET program.
  The program provides a wide range of training to over 125 countries 
around the world. The training ranges from sending foreign officers to 
some of our many military schools for extended periods to training in 
basic military tactics and techniques.
  In the past 10 years, with the changes in the world, Congress has 
insisted that the new programs be developed and carried out which deal 
with civil military relations and human rights awareness. These 
programs are called Expanded IMET and now take place in many countries 
with difficult problems, like Guatemala, El Salvador, and Indonesia. 
Indonesia receives $550,000 worth of IMET training in 1999 and 400,000 
has been requested for 2000.
  The purpose of my motion here today is to insist that the 
restrictions on the limited Expanded IMET only stay in place for the 
year 2000, FY 2000. As I said, I would prefer to cut all IMET to 
Indonesia, especially made clear by the recent events there. However, 
this is not within the scope of the two bills, as I mentioned, as 
currently drafted.
  In fact, the President has suspended all military training and 
military-to-military contacts for the time being. Ensuring that 
Expanded IMET restrictions stay in place for all of FY 2000 will make 
that limitation a matter of law.
  I believe it is important to send a strong signal to the Indonesian 
Government at this time, despite the apparent progress on allowing a 
United Nations peacekeeping force into East Timor. The horrifying 
events of the past week have shocked the world. They have indeed 
challenged the conscience of the world. We know that thousands of 
people have been killed. The systematic nature of this mayhem where 
young men, Catholic priests and nuns, and U.N. workers were in fact 
targeted by the militias speaks volumes about the depths of this 
problem.
  I am indeed grateful that order seems to have been restored in East 
Timor, but at what cost and how many lives already lost? The terms of 
reference for the U.N. peacekeeping force are still under negotiation, 
as is the timing of their deployment. The Indonesian military is 
sending mixed signals about their willingness to cooperate with the 
U.N., and we need to keep the pressure on.
  The people of East Timor chose independence and democracy, and the 
consequences have been dire for them. Instead of a democratic spirit 
prevailing there, violence reigns. No one can say with certainty to 
what degree the Indonesian military was culpable, but it is 
increasingly clear that either the military was involved directly in 
militia activity in East Timor or they failed to confront it.
  Keeping the restrictions on Expanded IMET for Indonesia will at least 
put Congress on record as sending a signal to the Indonesian military 
that their behavior has been unacceptable. It also will send a signal 
to our own military that the suspension of the military-to-military 
contact program should remain in effect indefinitely.
  I again want to repeat that I would prefer to go further in my motion 
today. I believe that all assistance programs for Indonesia should be 
seriously reviewed. Disbursements to Indonesia under the structural 
adjustment program to the IMF should be halted, and the international 
bank loans that go directly to the government should be suspended. 
These measures are necessary to demonstrate to the Indonesian 
Government that we will not tolerate the undermining of democracy in 
East Timor.
  Others of my colleagues have motions to this effect, and I hope that 
they will come to the floor soon. If it had been possible from a 
parliamentary standpoint, we would have included many of those 
initiatives in this motion to instruct. But staying with what is within 
the scope of the two bills, I urge my colleagues to vote to support the 
motion to instruct conferees on this motion.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. CALLAHAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I do not oppose the motion offered by the gentlewoman 
from California (Ms. Pelosi). I think that she echoes what we did here 
in the House, and that was to limit the IMET training in Indonesia to 
expanded military education and training only. This is exactly the 
reason and the purpose

[[Page 21423]]

for the Expanded Military Education and Training program, which is to 
teach military leaders and military people in foreign countries 
something about human rights, to educate them with the ability to work 
with a civilian government. If Indonesia ever needed this assistance, 
it is now.
  So I intend to support the motion of the gentlewoman to instruct to 
insist the Senate keep the language that we inserted in the House in 
our bill.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
  Mr. CALLAHAN. I yield to the gentleman from New Jersey.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I thank my good friend for 
yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the motion to instruct 
conferees and just remind Members that I have held hearings in my 
subcommittee on the U.S. cooperation with the Indonesian military and I 
find it appalling that we have been training, especially through the 
JCET program, many of the people, including those who are part of 
Kopassus, which is an infamous brigade, it is the Red Berets, it is 
their so-called elite, many of whom have been charged with very serious 
human rights violations, including the use of torture.
  We had Pius Lustrilanang, one of those who was tortured by the 
Indonesian military, appear at one of our hearings, and he gave 
riveting testimony of the daily beatings that he endured at the hands 
of those people.
  Where we come in, or where the United States I think has made a very 
serious error, is that we have trained in sniper training, urban 
guerilla warfare, and other kinds of assistance to the very people in 
Kopassus and in other elements of the Indonesian military. And I asked 
our U.S. officials both in Jakarta, as well as at our hearings, did we 
keep track of those we trained. There is no list of those that we have 
trained.
  Now there are several of those members who are under indictment. 
General Prabowo, who was the leader of Kopassus, has been sacked. But 
there are still very strong remnants of that kind of abusing authority 
still in place. We are seeing them now operate with impunity in East 
Timor.
  Mr. CALLAHAN. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 4 minutes to the 
very distinguished gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey) who has 
fought this fight over the years for the people of East Timor.
  Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding me the 
time.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this motion and urge all of my 
colleagues to do the right thing for the courageous people of East 
Timor.
  I am outraged at the current events in East Timor, whose people 
exercised their right to self-determination two weeks ago. Although the 
threats and intimidation of anti-independence groups ominously hung 
over their heads, nearly all eligible East Timorese voted for the 
referendum, with an overwhelming majority choosing independence from 
Indonesia over autonomy within it.
  What should be a time of celebration for the East Timorese is instead 
a time of great terror. Anti-independence militia groups continue today 
to burn houses, places of worship, loot businesses and private homes, 
and brutally murder innocent civilians.
  The U.N. Security Council delegation sent to Indonesia has cited 
strong evidence that the Indonesian military and police are complicit 
in this rampage. The chief U.N. human rights official has said that 
there are enough witnesses of the militias' heinous acts that a war 
crimes tribunal will likely be convened.
  East Timorese refugees, still frightened for their lives, tell of 
planned, systematic massacres of young men and clergy.
  We are witnessing a catastrophic violation of human rights. Initially 
President Habibie resisted international peacekeepers, insisting that 
the military could bring order to East Timor. Now Indonesia has agreed 
to the peacekeepers but needs more time to discuss the details. As 
Habibie hedges and delays, East Timor has run out of time. As Indonesia 
turns a blind eye, those who advocated a peaceful and democratic 
transition to independence violently perish.
  Until the terror ceases, the United States and international 
financial institutions should continue the moratorium on aid to 
Indonesia. Until an international peacekeeping force reclaims East 
Timor and the Indonesian military leaves, not one iota of military 
assistance should be sent to Indonesia, not one Indonesian soldier 
should be trained by U.S. military personnel, not one dollar should 
prop up those responsible for this massacre.
  Let us make clear that we are disgusted by Indonesia's utter 
disrespect for the tenets of democracy and the sanctity of human life. 
We have a responsibility to our partners in democracy in East Timor to 
be the loudest voice, the strongest voice in support of their 
courageous step towards independence. Let us not stand by as East Timor 
is destroyed and its people banished and murdered. As we have learned 
from history, the price of inaction is far too great.
  Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the 
gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern) who has just returned from 
East Timor.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the motion to 
instruct conferees.
  It is absolutely critical that U.S. and international pressure be 
maintained and increased on the Government of Indonesia and the 
Indonesian military. Instructing the conferees on the foreign aid bill 
to retain the House restrictions on IMET and expand the IMET is one 
modest but concrete action this House can take.
  The U.S. has provided an estimated $148 million in weapons, 
ammunition, spare parts, and technical support to Indonesia since 1993. 
However, Indonesia and the U.S. have continued to maintain military 
training and officer exchange programs.
  Those programs, costing about a half a million dollars per year, are 
now frozen as a result of the suspension of military relations 
announced last week by President Clinton.
  Eighteen Indonesian military officers currently are studying at U.S. 
military facilities as part of the IMET program. Eleven are in a 
training program at the Center for Military Relations in Monterey, 
California. Six are studying English. And one officer is at an American 
war college.
  This House has taken the lead in restricting IMET funding to 
Indonesia because of the brutal human rights records of its military. 
Today, more than ever, those restrictions must be extended and 
expanded.
  Mr. Speaker, I was in East Timor at the end of August, just nine days 
before the referendum on independence. I traveled to Suai and Maliana. 
I spent a day with the parish priests in Suai, Father Hilario Madeira 
and Father Francisco Soares. I met with U.N. workers in Maliana. In 
Dili, I had dinner with Catholic Bishop Carlos Belo.
  Every one of these people told me of their faith in the U.N. process, 
their commitment to vote, and their fears about violent retaliation 
following the vote. Those fears have now been realized.
  Father Hilario and Father Francisco were murdered, shot down in their 
church as they tried to protect the people inside. Forty-five of the 
U.N workers in Maliana were massacred. The home of Bishop Belo has been 
burned to the ground. Thousands have been killed or forcibly removed, 
their fates unknown.
  Dili has been destroyed, burnt to the ground, emptied of its people. 
And still the Government of Indonesia delays the deployment of 
international peacekeepers.
  All of us in the international community have broken faith with the 
people of East Timor. They trusted us to protect them as they bravely 
voted for freedom. We must not fail them again.
  I urge my colleagues to support the motion to instruct conferees.
  I thank the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi) for her motion.

[[Page 21424]]



                              {time}  1115

  Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, earlier I mentioned other initiatives in 
Congress, one of them being advanced by the gentleman from Texas (Mr. 
Bentsen), a leader on this issue. I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman 
from Texas (Mr. Bentsen).
  Mr. BENTSEN. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding me 
this time and also commend her for offering this motion to instruct. 
Like her, I wish that it would go a little bit further. I as well as 
the gentlewoman from California and some others have introduced a bill 
that would direct representatives to both the IMF and the World Bank to 
use their voice and vote to oppose any additional funding under the 
IMF-G7 credit facility that was implemented last year to Indonesia 
until such time as the President can certify to the Congress that the 
situation has been peacefully resolved.
  There are a number of us on the floor today who in the last year 
worked very hard for adding capital to the IMF to help follow through 
with this program to help Indonesia, to help Thailand, to help South 
Korea, because we believed it was in the best interest of the United 
States that we contain the Asian currency crisis because of what a 
large export market it is for us. I find myself very frustrated by the 
fact that Indonesia has continually failed to follow up to the 
requirements that the Congress put in, the requirements that the IMF 
and the World Bank have called for, and I think the situation in East 
Timor is the proverbial stick that broke the camel's back. The fact is, 
this is not a credit that the United States taxpayers should want to 
underwrite so long as the government and the military are willing to 
persecute the people of East Timor. And while we have had progress made 
over the weekend with the tacit inviting of a U.N. peacekeeping force, 
the fact is the details have not been worked out and the killing still 
goes on. Newspapers today report that the militias are being housed 
just across the border. So I think this issue is far from being 
resolved.
  I think it is incumbent upon the Congress, including those of us who 
believed that U.S. involvement through the IMF-G7 package was the right 
thing to do, to now put pressure on the Indonesian government through 
this motion and motions such as those that I have introduced in order 
to restore some sanity and peace to East Timor and to get the 
Indonesian government back on the right track. Otherwise, I think the 
United States should want to have nothing to do with this government. I 
believe that we should be involved in world affairs and should be 
involved in the affairs over there, but we should not be involved in 
such actions as are taking place today.
  I thank the gentlewoman for offering her motion and ask my colleagues 
to support it.
  Ms. PELOSI. I thank the gentleman for his very fine statement.
  Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Rhode Island (Mr. Kennedy) who has been a champion on this issue in his 
service in the Congress and before.
  Mr. KENNEDY of Rhode Island. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman 
from California for yielding me this time and I want to commend her for 
the great work she has always done using her position in the committee 
to follow this issue closely.
  In 1996, I traveled to East Timor. I went to Dili, and I saw the spot 
where hundreds lost their lives in the famous Santa Cruz cemetery 
massacre. Unfortunately, the tragedy of that massacre is occurring 
again today as we speak.
  In 1996, I met with Nobel peace laureate Bishop Belo in his home. Now 
that home has been burned down, destroyed, by paramilitaries that are 
rampant in the region. Even nuns and priests and other religious 
leaders have been killed over the past week. It is time that we end 
this violence and take a real stand. The people of East Timor took a 
courageous stand themselves just a few weeks ago when they voted for 
independence. We owe them, these people desperate for freedom and 
democracy, a chance for peace.
  Last week, I introduced legislation to show further support for the 
Timorese that calls for the suspension of financial and military 
assistance to Indonesia and a call for peacekeeping troops. Today's 
motion will ensure that we adhere to similar language that was already 
included in the Foreign Operations bill that my colleagues in that 
subcommittee so critically included. Again, we tried to persuade 
Indonesia with words, but words were not enough. The situation is 
critical. There is no time to wait. The lives of thousands are in the 
balance. We need to act. We need to act now. We need to pass this 
motion and pass it overwhelmingly and send a message to the Indonesian 
government that we will not abide by the way they are treating the East 
Timorese people.
  Ms. PELOSI. I thank the gentleman for his fine statement.
  Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from 
Wisconsin (Mr. Obey), the very distinguished ranking member of the full 
Committee on Appropriations who fought this fight long before many of 
us were even in Congress or on this committee.
  Mr. OBEY. Mr. Speaker, I strongly support this motion and will vote 
for it, but I want to take this time to discuss my broader concerns 
about the budget crisis that we face.
  As Members know, yesterday the Republican leadership indicated they 
wanted to solve the problem of our budget caps by providing for a 13-
month fiscal year. I want to say today that I enthusiastically support 
that plan and I urge that the new month be named ``Orwellian.'' The 
reason I say that is because George Orwell in his famous novel ``1984'' 
began that novel with the words, ``It was a bright cold day in April 
and the clocks were striking 13.''
  I think there are 10 advantages of a 13-month year as the Republican 
leadership is suggesting.
  First of all, everyone could take 8 percent off their age. Adding 1 
month to the year reduces the number of years we have lived by 8 
percent.
  Second, we could bring back Ronald Reagan as President. By making 
this retroactive, we could arrange it so that it is 1984 all over 
again, which is what the Republicans have been trying to do for years. 
That would be appropriate, because it was with the Reagan budgets that 
the deficit first exploded and put us where it is today.
  Third, it could add 30 more shopping days till Christmas. That would 
add immeasurably to economic growth, although it could cause the 
economy to overheat which might cause Alan Greenspan to raise interest 
rates.
  Fourth, it could give every child in America 1 month more of summer 
vacation. That could add to economic growth in the tourist and resort 
industries as people have more time to travel.
  Fifth, as an alternative we could add 1 month to the work year. That 
could add to worker productivity and raise economic growth that way.
  Sixth, it would help at least two more major league baseball players 
to join Mark McGwire and Sammy Sosa in breaking Roger Maris' single 
season home run record because they would have 30 extra days to do it. 
That would bring millions of additional fans into the Nation's 
ballparks, and we would have millions more to add to the economic 
strength of baseball and to the economy in general.
  Seventh, it would make all taxpayers happy by delaying tax filing 
deadlines by 1 month.
  Eighth, it could give Republicans 1 extra month to complete their 
budget, although at the rate they are going, that probably would not 
make any difference.
  Ninth, it could delay the Y2K problem by 1 month if the month is 
inserted before January.
  And, tenth, it could prove that the Middle Age critics of Galileo 
were correct when they denied his theory that the earth circled the sun 
once every 12 months. They could thus join the Kansas school board in 
helping turn back the clock.
  I would urge that we support the Republican leadership's proposal. It 
is the way out of this mess for everyone. And

[[Page 21425]]

while we are considering that proposal, I hope we get serious and in 
fact pass the motion to instruct that the gentlewoman is proposing on 
the East Timor question today. It is a serious issue. We should not be 
providing military aid to Indonesia under these circumstances.
  I thank the gentlewoman for yielding me the time.
  Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the 
gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Frank), another champion of 
democracy. It is no coincidence that Massachusetts comes to this debate 
so strong with their commitment to promoting democratic values 
throughout the world.
  Mr. FRANK of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for 
yielding me this time.
  That commitment is reinforced by the really quite admirable passion 
that Portuguese Americans feel as a sense of responsibility towards 
East Timor which had been a Portuguese colony and it is that which 
helps energize myself and my colleagues from Massachusetts and Rhode 
Island.
  Two points. First, the Indonesian government should understand what a 
terrible price they are paying for this massacre. I offered an 
amendment to this bill in 1996 to cut IMET. I lost on the floor, 
because Members were not predisposed to be critical of Indonesia. 
Members felt Indonesia was a potentially valuable friend and ally. I do 
not criticize Members for changing their position. Events have changed. 
No one, I think, could have foreseen quite as much brutality as we have 
seen. Some of us were pessimistic, but the Indonesians managed to 
exceed even our worst fears. So what they are going to see when they 
compare the vote of 1996 to what I hope will be an overwhelming vote 
today is the price they have paid for this butchery, and they should 
understand that what we are saying is, they are on a very tenuous 
probation. No one is writing them off the face of the earth, but the 
heavy burden now is on the people and government of Indonesia to show 
that they understand how terribly they have misbehaved and for them to 
undo this.
  Secondly, will the military please, the U.S. military, now stop 
telling us how these training programs inculcate respect for human 
rights. If the military has geostrategic reasons for wanting alliances 
with other militaries, then let us be honest about it. But the argument 
they give us that when they have relations with brutal and repressive 
regimes, they are doing it to civilize the military of those regimes, 
they are doing it to turn the military of those regimes into relative 
Peace Corps, they do not tell the truth. Indonesia was one of their 
best examples of how by this relationship they were encouraging a more 
civilized military, and no military in recent history has behaved in a 
more brutal and less civilized fashion.
  So I hope both of those lessons are taken to heart by a very large 
vote in favor of the gentlewoman's instruction.
  Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, kings of countries, leaders of tribes and 
very wealthy people, when they have their birthdays, they give gifts to 
others. I understand that our distinguished chairman had his birthday 
over the weekend and I was wondering if the very distinguished chairman 
would yield 10 minutes to me of his time in observation of his birthday 
for which we are all very grateful.
  Mr. CALLAHAN. Mr. Speaker, since the gentlewoman recognized my 
birthday, I appreciate that very much, but I might tell her in response 
to what the gentleman from Wisconsin was talking about earlier on the 
13 months. When you reach my age, maybe it is time for us to move to a 
13-month year, because my next birthday would therefore be 30 days 
later. But if we are going to go to the 13 months, I would hope that 
they would make it in the summer rather than the winter because I do 
not like cold weather. So if we are going to move in that direction, I 
would encourage those that will be in charge of that decision to make 
the extra month maybe between August and September, rather than 
between, for example, January and February. But I will be happy to 
agree to the unanimous-consent request of the gentlewoman from 
California to take 10 minutes of my time, provided we talk about the 
situation in East Timor and we talk about expanded IMET training. I 
will be happy to agree to the gentlewoman's request.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Hastings of Washington). Without 
objection, the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi) will control 10 
minutes of the time originally allocated to the gentleman from Alabama 
(Mr. Callahan).
  There was no objection.
  Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, I thank the very distinguished gentleman, 
and I know I speak for every Member in the Chamber in wishing him a 
very happy birthday.
  Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the distinguished 
gentleman from California (Mr. George Miller), a champion for democracy 
all over the world.
  Mr. GEORGE MILLER of California. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the 
gentlewoman, my colleague from California, for bringing this motion to 
the floor. She has championed human rights all over the world. I am 
delighted that she has given us this opportunity to speak out against 
the atrocities and the brutality that has taken place in East Timor.
  Year after year, we are told by the military of this country that 
they are engaged in training programs with the military of other 
countries that cause that military establishment in those countries, in 
this case Indonesia, to respect human rights, to understand the chain 
of command, to respect civil authority and to benefit us through that 
relationship. Unfortunately we now see in East Timor just one in a 
continuation of tragedies where this has turned out to be fiction. It 
could be no further from the truth. What in fact we see is the 
involvement of those American-trained soldiers in the massacre, the 
slaughter and the brutality against their own citizens.
  Earlier this year, we debated the School of the Americas where we saw 
this activity in South America and today now we see it in East Timor. 
Let us understand something, that the contacts that were supposedly 
established in East Timor and in Indonesia because of American military 
training never came about. They never came about because those phone 
calls were refused, those conversations were not paid attention to, 
they were not heeded until one thing happened, until the military had 
taken care of business in East Timor. And by taking care of business, 
we are talking about the burning and sacking of towns and homes, the 
destruction of people and the killing of people who voted for and 
supported the democracy movement, who voted for and supported a vote 
for freedom that was offered to them by their government.

                              {time}  1130

  They have thought it was offered in good faith. It turned out when 
they voted for freedom, they were then signing a death warrant on 
themselves. We are told of how systematically, systematically the 
military and militia with lists of names of people who supported 
democracy were taken from their homes and killed, in some cases killed 
in their homes in front of family and the members of the family were 
killed. This was a systematic extermination of the forces of democracy 
in East Timor, and we have got to quit kidding ourselves that somehow 
the continuation of expanded IMET, of IMET training to these forces, is 
bringing about democracy. It is bringing about a holocaust of people in 
East Timor.
  Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished gentleman for his 
excellent statement.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Hall), 
really the conscience of this Congress.
  Mr. HALL of Ohio. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for her great 
work, and I just appreciate the chance to stand up in support of this 
motion.
  I have been involved with this issue on East Timor since 1980. I 
remember when I was first on the Committee on Foreign Affairs and we 
took up the issue of East Timor, had hearings on it; and it is time 
that we speak together as a Congress and a government. We

[[Page 21426]]

have not been together on this issue for all of these years. I think 
this is the time. I am hoping that the Senate will certainly adopt it.
  Mr. Speaker, the other thing I wanted to say is that I have read with 
chagrin some of our officials and our Government saying that really 
East Timor belongs to Indonesia. The fact is that is not true. East 
Timor has been independent. Indonesia has been condemned many times in 
the United Nations, even by our own country relative to the annexation 
of East Timor when Indonesia moved in after 1975.
  This is an important motion, I certainly support it, and I applaud 
the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi) who again has shown us 
what a wonderful Congresswoman she is, and I urge all Members to 
support this.
  Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
American Samoa (Mr. Faleomavaega). He lives closest to East Timor, and 
I am very pleased to yield to him.
  Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding 
this time to me, and I do want to thank her for giving me this 
opportunity for some comments concerning this very important issue, and 
I do want to wish the gentleman from Alabama a very happy birthday.
  Mr. Speaker, the question of East Timor has been something that I 
have been following for many years. We have held hearings, and I want 
to thank the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), the chairman of our 
Subcommittee on International Operations and Human Rights, and despite 
all of these things, now all of a sudden it seems that East Timor is 
coming to bear.
  The fact of the matter is, Mr. Speaker, East Timor was a former 
Portuguese colony, and when Portugal left this colony, the Indonesian 
military came and simply occupied it; and the saddest affair of all, 
Mr. Speaker, is the fact that 200,000 East Timorese were sacrificed, 
they were massacred, in 1974 when they took over this portion of the 
island; and the sad part about it, too, Mr. Speaker, is that we cannot 
afford to talk only about East Timor and ignore West Papua New Guinea, 
because both of these were former. And while I say that East Timor was 
a former colony of Portugal, but West Papua New Guinea was a former 
colony of the Dutch, but the Indonesian military simply came over and 
took over this place and was never recognized by the international 
community, and it was never recognized by our own country.
  For 24 years, Mr. Speaker, this place has been trying over the years 
in getting the attention not only of our own Nation, but the 
international community, and finally, finally that we do not have the 
Cold War any more to contend with, now we are all worried about to say 
that because Indonesia is the fourth most populous country in the world 
and the country with the highest population as far as the Muslim 
religion is concerned; this is all irrelevant, Mr. Speaker. The fact of 
the matter is that these people, this military, has butchered these 
people, and it is about time that we do something about this, and I 
want to commend the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi) for 
offering this motion.
  Mr. CALLAHAN. Mr. Speaker, I have no further speakers and, therefore, 
yield back the balance of my time.
  Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Connecticut (Mr. Gejdenson), our distinguished ranking member of the 
Committee on International Relations.
  Mr. GEJDENSON. Mr. Speaker, I will not take up the 2 minutes. I just 
want to commend the gentlewoman and the gentleman for agreeing on this 
language. This is a critical moment. There has to be a very clear and 
direct signal from the United States as there has been from the White 
House, from United States Congress, that America will not countenance 
this kind of behavior. The outrageous acts by the Indonesian military 
and government has to be answered, and I am glad to see the gentlewoman 
from California leading this effort today.
  Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished ranking member, the gentleman 
from Connecticut (Mr. Gejdenson), for his leadership and his statement.
  Mr. Speaker, I want to begin my closing by commending the 
distinguished chairman of the committee for his cooperation on this 
motion to instruct. It is my understanding that the gentleman will not 
oppose, and I assume that means he will support the motion to instruct 
conferees, and for that I am very grateful because I think it is very 
important that whatever the content of the motion to instruct, that it 
have unanimous support, and while, as I said earlier, I would have gone 
further to cut off all military training to the Indonesian military, 
what is before us is what is allowed by the rules within the scope of 
the two bills that will be reconciled in conference.
  So I look forward to working with the chairman in conference under 
his leadership on insisting on the House language when, as I 
anticipate, we carry this motion to instruct today.
  In closing I just want to say again why it is so important. Our 
distinguished colleagues who have spoken here today have spent years 
toiling on the issue of East Timor. They are concerned because they are 
champions of human rights throughout the world, and as such East Timor 
has been an important issue. They have many Portuguese Americans living 
in their districts, and so, many of them have a heightened awareness, 
specifically of the sad situation in East Timor. They are aware of East 
Timor as it has been, and as it existed since the Portuguese left, 
leaving East Timor an independent country which was then immediately 
overtaken by the Indonesian military.
  In our foreign operations bill over the years we have asked and tried 
to persuade the Indonesian Government to work with Bishop Belo for a 
peaceful resolution of the situation in East Timor. As has been 
mentioned by my colleagues, in the past week Bishop Belo, a Nobel prize 
winner, a Nobel peace laureate for his work for promoting democratic 
reform and autonomy or independence, as the case may be--it is now 
independence in East Timor, self determination in East Timor has had 
his house burned to the ground. The people who sought sanctuary there 
had to flee.
  Never in the 400-or-so years of recent history of East Timor with all 
of the occupations that they have endured, including all the time the 
Japanese occupying that area, never were the religious institutions, 
establishments, treated in this fashion. My colleagues have gone into 
the number of people who have died, hundreds of thousands made 
homeless, hundreds of thousands evacuated in the last 10 days from East 
Timor. This is a moral blot on the world, as I said earlier, a 
challenge to the conscience of the world. Hopefully the world will rise 
to the occasion as we prepare to send in the U.N. troops.
  But as we talk about that, the form that this motion takes is to 
confine the military training of the Indonesian military to expanded in 
IMET, and I want to spend a moment on that.
  We have tried in our committee, those of us who have been working on 
this issue, to eliminate all military training by the U.S. military of 
the Indonesian military. Our military has said that we must go in there 
and train them, and they do not even want to confine it to Expanded 
IMET. Our military wants to train the Indonesian military. As a 
compromise we have included language that says if our military they 
trains them, it has to be on how a military functions in a civilian 
society and focus on respecting the human rights of people that they 
are dealing with there.
  We have asked the U.S. military over and over for the policy 
justification for our training of the Indonesian military. None has 
come forward. What has come forward though is the overwhelmingly 
enthusiastic support by our military of this training which I think 
that whether or not, and I believe that the Indonesian military was 
very, very involved in the massacre that occurred in East Timor, but 
even for a moment if my colleagues say there is a question about that, 
that they did not cooperate with the militia. What did they do to stop 
this massacre?

[[Page 21427]]

  A price in humanity has been paid in the last 10 days that could have 
been prevented. I think that I can say without any doubt that the U.S. 
military training of Indonesian military has been a failure, has been a 
failure. We fail to see also the policy justification for that 
military-to-military training.
  I have asked and my chairman has very graciously agreed for our 
committee to have hearings on U.S. military training worldwide. We had 
that hearing. In advance of that hearing on our bill, we had asked for 
an accounting of this military training worldwide. We received volumes, 
but really not volumes of information that was very useful.
  So today, surrounding this tragedy maybe at long last we will get 
enough awareness on the part of the Congress to examine what this 
program is about.
  I call to my colleagues' attention another point, and that is even 
though this body by its vote forbade the military U.S. training of the 
Indonesian military except for Expanded IMET, our military went around 
the intent of Congress and trained the Kopassus under another program. 
Not IMET, but the JCET program, trained the Kopassus which is guilty of 
many atrocities in Indonesia and in East Timor. Our weapons were used 
against the people of East Timor.
  So let us do this today. It is a small baby step in the motion to 
instruct, and hopefully the strong vote that it has will be a vote 
about confining to expanded IMET, that the conference will agree to 
that. But in addition to that, we must take a close look at the policy 
justification for this military-to-military training, and when Congress 
says it shall not take place or it should only take place under certain 
circumstances, that our military understand a civilian government as 
well and that they do not find other ways to go around it.
  Since I have served on the Committee on Foreign Operations and on the 
Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, I have constantly been 
called by our CINCPAC the present one, Admiral Blair, his predecessor 
and that admiral's predecessor to talk about the glories of our 
training of the Indonesian military. I did not believe it then, and I 
am absolutely certain that it has not been effective now. Witness what 
happened in East Timor.
  So I am pleased to have the time to bring this motion to the floor. I 
thank my distinguished chairman for supporting the motion to instruct. 
I also thank him for giving us the forum to have the military training 
hearing that we had and hope now with all of this discussion that it 
will raise the consciousness of this body to the issue of IMET and 
military training, JCET, other military training, weapon sales and the 
military-to-military cooperation.
  I want to commend the Clinton administration for its leadership in 
these past days in getting us to a point where now a U.N. peacekeeping 
force can go in. I want to commend them for suspending the military-to-
military cooperation; but it is important for this body to act, put 
into law this confining of the military training to human rights 
activities and the role of a military in a civilian society.
  With that, if I have any time left, Mr. Speaker, I would like to set 
aside 10 seconds, 10 seconds recognizing that we really do not have a 
13th month here, 10 seconds of silence on behalf of all the people who 
have died in East Timor. This should be a grief to every person in the 
world, and I would ask for that 10 seconds.
  Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I join my esteemed colleague, 
Congresswoman Pelosi, on her motion to instruct conferees to maintain 
the House language on restrictions of IMET military assistance to 
Indonesia.
  Like many of our colleagues, I am greatly disturbed and saddened by 
the brutal, violent response of the pro-Jakarta militia and Indonesian 
military to the overwhelming vote for independence demonstrated by the 
courageous people of East Timor. However, I am not at all surprised at 
the rampant killings, Mr. Speaker, as the Indonesian military has 
routinely used violence as a tool of repression.
  Although the Timorese struggle for self-determination has received 
much publicity, Mr. Speaker, scant attention has been paid to the 
people of West Papua New Guinea who have similarly struggled in Irian 
Jaya to throw off the yoke of Indonesian colonialism. As in East Timor, 
Indonesia took West Papua New Guinea by force in 1963. In a pathetic 
episode, the United Nations in 1969 sanctioned a fraudulent referendum, 
where only 1,025 delegates handpicked and paid-off by Jakarta were 
permitted to participate in an independence vote. The rest of the West 
Papua people, over 800,00 strong, has absolutely no voice in the 
undemocratic process.
  Since Indonesia subjugated West Papua New Guinea, the native Papuan 
people have suffered under one of the most repressive and unjust 
systems of colonial occupation in the 20th century. Like in East Timor 
where 200,000 East Timorese are thought to have died, the Indonesian 
military has been brutal in Irian Jaya. Reports estimate that between 
100,000 to 300,000 West Papuans have died or simply vanished at the 
hands of the Indonesian military. While we search for justice and peace 
in East Timor, Mr. Speaker, we should not forget the violent tragedy 
that continues to play out today in West Papua New Guinea. I would urge 
our colleagues, our great nation, and the international community to 
revisit the status of West Papua New Guinea to ensure that justice is 
also achieved there.
  Mr. Speaker, with respect to the events of the past week, the 
Indonesian Government should be condemned in the strongest terms for 
allowing untold atrocities to be committed against the innocent, 
unarmed civilians of East Timor. I commend President Clinton for 
terminating all assistance to and ties with the Indonesian military. 
The latest U.N. estimate are that up to 300,000 Timorese, over a third 
of the population of East Timor, have been displaced and it remains to 
be seen how many hundreds, if not thousands, have been killed in the 
mass bloodletting and carnage. A war crimes tribunal, as called for by 
UNHCR head Mary Robinson, is necessary to punish those responsible for 
the atrocities.
  I further commend the decision of the United Nations to try to 
maintain its UNAMET operations in Dili, even if only with a skeletal 
staff. It was absolutely essential that international observers, such 
as the U.N., not desert East Timor or the likelihood of genocide 
against the Timorese people would have substantially increased. I am 
greatly disturbed to learn this morning that the UNAMET compound has 
been abandoned because of continuing attacks by Indonesian militia and 
military elements.
  As to the issue of a U.N. or international peacekeeping force, I 
strongly support such an intervention in East Timor and commend 
Indonesian President Habibie for his decision this weekend to authorize 
entry. While Australia and New Zealand may take the lead in the 
formation of such a peacekeeping force, it is crucial that Southeast 
Asian nations, such as the Philippines, Malaysia, and Thailand, 
contribute significant troops to the effort, and I applaud the 
cooperation and commitment of these countries. Jakarta, however, should 
not be permitted to dictate which countries shall comprise and 
contribute to the international peacekeeping force.
  It is clear the United States must also commit to this peacekeeping 
effort and not shirk its duty. Besides playing a significant role in 
supplying airlift capabilities and logistical support, I believe 
America should also contribute a small, if not symbolic, contingent of 
ground troops, which could easily be drawn from our substantial forces 
of U.S. Marines based in Okinawa.
  With Indonesia being the fourth largest nation and the largest Muslim 
country in the world, which sits astride major sealanes of 
communication and trade--certainly we have substantial national 
interests in preserving stability in Indonesia and Southeast Asia, as 
well as preventing a U.N. initiative from turning into a catastrophic 
humanitarian disaster.
  Moreover, Mr. Speaker, I believe that what has happened in East 
Timor--where the Indonesian military forces played a major role in the 
horrific violence--holds prophetic ramifications for the future of 
Indonesia as a whole. In front of the world, President Habibie has been 
humiliated by the inability to control his own military while Defense 
Minister General Wiranto's hand in the unfolding events in East Timor 
is still being questioned. It raises the question as to who is actually 
in control in Jakarta, and whether a civilian democratic government or 
military regime holds the reigns of power to Indonesia--now and for the 
future.
  By its simple presence, Mr. Speaker, an international peacekeeping 
force in East Timor may well lend a hand in stabilizing not just that 
island but the fragile democracy that ostensibly governs Indonesia.
  I thank the gentlewoman for her motion and urge our colleagues to 
support this important measure.

[[Page 21428]]


  Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of the Motion 
to Instruct Conferees and to condemn the violence raging in East Timor. 
Sadly, on what should have been a joyous occasion, the free and 
democratic decision of the people of East Timor to become independent, 
violence erupted, and brought tragedy instead.
  The stories we have heard from this region are heartbreaking--homes 
burned, young people shot and dumped in the sea, massacres by machete. 
The brutal tactics of anti-independence militias and members of the 
Indonesian military are truly horrific. Of course, our hearts go out to 
the people of East Timor for all they have endured. However, our 
sympathy is not enough. We must take action to ensure that such 
violence will not continue.
  The government in Indonesia has been slow to bring an end to the 
violence in East Timor. President Habibie has finally agreed to allow 
an international peacekeeping force to enter East Timor and restore 
order. However, this alone will not do. Of course, I believe that we 
must supply humanitarian aid to the region, but we should discontinue 
our programs of military and economic assistance pending resolution of 
this crisis. while this motion to instruct conferees would not 
completely cut off military aid to Indonesia, it is an important first 
step. we must send a message that such violence is unacceptable and 
will not be rewarded with continued assistance.
  On a personal note my constituent Alan Nairn, a journalist reporting 
on the situation in East Timor, was captured last night by the 
Indonesian military police. I have been working hard to ensure his 
immediate release and am hopeful that he will emerge unharmed.
  I have closely monitored the situation in East Timor for years, and 
have consistently called upon the Administration to take bold steps to 
protect human rights and support the people of East Timor. I have long 
urged the United Nations to take an active interest in the plight of 
the East Timorese. In addition, I have called for International 
Military Education Training funding to be cut to Indonesia and I have 
opposed the sale of F-16 fighter planes to that nation on account of 
its poor human rights record.
  The tragedy in East Timor has touched us all. I urge this House and 
the Clinton Administration to do all that it can to end the hostilities 
and ease the suffering of those in East Timor.
  I urge the adoption of this motion.
  Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

                              {time}  1145

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Without objection, the previous question is 
ordered.
  There was no objection.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Hastings of Washington). The question is 
on the motion to instruct offered by the gentlewoman from California 
(Ms. Pelosi).
  The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that 
the ayes appeared to have it.
  Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, I object to the vote on the ground that a 
quorum is not present, and make the point of order that a quorum is not 
present.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, further 
proceedings on this question will be postponed until after the 
disposition of H.R. 1883 under suspension of the rules.
  The point of no quorum is considered withdrawn.

                          ____________________