[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 145 (1999), Part 15]
[Senate]
[Pages 21338-21340]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]



              STEMMING THE TIDE OF VIOLENCE IN EAST TIMOR

  Mr. FEINGOLD. Mr. President, I rise today to discuss the tumultuous 
events that have unfolded in East Timor since the August 30 ballot to 
determine the territory's political future, and to state clearly what 
the United States is and should be doing in response to this crisis.
  How can anyone not be horrified at the blind eye that the Indonesian 
government has turned to the unchecked violence and mass murder being 
perpetrated in East Timor by anti-independence militias--violence that 
even today is blatantly supported by elements of the Indonesian army.
  In just one week, since the ballot's results were announced on 
September 4, the militias have driven out or slaughtered nearly the 
entire population of the capital city of Dili. East Timor is dotted 
with villages and cities that have become virtual ghost towns in a 
matter of days. Many of the people that have been driven out have been 
forced into militia-run refugee camps in West Timor. Mr. President, 
these innocent civilians are unprotected targets for a group of thugs 
who are willing to obliterate East Timor completely rather than allow 
it to start down the road to the independence more than 78 percent of 
its people voted for on August 30.
  The message of the militias is clear: if Indonesia can't have East 
Timor, there will be no East Timor worth having for the East Timorese.
  Cities are in flames and militia members are stealing anything of 
value that they have not destroyed. Churches, usually recognized as 
places of sanctuary--even by combatants during war--have been burned 
with refugees still inside. Mr. President, this is literally a scorched 
earth policy. It is like few of even the worst episodes we have seen in 
the often bloody 20th century.
  No segment of the pro-independence population in East Timor has 
escaped the wrath of the militias. Religious leaders, foreigners, and 
the families of activists have been especially targeted for summary 
execution. At least 20 priests and nuns across East Timor have been 
murdered. Three of the priests were among approximately 100 Timorese 
victims killed in a brutal grenade attack on the town of Suai. Women, 
children, and the elderly have been massacred. Members of the United 
Nations Assistance Mission to East Timor (UNAMET) have been targeted, 
as have foreign journalists who are trying to cover the atrocities.
  The leaders of the Timorese independence movement and their families 
are especially vulnerable to attack. Early last week, the Indonesian 
government released independence leader and political prisoner Xanana 
Gusmao from jail in Jakarta. On Friday, he learned that his 82-year-old 
father had likely been murdered by pro-Jakarta thugs, and that his 
elderly mother is missing.
  Last week, the United Nations evacuated most of its personnel to 
Australia. About 80 brave UNAMET personnel elected to stay in East 
Timor to try to protect the approximately 1300 East Timorese who 
remained huddled behind the compound's barbed wire fences. They 
remained barricaded in what was left of the UNAMET headquarters for 
about a week with little, if any, power, water, or working 
telecommunications lines. Militia members have repeatedly fired into 
the compound.
  On Friday, some of the Timorese, including women and children, 
desperate to escape the violence, climbed the razor-sharp fence 
separating them from the armed thugs and attempted to find refuge in 
the hills behind the UNAMET mission. They were fired on by the militias 
as they tried to escape. The unarmed UNAMET personnel were powerless to 
help and could only watch in horror as those they had come to help were 
shot down by ruthless opponents of justice, self-determination, and the 
rule of law. Yesterday, the U.N. evacuated most of its personnel and 
the refugees remained in the compound to Australia.
  The boldness of the militias, and the complicity of the Indonesian 
army, and apparently members of the Habibie government, is astounding. 
I am truly shocked by the total impotence or inaction of the Indonesian 
government over the last two weeks. President Habibie promised the 
United Nations, the international community, and--most importantly--the 
people of East Timor, that he would ensure a secure environment in the 
territory and that the wishes of the Indonesian people would be 
respected. Neither has happened.
  Some argue that Habibie may be unable to stop the violence. Others 
say he is unwilling. His level of control over the army, which he did 
not consult prior to agreeing to the U.N.-supervised ballot on the 
future of East Timor, is, of course, a subject of a lot of debate. 
Whatever the case, Habibie has not made any compelling strong 
statements condemning this violence, and has made no attempt to reign 
in the army personnel who are participating in this rampage.
  I am also disturbed by the inaction of the head of the Indonesian 
military, General Wiranto. This past weekend, Wiranto implied that he 
may not have control of all of his forces. On Saturday, he accompanied 
a delegation from the United Nations Security Council to Dili, and he 
saw for what he said was the first time the devastation in that city. 
Soon after this visit, he said he would recommend that President 
Habibie accept an international peacekeeping force.
  Finally, under considerable pressure from the international 
community, and with the support of General Wiranto and the head of the 
Indonesian police, Habibie announced early Sunday that his government 
would allow international peacekeepers, led by Australia, to come to 
East Timor to restore order and stop the violent rampage of the 
militias. But, as is often the case in clashes such as this, his 
announcement, while welcome, came too late for those Timorese murdered 
by the militias and those hiding in the hills who have been forever 
scarred by the violence and impoverished by the destruction that has 
been leveled against the democratic aspirations of the people of East 
Timor.
  Now that the international community has reached this critical point 
in the transition of the political future of

[[Page 21339]]

East Timor, Mr. President, here, I think, are the steps that must be 
taken next.
  First and foremost, the international peacekeeping force must be 
deployed at the earliest possible date. I am very concerned at the 
words of delay coming out of Jakarta this morning.
  I deeply regret that it took President Habibie so long to recognize 
the need for international assistance. Now, the Indonesian government, 
military, and President Habibie must cooperate fully with the 
deployment and must not interfere in the operations of this 
peacekeeping force. They must allow the force to deploy quickly, 
restore order, and help the East Timorese people to regain a semblance 
of security in their own homes and some hope of actually realizing the 
aspirations manifest in the results of the August 30 ballot.
  I understand that Indonesian Foreign Minister Alatas continues 
meeting in New York today along with officials from Australia, to 
discuss the details of the Security Council mandate for the 
peacekeeping mission. One of those details clearly is to determine the 
composition of this international force and the role of the Indonesians 
themselves in such a deployment. Another should be to lay the 
groundwork for investigations into the crimes that have taken place in 
East Timor, including procedures to begin to collect evidence for 
future prosecutions.
  Nobel laureates Jose Ramos Horta and Bishop Carlos Belo have called 
for the immediate formation of a war crimes tribunal to investigate and 
prosecute those responsible for these vicious crimes. That tribunal 
should be formed at the earliest possible date. To achieve that goal, 
the immediate priority of the international community should be to get 
the peacekeeping forces deployed to gain control of the situation and 
prevent any further bloodshed, and to allow the Timorese that have fled 
to return home.
  The mandate for the peacekeeping mission should also be clear about 
the rules of engagement for disarming and detaining members of the 
militias. Some militia leaders have said that they will not disarm. 
This volatile situation poses a grave risk to the peacekeepers, and 
must be dealt with carefully and expeditiously.
  Second, we must quickly and concisely define the scope of the U.S. 
role in this peacekeeping mission. I am pleased that Australia has come 
forward to take the lead on this peacekeeping mission in East Timor, 
and that other countries in the region have offered to contribute 
troops to this effort. It is my general belief that peacekeeping 
operations should be led by countries in the region where the conflict 
is occurring. I am also troubled by some word this morning that the 
Indonesian government is perhaps balking at the idea of Australia 
leading this mission--which I think is very appropriate, that Australia 
do so.
  The militia-led violence, and the blatant collusion of the Indonesian 
military in the commission of that violence, is a direct slap at rule 
of law and the protection for the right to self-determination in 
international law and supported by the United Nations. I hope that any 
participation by the Indonesian military in this peacekeeping force 
will be scrutinized. Those who helped perpetrate the violence must not 
be placed in positions of trust within this operation.
  I will say more about my views with respect to U.S. involvement in 
this peacekeeping operation in a few minute.
  Third, the international community must keep the pressure on the 
Indonesian government. I am pleased that the President of our country 
made a decision I have advocated for some time to suspend military-to-
military activities with Indonesia. I am also encouraged that this 
decision includes halting all new military sales to that country. I 
hope that the President will expand this decision to immediately halt 
any sales currently in the pipeline. If we are to be taken seriously by 
the Indonesian government, those sales must also be included. And these 
benefits should not be reinstated until specific steps have been taken 
to implement the results of the August 30 ballot.
  I have heard many observers argue that Indonesia is too important 
financially to the United States and other countries to risk angering 
Jakarta. I would argue that no amount of trade is worth East Timorese 
lives. If we truly are to support Indonesia in its transition to true 
democracy, we must insist that the violence stop, and we must use every 
cent of our economic leverage to do so.
  Last week I introduced a bill, S. 1568, that would suspend all 
military and most economic assistance to Indonesia until steps have 
been taken to implement the August 30 ballot. I am pleased that the 
Administration has suspended some military aid. It is now imperative 
that we keep the pressure on by refusing to reinstate that aid--and by 
threatening to suspend all other aid--until the results of the August 
30 ballot are implemented. My bill would suspend new assistance and 
sales as well as those loans and purchases currently in the pipeline. 
In order to be effective, we must stop all aid in its tracks, not just 
new aid. We should also call on our allies to do the same. The recent 
financial troubles in Asia have made Indonesia dependent on bilateral 
and multilateral assistance. We should use that dependence as leverage 
to ensure that the Indonesian government lives up to its commitments in 
East Timor, including its newly announced willingness to admit a 
peacekeeping force into East Timor.
  In that regard, I am pleased that the European Union yesterday 
announced that it has suspended all arms sales and military cooperation 
with Indonesia.
  That welcome development makes it all the more important that we 
continue to push for passage of our legislation to suspend assistance. 
We must continue to apply the financial pressure provided for in this 
bill so that the Indonesians will understand the continuing U.S. 
resolve to see justice done in East Timor.
  Finally, the United Nations mandate for this peacekeeping mission 
should include full access to East Timor for peacekeeping troops, 
humanitarian workers, and war crimes investigators. The anti-
independence movement cannot be allowed to block access to any part of 
East Timor. In addition, humanitarian workers should also be allowed 
full access to the refugee camps in West Timor. The nations of the 
international peacekeeping force must make clear that no such 
interference will be tolerated.
  People are dying. Women and children are being slaughtered while the 
politicians try to leverage the situation to their advantage. President 
Habibie has a chance to do what is right for his people, and the East 
Timorese people, before he leaves office. The way to salvage what is 
left of Indonesia's shredded international reputation is to allow 
international peacekeepers to deploy rapidly into East Timor to stop 
this senseless bloodshed.
  Let me say another word about the U.S. role in this peacekeeping 
mission. As many of my colleagues know, I have been a vocal opponent of 
U.S. deployments to such places as Bosnia and Kosovo. While I support 
the concept of an international peacekeeping force led by countries 
from the region, it is my strong preference as it was in those cases 
that U.S. troops on the ground in East Timor not be a significant part 
of this peacekeeping mission. Our troops are currently overextended in 
open-ended commitments in such places as Bosnia, Kosovo, and Saudi 
Arabia. We should do whatever we can to limit our involvement in these 
places and be very hesitant to get deeply involved in any new missions 
of this sort.
  That said, however, I am open to supporting a request to the Congress 
from the Administration for U.S. financial, diplomatic, communications, 
and logistical support for an international peacekeeping mission to 
East Timor that is led by countries in the region. The Administration 
must continue to consult closely with the Congress prior to making any 
commitment to assist with such a peacekeeping mission.
  I believe strongly that the United States must develop criteria for 
deciding whether and where and how deeply

[[Page 21340]]

to get involved in peacekeeping missions abroad. Our men and women in 
uniform and their families deserve to understand the dangers of 
proposed missions and to be given a good-faith estimate of their 
length.
  As my colleagues know, I oppose our continuing involvement in the 
Balkans. The Administration argued that our action against the Federal 
Republic of Yugoslavia was necessary for humanitarian reasons. The 
trouble I have with our operations in Kosovo is that we have not shown 
the same willingness to intervene outside of our hemisphere to places 
like Rwanda and East Timor. What constitutes a humanitarian tragedy 
that warrants involvement by the United States military? The answer to 
that questions seems to change frequently under the current policy. I 
am affraid we really have no policy framework to address this crucial 
question. But the question will continue to arise and will do so with 
increasing frequency.
  In my view, the legal case for international intervention in East 
Timor is more compelling than the situation in Kosovo because of the 
long-standing legal disputes over the political status of the 
territory, as well as the clear expression for self-determination by 
the people of East Timor on August 30. The people of East Timor cast 
their votes in a ballot sanctioned by the Indonesian government and 
supervised by the United Nations.
  The East Timorese were promised a secure environment in which to 
express their honest views about the political future of their 
homeland. Instead, they had to endure intimidation by armed thugs 
supported by the army and by elements of the government that had sworn 
to protect them and to respect their wishes. Yet miraculously almost 99 
percent of registered voters went to the polls, bringing along their 
courage and a commitment to freedom. And then when the militias began a 
murderous rampage, the government did nothing. They would not grant the 
international community the power to act.
  So again, Mr. President, let me reiterate my view of the next crucial 
steps that must be taken in East Timor.
  An international peacekeeping force must be deployed as rapidly as 
possible.
  We must quickly and concisely define the scope of a limited U.S. role 
in the peacekeeping mission.
  The international community must keep the pressure on the Indonesian 
government, and the peacekeepers, humanitarian workers, and war crimes 
investigators must be allowed full access to East Timor. And it all 
must happen as soon as possible. Thousands of lives and the legitimate 
hopes of a people hang in the balance.
  I ask unanimous consent that an editorial from today's New York Times 
entitled ``Effective Force for East Timor'' be printed in the Record.
  There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

                   An Effective Force for East Timor

       ``We cannot wait any longer,'' Indonesia's President, B.J. 
     Habibie, said on Sunday. ``We have to stop the suffering and 
     mourning immediately.'' With those words, Mr. Habibie bowed 
     to world opinion and agreed to allow international 
     peacekeepers into East Timor. But important, questions remain 
     about when--and with what powers--the force will go in. The 
     international community needs to maintain political and 
     financial pressure on Indonesia to accept a force large and 
     powerful enough to protect East Timor's people--and to do so 
     immediately, before thousands more are killed.
       Militias created and backed by Indonesia's military have 
     been rampaging in East Timor for months, but the violence 
     dramatically worsened after an Aug. 30 vote that 
     overwhelmingly supported independence for the disputed 
     province, which Indonesia invaded and swallowed in 1975. The 
     militias have set fire to much of the territory and killed 
     perhaps thousands of people, many of them the pro-
     independence intelligentsia. Others have been rounded up and 
     taken to West Timor, and tens of thousands have fled to the 
     mountains, where they are in danger of starving.
       Mr. Habibie's announcement that he would accept an 
     international force took considerable political courage, as 
     the idea is hugely unpopular with Indonesians and especially 
     with its powerful military establishment. He agreed after 
     several countries began to cut off joint training exercises, 
     as well as military aid and sales, and important donors and 
     the International Monetary Fund and World Bank suggested that 
     they would condition further assistance on Indonesia's 
     performance in East Timor.
       The peacekeeping force, which requires the blessing of the 
     United Nations Security Council, would be organized and led 
     by Australia. Australian officials say they will provide 
     about 4,500 of the anticipated 7,000 troops needed if 
     Indonesia's military in East Timor is cooperative. They say 
     they can get 2,000 troops to East Timor within 72 hours of 
     United Nations approval.
       President Clinton says that Washington does not anticipate 
     providing ground troops for the mission, but that American 
     support forces would assist with logistics, intelligence, 
     airlift and coordination. Australia has maintained that 
     American expertise is needed for these tasks, and this is an 
     appropriate role for the United States.
       Yesterday the Security Council met to hear a chilling 
     report from a delegation of U.N. ambassadors that had just 
     returned from East Timor, and to begin to negotiate the 
     details of the force. Happily, Indonesia has retreated from 
     earlier statements that the unit should contain only Asians. 
     The world needs to keep up the economic and diplomatic 
     pressure to convince Mr. Habibie that the force must be able 
     to detain militia members or Indonesian soldiers who 
     terrorize the population or menace peacekeepers.
       President Habibie has already agreed to a commission to 
     look into human rights violations. Those investigators must 
     be able to work freely. Most crucial, Mr. Habibie cannot be 
     permitted to stall. There will soon be nothing left of East 
     Timor to save.

  Mr. FEINGOLD. I, again, thank the majority leader for the opportunity 
to address this matter at this time, and I yield the floor.

                          ____________________