[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 145 (1999), Part 10]
[Senate]
[Pages 14833-14838]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]



       FOREIGN OPERATIONS, EXPORT FINANCING AND RELATED PROGRAMS 
                  APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 2000--Continued

  Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, the hour of 1 o'clock having arrived, 
all the amendments to this bill have now been filed. I, at this point, 
will consult with Senator Leahy about how we proceed, but in all 
likelihood we should be able to finish this bill by mid to late 
afternoon.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Kansas.


                           Amendment No. 1119

  Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I wanted to address the body on several 
of the discussion points that were raised today regarding an amendment 
I filed. I inquire first of the President, what is the pending 
business?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is the McConnell amendment to the 
amendment of the Senator from Kansas.
  Mr. BROWNBACK. Then I will not have to ask the pending business be 
set aside. We are still on that.
  I wanted to address several of the issues my colleagues have raised, 
that the negotiations between Armenia and Azerbaijan that are taking 
place in the so-called Minsk Group are at a very delicate time period 
and the repeal of section 907, as addressed in the McConnell-Abraham 
amendment, would upset the delicate negotiations at this point in time.
  Frankly, it is just not true that these negotiations are at a 
delicate point in time now and this amendment would do that. The 
present conflict has been going on since the dissolution of the Soviet 
Union, and a cease-fire has been in effect since 1994. The U.S. 
Government is one of the peace group cochairs, along with Russia and 
France, and they all--the U.S. Government, the Clinton administration--
favor repeal or waiver of section 907.
  The amendment I put forward prevents our Government from being an 
honest broker in the peace process. We have letters from Secretary 
Albright and the administration on this.
  Russia is involved, and not in a helpful way. Their handiwork in 
retaining influences in the Caucasus is only slightly less obvious than 
their efforts to help out in Kosovo--in some situations where they were 
not helpful at all. Russian military troops are still based in Armenia 
and were providing military support and munitions supplies to Armenia 
during the war with Azerbaijan.
  The argument in support of the status quo has nothing to do with the 
sensitivities of the ongoing peace talks. The last real peace 
initiative where there was a real push was in 1997, calling for 
Armenia's withdrawal from the occupied territories in exchange for 
normalization of trade with Azerbaijan. This was rejected by Armenia.
  The continued status quo in Armenia's favor is nothing less than the 
Armenian Government's attempt to influence U.S. foreign policy and 
preserve an undue advantage. It really is that simple. Azerbaijan is 
the only country in the former Soviet Union that has unilateral 
sanctions from the United States. Again, we do not lift them; we just 
provide waiver authority for section 907.
  So those arguments being raised by my colleagues are simply not 
accurate. Also, they talk about the issue of the blockade: Somehow 
Azerbaijan is blockading Armenia. I want to show a map on this point so 
people can get a look, again, at the region and what this so-called 
blockade is about.
  Here is Azerbaijan. Here is Armenia. Here is the area in dispute. 
Armenia is occupying 20 percent of the landmass of Azerbaijan. The 
United Nations has condemned this action by Armenia. OSCE, the group 
much involved in negotiation, condemns the action by Armenia.
  You can see Armenia has outlets they can use through Iran or through 
Georgia, which is up here. So there is not a blockade on Armenia. What 
the so-called blockade is, and has been for a long period of time, is a 
mutual border closing caused by Armenia's continued illegal occupation 
of Azerbaijan.
  I hope my colleagues will look at the map, look at the situation, 
read the U.N. resolutions, the OSCE resolutions

[[Page 14834]]

about Armenia occupying 20 percent of Azerbaijan, and quickly and 
clearly conclude that this blockade is really a mutual border closing 
caused by Armenia and its illegal occupation of Azerbaijan. That, plus 
the difficulties caused by Armenia's mining of some of the overland 
routes through the buffer zone surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh, are 
probably some of the most serious logistical obstacles in the blockade.
  So I point these out to my colleagues, those who are saying this is a 
sensitive time. We had a cease-fire for 5 years. It is not that the 
government is involved in trying to negotiate a true peace and wants 
907 to be repealed so the United States can be an honest broker in this 
peace process and not one-sided on it. The Clinton administration, and 
Bush administration prior to that, opposed section 907. And the 
blockade is really not a blockade at all.
  Mr. President, I ask at this time to set aside the pending amendment, 
Senator McConnell's amendment, so I can call up an amendment.
  I will call up amendment No. 1170. This is an amendment I talked 
about previously on Sudan. I would like to have that considered. I ask 
unanimous consent that we set aside the pending amendment so I can call 
up amendment No. 1170.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.


                           Amendment No. 1170

    (Purpose: To make available international disaster assistance, 
   humanitarian assistance, and development assistance in opposition-
                       controlled areas of Sudan)

  Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I send an amendment to the desk and ask 
for its immediate consideration.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.
  The assistant legislative clerk read as follows:

       The Senator from Kansas [Mr. Brownback] proposes an 
     amendment numbered 1170.

  Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of 
the amendment be dispensed with.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The amendment is as follows:

       At the appropriate place in the bill, insert the following:

     SEC. __. INTERNATIONAL DISASTER ASSISTANCE FOR OPPOSITION-
                   CONTROLLED AREAS OF SUDAN.

       Notwithstanding any other provision of law, of the funds 
     made available under chapter 9 of part I of the Foreign 
     Assistance Act of 1961 (relating to international disaster 
     assistance) for fiscal year 2000, up to $4,000,000 should be 
     made available for rehabilitation and economic recovery in 
     opposition-controlled areas of Sudan. Such funds are to be 
     used to improve economic governance, primary education, 
     agriculture, and other locally-determined priorities. Such 
     funds are to be programmed and implemented jointly by the 
     United States Agency for International Development and the 
     Department of Agriculture, and may be utilized for activities 
     which can be implemented for a period of up to two years.

     SEC. __. HUMANITARIAN ASSISTANCE FOR SUDANESE INDIGENOUS 
                   GROUPS.

       The President, acting through the appropriate Federal 
     agencies, is authorized to provide humanitarian assistance, 
     including food, directly to the National Democratic Alliance 
     participants and the Sudanese People's Liberation Movement 
     operating outside of the Operation Lifeline Sudan structure.

     SEC. __. DEVELOPMENT ASSISTANCE FOR OPPOSITION-CONTROLLED 
                   AREAS OF SUDAN.

       (a) Increase in Development Assistance.--The President, 
     acting through the United States Agency for International 
     Development, is authorized to increase substantially the 
     amount of development assistance for capacity building, 
     democracy promotion, civil administration, judiciary, and 
     infrastructure support in opposition-controlled areas of 
     Sudan.
       (b) Quarterly Report.--The President shall submit a report 
     on a quarterly basis to the Congress on progress made in 
     carrying out subsection (a).

  Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, this is an amendment we have been 
negotiating back and forth. I indicated briefly that we wanted to bring 
it up if we could not get a negotiated agreement. We are proceeding 
later on in the day. I know the people in charge of the bill want to 
move this amendment, so I called this amendment up to get it as the 
pending business so people can discuss it.
  I have discussed this earlier. I do not seek to take up an 
extraordinary amount of time to discuss it. It would make available 
international disaster assistance, humanitarian assistance, and 
development assistance in the opposition-controlled areas of the Sudan.
  I recently led a congressional delegation to the region. The 
government in Khartoum is a terrorist regime. That is according to the 
U.S. State Department. They have in their country the worst 
humanitarian situation in the world. That is according to Brian Atwood, 
head of USAID--the worst in the world. There were nearly 2 million 
people killed in 10 years, over 4 million internally displaced. This is 
through forced, manmade famine and starvation. This is by bombing, 
indiscriminate civilian bombing by the government in Khartoum.
  It is exporting terrorism. It has housed Osama bin Laden until 1997. 
They house a number of terrorist groups in Khartoum. They are 
supporting terrorism and spreading throughout the region a sort of 
militant terrorism--in the Congo, Eritrea, Uganda, and other places. 
They seem to seek to be the African edge of the militant terrorism. The 
people attempting to kill President Mubarak in Egypt were given housing 
and aid and abetting in Sudan by this government. This is a bad regime. 
This amendment simply seeks to provide humanitarian assistance to those 
opposition-controlled areas and the opposition groups.
  Here, again, is the list of items the government in Khartoum, the 
Sudan Government, is doing today. I have talked about these. Most 
recently, last year, 100,000 people, according to the U.S. Committee on 
Refugees, were killed by a man-induced famine, induced by the Khartoum 
government. They would not let our disaster relief planes fly into the 
region. They said no.
  It is time we allowed aid to go to the resistance groups that are 
fighting just for dignity and for their own lives. This is a simple 
amendment. It is a modification to the one we previously called up. I 
do not know of any objection to this, and as soon as the manager of the 
amendment can perhaps come to the floor, I would simply like to ask for 
the yeas and nays on this amendment and have us vote on it because I 
think it is a worthwhile amendment. While that is being taken care of, 
I ask unanimous consent that Senator Helms be added as a cosponsor to 
this amendment.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I have discussed this with Senator 
Frist, who chairs the subcommittee, who also has traveled to Sudan and 
knows of the situation taking place in that region. That is why this is 
an important issue for us to take up now. This is the appropriate 
vehicle. It is providing aid to the southern resistance movement. 
Actually now it is not just southern, it is all over the country.
  We can move the vote to a later point, but I ask for the yeas and 
nays on amendment No. 1170.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
  There is not a sufficient second at this time.
  Mr. BROWNBACK. At the appropriate time, when we can get a sufficient 
second, I will be asking for the yeas and nays on this amendment so we 
can have a vote on this amendment.
  I yield the floor, and I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. THOMAS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. THOMAS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent I be allowed to 
speak for 5 minutes as in morning business.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
  Without objection, it is so ordered.
  (The remarks of Mr. Thomas pertaining to the introduction of S. 1305 
are located in today's Record under ``Statements on Introduced Bills 
and Joint Resolutions.'')

[[Page 14835]]


  Mr. THOMAS. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative assistant proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. BINGAMAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. BINGAMAN. Mr. President, what is the business before the Senate?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Brownback amendment No. 1170.


                           Amendment No. 1165

   (Purpose: To express the sense of the Senate regarding assistance 
              provided to Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia)

  Mr. BINGAMAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the 
amendment be set aside and that amendment No. 1165 be called up for 
consideration.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? Without objection, the 
clerk will report.
  The legislative clerk read as follows:

       The Senator from New Mexico [Mr. Bingaman], for himself, 
     Mr. Roberts, Mr. Smith of New Hampshire, and Mr. Cleland, 
     proposes an amendment numbered 1165.

  The amendment is as follows:

        On page 128, between lines 13 and 14, insert the following 
     new section:

     SEC.   . SENSE OF THE SENATE REGARDING ASSISTANCE PROVIDED TO 
                   LITHUANIA, LATVIA, AND ESTONIA.

       It is the sense of the Senate that nothing in this Act, or 
     Senate Report No. 106-81, relating to assistance provided to 
     Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia under the Foreign Military 
     Financing Program, should be interpreted as expressing the 
     will of the Senate to accelerate membership of those nations 
     into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).

  Mr. BINGAMAN. Mr. President, this sense-of-the-Senate amendment is 
being offered on behalf of myself, Senator Roberts, Senator Bob Smith, 
and Senator Max Cleland as well.
  It is, I believe, an important amendment. It is also an amendment 
that will be accepted. That is my expectation. We don't have a final 
decision on that, but we hope that is the result.
  This year's foreign operations appropriations bill designates $20 
million in foreign military financing grant assistance to Lithuania, 
Latvia, and Estonia, the Baltic States. I am not concerned about the 
fact that we are designating funds for those states. I am concerned 
about the provision because of the intent that appears to lie behind 
the funding.
  Let me quote from the committee report. It says in the committee 
report:

       The assistance accelerates Baltic states integration into 
     NATO and supports these democracies as they enhance military 
     capabilities and adopt NATO standards.

  This amendment I have offered, with the help of the three other 
Senators I mentioned, would state that nothing in this bill concerning 
the foreign military financing intended to support the legitimate 
security needs of the Baltic States should be interpreted as also 
expressing the intent of the Senate to accelerate the membership of 
those countries into NATO.
  We recently observed the 50th anniversary of NATO, welcomed three new 
members into the alliance: the Czech Republic, Poland, and Hungary. I 
voted for the admission of those three into the alliance on this 
historic occasion. No other nations were admitted to the alliance, nor 
was there a commitment made to extend an invitation to any particular 
nation to join in the future.
  The language contained in the Senate report accompanying the bill 
suggests that the military financing authorized in the bill would be 
for the express purpose of accelerating the integration of those states 
into NATO. I believe that language is premature. I believe it is ill-
advised at this time. Let me try to give a few indications as to why.
  Many of my colleagues share the concern, which we have heard on the 
floor, about the future of the NATO alliance. We, obviously, value NATO 
and its contributions to peace. We fervently intend that it continue to 
be a force for peace in the future.
  Recent events within the alliance have raised some concern. Despite 
the recent military victory in Kosovo, there is some evidence that the 
alliance may not be totally healthy at this stage.
  While the bombing campaign continued in Yugoslavia, for example, 
there were divisions among NATO members. Those were worked through.
  In addition, there is a major debate now underway concerning the 
equity of the burdens that different members of NATO have, both 
financial burdens and military burdens.
  I am not suggesting we debate the future of NATO today, although I do 
believe the Senate should soon review the Strategic Concept that is 
being proposed to guide future NATO potential military involvements.
  I am suggesting, however, that legislative provisions, such as the 
one I have called attention to today in this sense-of-the-Senate 
resolution, could prematurely complicate the very difficult problems 
the alliance is facing. I don't believe anybody here would deny that a 
debate concerning the membership of the Baltic nations in NATO is 
likely to be a spirited one. This bill is not the appropriate venue for 
that debate to take place.
  I have reviewed, by the way, the Baltic charter that was signed in 
January 1998 to determine if I missed something with respect to the 
membership of the Baltic nations in NATO. There are many affirming 
words in the charter about cooperation between NATO and the Baltic 
nations, and there are several encouraging references with respect to 
possible future membership of those countries in the alliance. But 
there are no words that commit NATO to offering membership or to 
accelerating their integration of those nations into the alliance.
  The provision in the bill that would provide military assistance to 
the Baltic nations for that specific purpose is not grounded in a 
policy that I believe we should embrace at this time.
  The sense-of-the-Senate amendment I offer would permit foreign 
military financing to meet the security needs of the Baltic nations, 
but it does not commit the Senate, as a result of that assistance, to 
commit itself to approval or acceleration of the membership of the 
Baltic nations into NATO.
  I hope my colleagues will support the amendment. I believe it is in 
our national interest and in the security interests of Europe as well.
  Mr. President, I yield the floor.
  Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, the bill before us includes increased 
Foreign Military Financing funding to help Estonia, Latvia, and 
Lithuania improve their militaries. The Baltic countries need to 
improve their military posture whether or not they join the North 
Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). But the fact is that they do 
aspire to join NATO, and all three countries will be working to meet 
goals in NATO's Membership Action Plans for each country.
  My colleagues Senators Bingaman, Roberts, Bob Smith, and Cleland have 
offered an amendment that says that nothing in the bill ``should be 
interpreted as expressing the will of the Senate to accelerate 
membership of those nations into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization 
(NATO).'' However, the Senate can do nothing to invite the Baltic 
countries or any other aspiring country to join NATO. Only NATO can 
invite countries to join. When they are ready to join, and if they are 
invited to join, the Senate would have to vote to approve amending the 
NATO treaty to accept further NATO expansion.
  The Foreign Military Financing funding can serve to accelerate the 
Baltic countries' efforts to meet NATO criteria, but the decision to 
invite them to join NATO remains a political one that will be made by 
NATO's nineteen member states. The Baltic states could do nothing to 
become NATO ready and be invited--or they could become modern-day 
Spartas and still not be asked to join NATO; that decision is up to 
NATO.
  The Senate has already expressed its opinion in Section 2703 of the 
European Security Act of 1998 that was included in last year's Omnibus 
Appropriations bill that ``It is the sense of Congress that Romania, 
Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Bulgaria . . . (C) upon complete 
satisfaction of all relevant criteria should be invited to become full

[[Page 14836]]

NATO members at the earliest possible date.'' In other words, the 
Senate and House of Representatives have already said that when the 
Baltic countries are ready to join NATO, they should be invited to 
join.
  Thus I fail to see the usefulness of the amendment offered by my 
colleagues today. I particularly regret that the amendment has singled 
out Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia when in fact there are many NATO 
aspirants, including Romania, Bulgaria, Slovenia, Slovakia, Albania, 
and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.
  The Baltic countries have made enormous strides in transforming 
themselves into free market democracies. They have embraced civilian 
control of their militaries, have participated in international 
peacekeeping, and have demonstrated their ability to operate with the 
military forces of NATO countries under NATO standards, spending 
precious resources to do so. I believe we must follow through and do 
all we can to convince our NATO allies that the Baltic states should be 
invited.
  The United States' position on further expansion is that NATO should 
have an open door policy and that geography should be no barrier to 
membership. Russia need not feel threatened by the NATO membership of 
the three tiny Baltic states--they can do nothing to threaten the 
enormous and powerful Russian Federation. And right now Russia has no 
hostile intent toward them. But should Russia turn away from democracy, 
and if an expansionist autocrat were to come to power once again, NATO 
membership for Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia would make a powerful 
statement that the United States and Europe will never again accept 
buffer-state subjugation of the Baltic states.
  Mr. GORTON. Mr. President, I am greatly dismayed by and strongly 
opposed to the amendment introduced by Senator Bingaman that seeks to 
express the Sense of the Senate that the Baltic States of Estonia, 
Latvia and Lithuania should not receive accelerated consideration for 
membership in NATO. This amendment most assuredly does not reflect the 
views of this Senator, and I am certain that of many more of my 
colleagues.
  I fail to comprehend the purpose in singling-out these independent 
nations in this manner. It appears to this Senator, after reviewing 
both the Foreign Appropriations bill and accompanying report, that 
there is nothing contained in either document that should provoke the 
offering of this amendment.
  It is my firm belief that the NATO alliance can benefit from the 
inclusion of new Central and East European nations, including the three 
Baltic states. The Baltic peoples have asked for and deserve protection 
from foreign invasion, and are willing to join the NATO security 
alliance to protect other European nations in need of help.
  Future NATO membership for Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania is essential 
to their safety and prosperity. Security concerns will take precedence 
over continued democratic and economic reforms if the Baltics continue 
to exist, unprotected, in the shadow of an increasingly nationalistic 
Russia.
  The United States should and must be vigilant in our efforts to 
extend NATO's reach to all democratic nations in Europe who cannot 
protect themselves. If we leave these nations exposed to the risk of 
foreign invasion and influence, the gains made in expanding democracy 
and freedom around the world will be vulnerable to erosion. The United 
States must continue to set an example for the world as a promoter and 
protector of democratic freedom. As victors in the Cold War, we have 
never had a greater opportunity than this to show democracy's enemies 
that we have the courage and the will to stand firm against them. NATO 
expansion is of vital importance to the future of democracy.
  The amendment offered by the Senator from New Mexico can only have a 
negative effect on the United States's efforts to expand and protect 
democratic development in Central and Eastern Europe. To punitively 
single-out these three nations as they strive to protect their right to 
independence and freedom, following decades of Soviet domination, is 
neither constructive, nor in the interests of the United States. It is 
my sincere hope that this language will not be included in the final 
Foreign Operations Appropriations bill passed by Congress for Fiscal 
Year 2000.
  Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, is there an amendment pending now?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Yes.
  Mr. LEAHY. Which amendment?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Amendment No. 1165, submitted by the Senator 
from New Mexico.
  Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the pending 
amendment be laid aside temporarily so that I may introduce this 
amendment.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.


                           Amendment No. 1179

  Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I send an amendment to the desk and ask for 
its immediate consideration.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.
  The legislative clerk read as follows:

       The Senator from Vermont [Mr. Leahy], for himself, Mr. 
     Feingold, Mr. Reed, Mrs. Feinstein, Mr. Wellstone, Mr. 
     Kennedy, Mr. Schumer, Mr. Harkin, and Mrs. Boxer, proposes an 
     amendment numbered 1179.

  Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of the 
amendment be dispensed with.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The amendment is as follows:

       At the appropriate place in the bill, add the following new 
     section:


                    SELF-DETERMINATION IN EAST TIMOR

       Sec.   . (a) The President, Secretary of State, Secretary 
     of Defense, and the Secretary of the Treasury (acting through 
     United States executive directors to international financial 
     institutions) should immediately intensify their efforts to 
     prevail upon the Indonesian Government and military to--
       (1) disarm and disband anti-independence militias in East 
     timor;
       (2) grant full access to East Timor by international human 
     rights monitors, humanitarian organizations, and the press;
       (3) allow Timorese who have been living in exile to return 
     to East Timor to campaign for and participate in the ballot; 
     and
       (4) release all political prisoners.
       (b) The President shall submit a report to Congress not 
     later than 15 days after passage of this Act, containing a 
     description of the Administration's efforts and his 
     assessment of efforts made by the Indonesian Government and 
     military to fulfill the steps described in paragraph (a).
       (c) The Secretary of the Treasury shall direct the United 
     States executive directors to international financial 
     institutions to take into account the extent of efforts made 
     by the Indonesian Government and military to fulfill the 
     steps described in paragraph (a), in determining their vote 
     on any loan or financial assistance to Indonesia.

  Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, the purpose of this amendment is to express 
strong support for a peaceful process of self-determination in East 
Timor.
  The Indonesian Government has a historic opportunity to resolve a 
conflict that has been the cause of suffering and instability for 23 
years.
  It has made a commitment to vote on August 21st on East Timor's 
future, and has recognized its responsibility to ensure that the vote 
is free and fair.
  On May 5, when I introduced a similar resolution, I remarked on 
Indonesia's accomplishments in the past year: President Suharto 
relinquished power; the Indonesian Government endorsed a vote on 
autonomy; and the United Nations, Portugal and Indonesia signed agreed 
on the procedures for that vote.
  There has been more progress in the past month. Democratic elections 
have been held, the first members of an international observer mission 
and police force arrived in East Timor, and Nobel laureate Jose Romos 
Horta was invited to return to Jakarta for the first time in 24 years.
  A year ago few people would have predicted that a settlement of East 
Timor's future would be in sight. However, there is deep concern that 
August 21st is quickly approaching, and the violence in East Timor will 
make a free and fair vote impossible.
  In fact, the vote, initially scheduled for August 8th, was postponed 
by the United Nations until August 21st because of the violence.

[[Page 14837]]

  Hundreds of civilians have been killed, injured, or disappeared in 
ongoing violence by anti-independence militias armed by members of the 
Indonesian military who want to sabotage the vote.
  Human rights monitors and humanitarian organizations continue to face 
problems gaining access to the island, and members of the press have 
been threatened.
  This amendment calls on the administration to immediately intensify 
its efforts to prevail upon the Indonesian Government to disarm and 
disband the anti-independence militias, grant full access to 
humanitarian organizations, and allow Timorese who have been living in 
exile to return home.
  It directs the United State executive directors to international 
financial institutions to use their influence to encourage the 
Indonesian Government and military to create a stable and secure 
environment for the vote.
  We should use all the resources at our disposal to convince the 
Indonesians to stop the violence. This is not only their 
responsibility, it is in their interests. If the Indonesian military 
succeeds in sabotaging the vote, Indonesia will face international 
condemnation.
  On June 11th, I and other Members of Congress wrote to World Bank 
President James Wolfensohn about the need for the World Bank to use its 
leverage with the Indonesian Government.
  Mr. President, the world community has recognized the urgency of this 
situation. An international monitoring and police presence throughout 
East Timor is critical to creating a secure environment.
  The administration is already helping to pay the costs of the U.N. 
monitors and police, and they have made some progress in stemming the 
violence.
  But far more needs to be done. It is time for the Indonesian 
Government and military to do their part--to act decisively to ensure 
that a free and fair vote can occur.
  This amendment reinforces what others have said and what the 
Indonesian Government has already committed to do. It should be 
unanimously supported.
  Mr. President, yesterday more than 100 anti-independence militiamen 
surrounded a newly opened United Nation's office in the East Timorese 
town of Maliana. Hurling rocks, the mob injured a diplomat from South 
Africa and at least a dozen Timorese who sought refuge inside the 
office. The U.N. building also sustained considerable damage.
  In recent months I have spoken out about the escalating violence in 
East Timor on numerous occasions. I am offering an amendment today 
about the situation there.
  The Indonesian Government and military have pledged to establish a 
safe and secure environment prior to the August 21st ballot on East 
Timor's political status. This alarming incident is a clear example 
that the Indonesian Government and military are not living up to their 
obligations. It is a clear example that their failure to act is having 
and will continue to have international consequences.
  This latest attack suggests that despite the May 5th tripartite 
agreement, the presence of an international observer mission and police 
force and recent negotiations between the opposing factions about how 
to stem the violence, the situation is continuing to deteriorate. It 
could jeopardize the entire peace process.
  The East Timorese have endured over 20 years of violence and 
repression. The international community has committed its resources to 
helping ensure that a free and fair ballot can be conducted. The United 
Nations has firmly stated that it has a job to do in East Timor and it 
will not be chased off by intimidation and harassment.
  Mr. President, it is my hope that this violent attack will sound the 
alarm to the Indonesian government and military that they have an 
historic opportunity to finally establish peace in East Timor and that 
they must act immediately or it will be lost.
  Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays on my amendment.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
  There is a sufficient second.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative assistant proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I will soon send two amendments to the 
desk, one by the occupant of the chair, Senator Voinovich, related to 
designation of Serbia as a terrorist state, and the other by Senator 
Biden, both of which have been cleared on both sides of the aisle.


                     Amendments Nos. 1180 and 1181

  Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I send two amendments to the desk.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.
  The legislative clerk read as follows:

       The Senator from Kentucky [Mr. McConnell] proposes 
     amendments numbered 1180 and 1181.

  The amendments are as follows:


                           amendment no. 1180

       To Sec. 525.--Designation of Serbia as a Terrorist State 
     add:
       (C) This section would become null and void should the 
     Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (other than Montenegro and 
     Kosova) complete a democratic reform process that brings 
     about a newly elected government that respects the rights of 
     ethnic minorities, is committed to the rule of law and 
     respects the sovereignty of its neighbor states.
                                  ____



                           amendment no. 1181

          (Purpose: To allocate funds for the Iraq Foundation)

       On page 128, between lines 13 and 14, insert the following:

     SEC.   . ALLOCATION OF FUNDS FOR THE IRAQ FOUNDATION.

       Of the funds made available by this Act for activities of 
     Iraqi opposition groups designated under the Iraqi Liberation 
     Act (Public Law 105-338). $250,000 shall be made available 
     for the Iraq Foundation.

  Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that these two 
amendments be agreed to.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, the amendments are agreed 
to.
  The amendments (Nos. 1180 and 1181) were agreed to.
  Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote.
  Mr. LEAHY. I move to lay that motion on the table.
  The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.


                           Amendment No. 1179

  Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, are we now back on the Leahy amendment?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Santorum). That is correct.
  Mr. FEINGOLD. Mr. President, I rise today to join my distinguished 
colleague from Vermont, Senator Leahy, to offer this amendment to 
encourage a peaceful process of self-determination in East Timor. This 
amendment closely mirrors what he and I and several other Senators 
expressed in Senate Resolution 96, and in a similar amendment to the 
State Department authorization bill. We are offering this amendment 
today to again highlight the significance of the process underway in 
East Timor that will once and for all determine its political status.
  I want to commend the members of the Foreign Operations Subcommittee 
for including language relating to East Timor in the committee report 
accompanying this bill. I believe it is important that the Senate go on 
record regarding its support for the forthcoming ballot and in 
condemnation of the violence surrounding this historic vote.
  As we all know, Indonesian President Habibie announced on January 27 
that the Government of Indonesia was finally willing to seek to learn 
and respect the wishes of the people in that territory. On May 5, the 
Governments of Indonesia and Portugal signed an agreement to hold a 
United Nations- supervised ``consultation'' on August 8 to determine 
East Timor's future political status. This ballot has since been 
postponed to an as yet undetermined date in late August.
  Despite the positive step forward that the ballot represents, 
excitement

[[Page 14838]]

and tension over the possibility of gaining independence have in recent 
months led to a gross deterioration of the security situation. 
Militias, comprised of individuals determined to intimidate the East 
Timorese people into support for continued integration with Indonesia 
and widely believed to be supported by the Indonesian military, are 
responsible for a sharp increase in violence.
  Just this week, members of a pro-Jakarta civilian militia attacked a 
United Nations regional headquarters in the Maliana township in East 
Timor. Several people, including a U.N. election officer, were wounded. 
This is latest in a string of violent incidents that have been linked 
to pro-Jakarta militias. Mr. President, this kind of violence and 
intimidation cannot be tolerated, especially at this crucial time.
  In the May 5 agreement, the Government of Indonesia agreed to take 
responsibility for ensuring that the ballot is carried out in a fair 
and peaceful way. Unfortunately, it is unclear that they are 
implementing this aspect of the agreement. Quite the opposite. Whether 
Indonesian troops have actually participated in some of these incidents 
or not, the authorities certainly most accept the blame for allowing, 
and in some cases encouraging, the bloody tactics of the pro-
integration militias. The continuation of this violence is a threat to 
the very sanctity and legitimacy of the process that is underway. Thus, 
the Leahy-Feingold amendment specifically calls on Jakarta to do all it 
can to seek a peaceful process and a fair resolution to the situation 
in East Timor.
  Mr. President, I believe the United States has a responsibility--an 
obligation--to put as much pressure as possible on the Indonesian 
government to help encourage an environment conducive to a free, fair, 
peaceful ballot process for the people of East Timor. I am pleased that 
we have taken a leadership role in offering technical, financial, and 
diplomatic support to the recently authorized U.N. Assistance Mission 
in East Timor, known as UNAMET.
  Mr. President, it is not in our power to guarantee the free, fair 
exercise of the rights of the people of East Timor to determine their 
future. It is, however, in our interest to do all that we can to work 
with the United Nations, other concerned countries, the government of 
Indonesia and the people of East Timor to create an opportunity for a 
successful ballot process. We cannot forget that the Timorese have been 
living with violence and oppression for more than 23 years. These many 
years have not dulled the desire of the East Timorese for freedom, or 
quieted their demands to have a role in the determination of East 
Timor's status.
  We have to do all we can to support an environment that can produce a 
fair ballot in East Timor. Now. And throughout the rest of this 
process.
  I hope my colleagues will support this amendment.
  I yield the floor.
  THE PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on agreeing to the amendment 
of the Senator from Vermont. On this question, the yeas and nays have 
been ordered, and the clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk called the roll.
  Mr. NICKLES. I announce that the Senator from Florida (Mr. Mack) and 
the Senator from Arizona (Mr. McCain) are necessarily absent.
  The result was announced--yeas 98, nays 0, as follows:

                      [Rollcall Vote No. 188 Leg.]

                                YEAS--98

     Abraham
     Akaka
     Allard
     Ashcroft
     Baucus
     Bayh
     Bennett
     Biden
     Bingaman
     Bond
     Boxer
     Breaux
     Brownback
     Bryan
     Bunning
     Burns
     Byrd
     Campbell
     Chafee
     Cleland
     Cochran
     Collins
     Conrad
     Coverdell
     Craig
     Crapo
     Daschle
     DeWine
     Dodd
     Domenici
     Dorgan
     Durbin
     Edwards
     Enzi
     Feingold
     Feinstein
     Fitzgerald
     Frist
     Gorton
     Graham
     Gramm
     Grams
     Grassley
     Gregg
     Hagel
     Harkin
     Hatch
     Helms
     Hollings
     Hutchinson
     Hutchison
     Inhofe
     Inouye
     Jeffords
     Johnson
     Kennedy
     Kerrey
     Kerry
     Kohl
     Kyl
     Landrieu
     Lautenberg
     Leahy
     Levin
     Lieberman
     Lincoln
     Lott
     Lugar
     McConnell
     Mikulski
     Moynihan
     Murkowski
     Murray
     Nickles
     Reed
     Reid
     Robb
     Roberts
     Rockefeller
     Roth
     Santorum
     Sarbanes
     Schumer
     Sessions
     Shelby
     Smith (NH)
     Smith (OR)
     Snowe
     Specter
     Stevens
     Thomas
     Thompson
     Thurmond
     Torricelli
     Voinovich
     Warner
     Wellstone
     Wyden

                             NOT VOTING--2

       
     Mack
     McCain
  The amendment (No. 1179) was agreed to.
  Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote.
  Mr. BROWNBACK. I move to lay that motion on the table.
  The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
  Mr. FEINGOLD. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative assistant proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. SARBANES. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.

                          ____________________