[Congressional Record Volume 172, Number 121 (Thursday, July 23, 2026)]
[Senate]
[Pages S4246-S4249]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




 DIRECTING THE REMOVAL OF UNITED STATES ARMED FORCES FROM HOSTILITIES 
   WITHIN OR AGAINST THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN THAT HAVE NOT BEEN 
              AUTHORIZED BY CONGRESS--Motion to Discharge

  Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. President, pursuant to 50 U.S.C. 1546a and in 
accordance with section 601(b) of the International Security Assistance 
and Arms Export Control Act, I move to discharge the Committee on 
Foreign Relations from further consideration of S.J. Res. 180.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report the motion.
  The senior assistant legislative clerk read as follows:

       Motion to discharge from the Committee on Foreign 
     Relations, S.J. Res. 180, a joint resolution to direct the 
     removal of United States Armed Forces from hostilities within 
     or against the Islamic Republic of Iran that have not been 
     authorized by Congress.

  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Hoeven). The Senator from Maryland.
  Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that Senator 
Sheehy be able to speak for up to 5 minutes, that I then speak for up 
to 20 minutes, and Senator Schumer be permitted to speak for 2 minutes 
before the scheduled vote.

[[Page S4247]]

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The Senator from Montana.


                                  Iran

  Mr. SHEEHY. Mr. President, yesterday, we saw the President of the 
United States and many others at Dover Air Force Base presiding over a 
ceremony that is very sacred to those of us who served, and that is a 
dignified return of remains from the war zone. And that process happens 
beginning in the war zone, through Dover, to the hometown of our fallen 
heroes.
  I have participated in many of those ceremonies myself, to include 
carrying friends of mine off the plane. One of those is on this 
bracelet. He was cut in half by an Iranian BFD.
  This regime that we are fighting does not care about our partisan 
politics. They don't care who you voted for, who you pray to, or where 
you live. They want to kill all of us. They don't just say it; they 
actually do it. And they have been doing it for 47 years.
  This is a war of choice; the Democrats are correct. It is a war of 
choice that was begun by a radical, lunatic band of terrorists that 
took over a beautiful nation 47 years ago--took it over with brutality, 
force, and savagery. And the second they took it over, they didn't free 
their people, they didn't unleash the largest oil reserves in the world 
to build schools and bridges. They took it over to murder their own 
people and to spread their disgusting ideology across the world, and 
that is exactly what they have been doing.
  They don't just say it and talk about it. You don't have to believe 
what they say. You can simply watch what they have done. They have 
attacked families, women, children, innocent people. They don't just 
attack them and kill them. They rape them. They skin them alive, on 
camera. They celebrate it. They honor those people who do disgusting 
things that we would put in jail for the rest of their lives in this 
country, and they do it for fun. And they pay them money to do it, and 
they are heroes for that nation. They have done it to friends of mine. 
They have done it to families who have been in this Chamber.
  The fact that we sit here and listen to elected officials of this 
country defend these lunatics who want us all dead--they want all of 
you dead. They want all of us dead. They don't want us to disappear 
with the snap of a finger; they want us to be raped, burned alive, and 
cut into pieces.
  Watch the video from October 7. That is what they want to happen, 
from Maine to San Diego, from Seattle to Miami. They want this country 
turned into a burning husk of its former self. And you don't have to 
theorize that. That is what they do--from the 1983 barracks bombing 
where 280 marines were vaporized in the morning; from the USS Cole to 
the Achille Lauro; to every terrorist attack from the Houthis, 
Hezbollah, Hamas. These are not humanitarian freedom organizations; 
they are death-dealing cults, and they want all of us to die brutal 
deaths.

  William Buckley was abducted in 1985, an American military officer. 
He was skinned alive on camera by the Iranians. American prisoners of 
war who were captured--they were never called prisoners of war because 
they were captured by lunatic terrorists, so they were not subject to 
the Geneva Convention. They were captured and murdered--power drills 
through their brains. This is in Iran.
  These are families that have dealt with this, and they have never 
gotten a single dime. These families have never gotten restitution.
  And not a single President has ever stood up to them. Love Donald 
Trump or hate him, love his policies, hate ICE, love ICE--whatever. 
There has never been a single President who has stood up to Iran and 
hit back. For 47 years, our troops and our families have been absorbing 
attack after attack after attack, all over the world.
  And their radical ideology does not stop at the Persian Gulf. It 
doesn't stop at Tel-Aviv. They want to do this everywhere. It is a 
global radical ideology, and we have been fighting it for half a 
century.
  We didn't start this war. We did not. But we will finish it. And 
forever wars are not popular with anybody these days. Both sides love 
to attack our forever wars. I can promise you, being someone overseas 
wearing the uniform, when you are fighting for your country, you don't 
care what party is in office, but you are fighting to defend your 
country. When you turn on the news and see your elected officials 
stabbing you in the back, telling you that you are failing, that you 
have failed every goal of the war is what I just heard--the last time I 
checked, we have wiped these bastards out. An occasional missile strike 
and boats in the strait--that is not military strength. Those are the 
flailings of a failing empire. Those are the flailings of a nation in 
collapse because they deserve it.
  So I encourage our colleagues on both sides of the aisle--whatever is 
politically convenient, whatever plays well on Twitter or Facebook--to 
think about the people who are deployed right now, standing on that 
wall with a loaded weapon, who have volunteered to defend our country 
and our way of life, because they are there defending us in a just 
war--because we did not start the war with the Iranian Revolutionary 
Guard.
  They started it with us 47 years ago, and their attacks have gone 
unanswered for half a century. It is time to fix this problem and make 
sure another generation of Americans does not have to fight this 
murderous, savage adversary.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Maryland.
  Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. President, I want to start by thanking Senator 
Sheehy for his service to our country in our Armed Forces and thank 
every single soldier who serves our country in uniform and mourn the 
deaths of every single American servicemember who has been lost in this 
war and any other war.
  I listened carefully to the Senator from Montana. He is right that 
the Iranian regime doesn't care about what is happening in the United 
States; doesn't care about politics of the United States.
  You know what else they don't care about? They don't care about the 
Constitution of the United States of America. They don't care about 
that either, but we--we, in the Senate--we should care about the 
Constitution of the United States of America because the Framers of our 
Constitution deliberately vested the power to declare war in Congress 
because they understood the enormous consequences of sending Americans 
into harm's way.
  So if our Republican colleagues have the strength of their 
convictions, they should bring an authorization to use military force 
in Iran to this floor. We have not seen that. In 140 days, we have seen 
nothing. If you want to be true to the Constitution of the United 
States, that is what Republicans would do.
  And the Iranians don't give a damn about our Constitution, but I 
would hope that those in this body have been sworn to uphold it would 
give a damn about our Constitution because the Framers understood--they 
understood that decisions involving war and peace should not rest with 
any one individual.
  You can glorify President Trump all you want, but the Founders--the 
Founders, those who helped write the Constitution--understood that that 
power should not vest with one person, whoever that person may be 
regardless of party. That is what the Founders said.
  The Constitution entrusted that solemn responsibility to the Congress 
where the elected representatives could openly debate and vote on those 
questions before any President sent our sons and daughters to fight and 
die in foreign lands. We may disagree about whether this is a good idea 
or a bad idea, but we should not disagree that that is what the 
Constitution requires, and that is what our oath requires.
  So, yes, I rise to urge my colleagues to support my War Powers 
Resolution to end this disastrous and illegal war against Iran that 
President Trump and Prime Minister Netanyahu launched over 140 days 
ago. The Constitution is unambiguous. This is not a close call.
  And yet, right now--right now--we are finding ourselves confronting 
exactly the circumstances that the Constitution and the War Powers 
Resolution of 1973 were designed to prevent. They were designed to 
prevent one person from taking this country to war. They were actually 
designed in the hopes that this Senate and this Congress would do their 
constitutional

[[Page S4248]]

duty and vote yes or no but take responsibility for decisions that send 
our men and women into harm's way--take responsibility.
  Nearly 5 months ago, President Trump launched this illegal war. He 
launched it against Iran. And as I said, he launched it without any 
authorization. Since then, Senate Democrats and some Republicans have 
tried to reassert the constitutional role of Congress.
  We have voted 11 times on resolutions to end the war. And finally 
last month, both Chambers passed H. Con. Res. 86, directing the 
President to terminate hostilities against Iran. It was a historic 
vote. It marked the first time since the War Powers Resolution was 
enacted in 1973 that Congress successfully used this mechanism that was 
designed to halt the unauthorized use of force by the President, by any 
President.
  That resolution was not a suggestion; it is legally binding.
  The Iranian regime may not care about that resolution, but we should 
care and the Constitution requires that we care. The passage of that 
resolution should have marked the end of this disastrous war, but time 
and again, President Trump has shown he has no respect for the 
Constitution.
  He was asked months ago whether he had to abide by the Constitution. 
His answer: I don't know.
  That is a President who has no respect for the rule of law, but we 
should.
  Instead, what the Trump administration has done is steadily expanded 
this conflict, moved further away from diplomacy and further away from 
a durable peace.
  When the memorandum of understanding between the United States and 
Iran was signed in June, I stood on this floor and said I hoped it 
would become the foundation for a broader diplomatic settlement.
  Many Republicans opposed that memorandum of understanding. I hoped 
that it would finally begin the long task of climbing out of a big hole 
this illegal war has created.
  That hope is gone now.
  This moment--this moment we are in now--is a pivotal one in the war 
and for our role in it. Just this morning, the House of Representatives 
passed another resolution to end the war. That is how democracy works. 
The Iranian regime doesn't care about our democracy, but we should, and 
the Senate should pass this resolution just as the House passed a War 
Powers Resolution.
  This is the first War Powers Resolution since the United States 
resumed daily strikes against Iran and the first since we reimposed a 
full naval blockade. It is the first resolution since another four 
American soldiers were killed. It is the first resolution since 
shipping in the Strait of Hormuz has once again been ground to a halt.
  And I think all of us here in the Senate know the Strait of Hormuz 
was open before President Trump launched this war.
  In the weeks since the last vote, more civilians have been killed as 
well, and the United States and Iran are now deliberately targeting 
civilian infrastructure. President Trump said that he will destroy a 
bridge or a powerplant in Iran for every ship attacked in the strait.
  It did not have to be this way. Many of us warned before this war 
began that military force would not achieve the vague, constantly 
shifting objectives its advocates promised. We warned that abandoning 
diplomacy would make the region more dangerous, not less. We warned 
that military action would strengthen the most hardline voices inside 
of Iran rather than weaken them. We warned that this conflict would 
destabilize the region, threaten the global economy, drive up costs for 
American families, and ultimately leave the United States worse off.
  And since then, every single one of those warnings has come true. I 
wish they hadn't, but they have.
  We have heard the arguments warmongers have used to justify this 
stupid war before. The promises of quick victories, that just one more 
bombing campaign would finally produce lasting peace. We have heard 
that regime change is just around the corner. We have heard repeated 
calls for military adventurism while diplomacy was dismissed as some 
kind of weakness.
  Those arguments were wrong before, and they are wrong today.
  This is the same kind of delusional thinking that sucked the United 
States into endless wars in the past, the kind of endless wars that 
this President promised he would keep us out of. When he promised he 
would focus on bringing down prices, he has done the opposite.
  So we must make better choices, and we cannot allow the past to 
repeat itself. But that is what happens when your objectives keep 
changing. That is what happens when you convince yourself against all 
available evidence, that just 1 more week or 1 more month of fighting 
will bring victory.
  You know, on March 1, the day after starting the war, President Trump 
was asked how long the war would go on.
  Does anybody remember what he said? ``Four to five weeks.'' It will 
be over in ``four to five weeks,'' he said.
  Well, the President said that about 20 weeks ago, and it was all a 
lot of nonsense.
  In late March, he repeatedly claimed victory. President Trump said 
``We won.'' Go look it up. It is all over his social media channels. 
``We won.'' ``We won.''
  Colleagues, I have some questions. If we won back in March, why are 
more Americans getting killed in July? If we won back in March, why is 
the Strait of Hormuz closed? If we won back in March, why is the war 
expanding as Houthis attack ships transiting the Bab el-Mandeb Strait 
into the Red Sea? If we won back in March, why are oil and gas prices 
and diesel prices shooting through the roof again, imposing costs on 
every American family?
  Is that their definition of winning? Well, I wondered what their 
answer to that question was. So earlier this week, I asked Secretary of 
Defense Hegseth what his definition of winning looks like. And there 
was no clear answer. That is because their objectives keep changing.
  He finally settled on the objective of making sure Iran does not get 
a nuclear weapon. But colleagues, remember this: Last year--just last 
year--shortly after Operation Midnight Hammer, the 12-day war, here is 
what Secretary Hegseth told the country ``our bombing campaign 
obliterated Iran's ability to create nuclear weapons.''
  The President told us the same thing, and the President's Director of 
National Intelligence testified in this Senate just months ago that it 
was the assessment of the United States Government that Iran did not 
intend to start any enrichment program.
  The President, during the time the memorandum of understanding was in 
place, hailed the fact that the Iranians said they had no plans and 
would not build a nuclear weapon. Apparently, the President had not 
been informed that they had made that commitment over a period of 
years.
  The whole purpose of the JCPOA was to hold them to that commitment to 
make sure that we could identify immediately if they were violating 
that commitment.
  Of course, that is the agreement that President Trump tore up in his 
first administration.
  So when I pointed all this out to Secretary Hegseth, all he could go 
back to was tired, old talking points that has gotten us in this mess 
and keeps us in this mess. In fact, it clarified the reality of what we 
have known since day one, that the Iran war is a war in search of a 
mission.
  Colleagues, that is how forever wars begin. Eighteen American 
servicemembers have lost their lives. Hundreds more have been wounded, 
including over a 100 just from the last 2 weeks, and the civilian death 
toll continues to rise.
  At the start of the war, an American Tomahawk missile strike killed 
more than 150 Iranian civilians in Minab, more than 100 of them 
children. On top of those killings of schoolkids, thousands of other 
civilians have been killed or injured across Iran, Lebanon, Israel, and 
the rest of the region.
  On top of all that, oil prices jumped; then they settled a little bit 
during the memorandum of understanding; and now they are jumping again. 
They have risen back to a national average of around $4 a gallon and 
rising. Diesel prices have surged above $5 a gallon.
  All of us understand that when gas and diesel prices go up, those 
increased costs filter throughout the economy. Trucks that are trucking 
food from one

[[Page S4249]]

place to another: higher diesel prices, higher food prices, higher 
grocery prices throughout our economy, imposed on families already 
struggling with the costs of groceries and housing and healthcare and 
childcare and other necessities.
  And, again, this is the President who said that he was going to end 
wars and focus on bringing down costs.
  This is a strategic blunder on a massive scale. It is a self-
inflicted wound on our country and all for what? That is the question 
every one of us should be asking as we vote shortly on this War Powers 
Resolution. How has continuing this war made the American people safer?
  How has it made the Middle East more stable? How has it strengthened 
America's national security? I have yet to hear a credible answer to 
that question, and that is because there isn't one.
  You know, these are the kind of questions that should be asked before 
a war is started, before we put American troops at risk. Colleagues, 
there is no good way out of a bad war. But as I have said repeatedly, 
when you are digging yourself a hole, the first thing you should do is 
stop digging, and that is what this resolution seeks to do.
  Let us stop pretending that Congress has no role to play while 
American servicemembers remain in harm's way. Many of the people who 
enthusiastically supported launching this war have been unwilling to 
take responsibility for authorizing it.
  That should concern every Member of this body. It should concern 
every American, regardless of party, because if a Member of the Senate 
truly believes that this war is justified and the right thing to do, 
put it up for a vote. Put it up for a vote for an authorization to use 
military force.
  I disagreed with the decision to go to war in Iraq. And President 
Bush asked for an authorization for military force, and this Congress 
acted on it. In my view, they made the wrong decision, but at least 
they took responsibility for their actions as the Constitution 
requires.
  So this is an opportunity, as the war escalates even further, as more 
American servicemembers are killed, as more civilians are killed, as 
oil and gas prices and other prices go up--this is an opportunity for 
this Congress to finally take responsibility. We passed the concurrent 
resolution in the past. We know the President has no respect for the 
law, but we have an obligation to our constituents. We should not duck 
that responsibility.
  We should not simply allow this war to go on without up-or-down votes 
on an authorization to use military force. And today, we have a chance 
to take accountability and send a message by supporting this War Powers 
Resolution.
  I urge all my colleagues to adopt it.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Sheehy). The minority leader.
  Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, Trump got America into this mess in Iran, 
and he has made it clear he is both unwilling and unable to get us out.
  For the sake of our servicemembers, their families, working people 
from one end of the country to the other who are getting crushed by 
higher costs and gas prices, Senate Republicans need to join us and end 
Trump's war in Iran.
  People across the aisle know--most everyone here knows--what a fiasco 
this war has been. Well, now we need a little courage and strength to 
end it. And we need to get our Republican colleagues to step up to the 
plate and do what that they know deep in their hearts is the right 
thing to do.
  How many servicemembers will die before Senate Republicans decide 
this war needs to end? How many of our troops will be wounded before 
Senate Republicans find a spine? How many times will Democrats have to 
force a vote on our War Powers Resolution to bring our troops home 
before Senate Republicans join us? And they are going to have to vote 
on it again and again and again until they join us in ending this war.
  Every time Republicans oppose our War Powers Resolution and vote 
against ending this war, they lose the faith of the American people. 
Senate Republicans keep trying to protect Donald Trump, but it is our 
men and women in uniform whose lives are in danger they should be 
protecting.
  Senate Republicans know how dearly this war is costing the American 
people: gas $4 a barrel, crude oil over $100, families shelling out 
hundreds, if not thousands, of dollars in extra costs on basic goods, 
but Senate Republicans just want everyone to be calm and carry on.
  But the American people are not calm. They don't like this war--
Democrats, Republicans, Independents. So Senate Republicans need to 
wake up, not next week, not next month--now. Now is the time to wake 
up, Republicans. Now is not the time to keep bending the knee to Donald 
Trump, as he dizzies himself running around in circles chasing his own 
tail.
  It is time to stand up for the American people and declare in one 
voice that this war cannot and must not go on. Every Member of the 
Senate, whatever your politics, ought to be up in arms over this war, 
its lack of direction, its lack of conclusion, its lack of consistency. 
Every single Senator ought to support our resolution to end this war.
  We will keep forcing votes until Senate Republicans stop playing dumb 
and summon up the courage to do what is right.


                      Vote on Motion to Discharge

  Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on agreeing to the motion to 
discharge.
  Is there a sufficient second?
  There appears to be a sufficient second.
  The clerk will call the roll.
  The bill clerk called the roll.
  Mr. BARRASSO. The following Senators are necessarily absent: the 
Senator from Alabama (Mrs. Britt), the Senator from Kentucky (Mr. 
McConnell), the Senator from Alaska (Ms. Murkowski), and the Senator 
from Kentucky (Mr. Paul).
  The result was announced--yeas 47, nays 49, as follows:

                      [Rollcall Vote No. 207 Leg.]

                                YEAS--47

     Alsobrooks
     Baldwin
     Bennet
     Blumenthal
     Blunt Rochester
     Booker
     Cantwell
     Collins
     Coons
     Cortez Masto
     Duckworth
     Durbin
     Gallego
     Gillibrand
     Hassan
     Heinrich
     Hickenlooper
     Hirono
     Kaine
     Kelly
     Kim
     King
     Klobuchar
     Lujan
     Markey
     Merkley
     Murphy
     Murray
     Ossoff
     Padilla
     Peters
     Reed
     Rosen
     Sanders
     Schatz
     Schiff
     Schumer
     Shaheen
     Slotkin
     Smith
     Van Hollen
     Warner
     Warnock
     Warren
     Welch
     Whitehouse
     Wyden

                                NAYS--49

     Armstrong
     Banks
     Barrasso
     Blackburn
     Boozman
     Budd
     Capito
     Cassidy
     Cornyn
     Cotton
     Cramer
     Crapo
     Cruz
     Curtis
     Daines
     Ernst
     Fetterman
     Fischer
     Graham
     Grassley
     Hagerty
     Hawley
     Hoeven
     Husted
     Hyde-Smith
     Johnson
     Justice
     Kennedy
     Lankford
     Lee
     Lummis
     Marshall
     McCormick
     Moody
     Moran
     Moreno
     Ricketts
     Risch
     Rounds
     Schmitt
     Scott (FL)
     Scott (SC)
     Sheehy
     Sullivan
     Thune
     Tillis
     Tuberville
     Wicker
     Young

                             NOT VOTING--4

     Britt
     McConnell
       Murkowski
       
       Paul
  The motion was rejected.

                          ____________________