[Congressional Record Volume 172, Number 121 (Thursday, July 23, 2026)]
[Senate]
[Pages S4250-S4251]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
Ukraine
Mr. McCORMICK. Mr. President, I rise today to speak about the war in
Ukraine and to say something that has been a long time coming: The tide
is turning against Vladimir Putin.
For more than 4 years, Russia has waged a brutal, unprovoked war of
aggression against a free and sovereign Ukraine. Putin bet that Kyiv
would fall in days. He bet that the West would fracture in response.
And when that didn't work, he bet that Ukraine would break in a few
months. He was wrong on every count, and today he finds himself in a
moment of weakness.
President Trump promised peace through strength, and his strategy is
working. By restoring American deterrence, by driving our allies to
historic levels of defense investment, and by pairing diplomacy with
the credible threat of crushing economic pressure, President Trump has
changed the trajectory of this war. And Putin--Putin is weaker today,
and Ukraine is stronger. And now--now--is the time for America to lean
into this strategic opportunity and to drive Putin's war machine into
the ground.
Let's consider the facts. For the first time since 2023, Ukrainian
forces have retaken more territory than Russia has gained. The
Institute for the Study of War assesses that the war's momentum is
shifting in Ukraine's favor, that Russia's spring and summer offensive
has stalled, and that Russia cannot recruit soldiers fast enough to
replace its losses--losses that are estimated to be between 30,000 to
40,000 per month.
Since President Trump returned to office in January 2025, Russia has
suffered approximately 130 casualties for every square kilometer of
Ukrainian territory gained. And as you see in chart 2, the red area
circled in green here is all that Russia has been able to conquer in
the last 18 months. This is not a Russian war machine on the march; it
is a war machine that is grinding itself to dust.
How has Ukraine done it? Well, they have done it through courage and
ingenuity and innovation. Ukrainian drone operators now dominate the
battlefield, extending the kill zone more than 10 miles beyond the
frontlines. Ukraine has built, under fire, one of the most
sophisticated defense technology sectors in the world. Ukraine produced
over 3.5 million drones last year and is now deploying more than
10,000--10,000--drones daily.
Last week, at the Pennsylvania Defense and Innovation Summit, which I
hosted, CIA Director John Ratcliffe confirmed that most Russian
recruits arriving on the frontlines survive an estimated 20 to 30
minutes before they are killed or wounded, with drones causing over 80
percent of those battlefield casualties.
Our own warfighters--our own American warfighters--are beginning to
implement the lessons learned on the Ukrainian battlefield, and I
applaud Secretary Hegseth and Army Secretary Driscoll for leaning into
these innovations--innovations that our Armed Forces require.
Ukraine has also proven it can strike deep into Russia itself.
Russian oil refineries, airfields, ammunitions depots, and logistics
hubs hundreds of miles from the border are no longer sanctuaries. The
war Putin started is now arriving on his own doorstep.
And this matters. This matters to us here in America for a simple
reason: Ukraine has demonstrated beyond any doubt its ability and its
willingness to defend its own sovereignty. The Ukrainian people are
not--and I repeat, are not--asking American soldiers to fight for them;
they are asking for the tools to finish the job themselves. As someone
who wore our Nation's uniform, I understand the difference, and we have
a critical opportunity to seize this momentum, to increase the pressure
on Russia, to halt its unprovoked aggression.
No one has worked harder to end this war than President Trump. And,
let's face it, Ukraine is not a perfect partner. Corruption remains a
serious problem, and it should be held accountable to the reform
commitments it has already made. President Zelenskyy has shown a
willingness to come to the table at a time when Putin has rejected
peace and continued firing on Ukrainian civilians.
You had better believe--you had better believe that Beijing is
watching our next move very closely. If unbridled aggression pays in
Europe and if unbridled aggression pays in the Middle East, it will be
attempted in the Taiwan Strait. That is one of the many reasons I
applaud the President for showing similar resolve against the threat
from Iran. This, combined with increasing the pressure on Putin, will
ensure that China gets the message:
[[Page S4251]]
America is serious about peace through strength.
But to be clear, we cannot confuse the current momentum we see on the
battlefield with victory--two very different things. Putin is still
betting on one thing: that he can outlast us, that our attention will
drift, that our resolve will soften and his oil revenues will fund this
war machine long enough to exhaust Ukraine's defenses.
Our job, the job of this body, is to prove him wrong, and that means
striking at the one thing--the one thing--that keeps the Kremlin's war
going: money. Money is what keeps the Kremlin's war going. That is why
I am proud to support two strong bipartisan bills that would give
President Trump additional tools to leverage in the pursuit of peace.
The first is the appropriately named Lindsey O. Graham Sanctioning
Russia Act. Senator Graham championed a foreign policy rooted in
American strength, from the defense of Ukraine to the cause of freedom
everywhere. As you see on chart 3, this legislation would authorize
sweeping sanctions on Russian officials, oligarchs, banks, state-
controlled entities, and the shadow fleet that Putin has used to evade
sanctions. It would give our President the authority to impose tariffs
of up to 100 percent on the top importers of Russian crude oil or
natural gas and the top five countries facilitating Russian oil
sanctions evasion. Finally, it would cut Russia off from U.S. capital
and energy markets by prohibiting U.S. investment in Russia, purchases
of Russian sovereign debt, and broker-dealer funded transfers involving
the Russian Government.
The message is simple: If you bankroll Putin's war, you will pay a
price in the American capital markets.
The second bill is bipartisan legislation that I have introduced with
my colleagues here in the Senate--Senator Coons, Senator Husted, and
Senator Warren--the Decreasing Russian Oil Profits Act. As you see on
chart 4, the DROP Act targets the single most important source of
revenue propping up the Kremlin's war machine: oil. This legislation
fills a gap in our sanctions posture by requiring targeted sanctions on
anyone, anywhere, dealing in Russian-of-origin oil--the purchasers, the
shippers, the financiers, and the executives who profit from them.
Now is the time to move on these Russia sanctions bills to give the
President the tools and the leverage he needs to end this conflict, and
now is the time to increase the pressure on Putin's unbridled
aggression.
This is a bipartisan cause because it is an American cause.
Peace comes through strength--never through weakness, never through
wishful thinking. And the tide is turning. Ukraine is doing its part on
the battlefield, and now--now--the United States must capitalize on
this strategic opportunity to weaken Putin's Russia.
I urge my colleagues to pass the Lindsey O. Graham Sanctioning Russia
Act and the DROP Act without delay. Give our President--give our
President--the tools he needs to bring this conflict to a peaceful
resolution.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Vermont.