[Congressional Record Volume 172, Number 120 (Wednesday, July 22, 2026)]
[House]
[Pages H5160-H5165]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
DIRECTING THE PRESIDENT PURSUANT TO SECTION 5(C) OF THE WAR POWERS
RESOLUTION TO REMOVE UNITED STATES ARMED FORCES FROM HOSTILITIES WITH
IRAN
Mr. MAST. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to the order of the House of July 22,
2026, I call up the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 89) directing
the President pursuant to section 5(c) of the War Powers Resolution to
remove United States Armed Forces from hostilities with Iran, and ask
for its immediate consideration in the House.
The Clerk read the title of the concurrent resolution.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the order of the House of today,
the concurrent resolution is considered as read.
The text of the concurrent resolution is as follows:
H. Con. Res. 89
Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate
concurring),
SECTION 1. TERMINATION OF USE OF FORCE.
(a) Termination.--Pursuant to section 5(c) of the War
Powers Resolution (50 U.S.C. 1544(c)), Congress hereby
directs the President to remove the use of United States
Armed Forces from hostilities against the Islamic Republic of
Iran or any part of its government or military, including
potential ground forces in a combat role or used for
occupation, unless explicitly authorized by a declaration of
war or specific authorization for use of military force
against Iran.
(b) Rule of Construction.--Nothing in this section may be
construed to--
(1) prevent the United States from defending itself, its
Armed Forces, its diplomatic facilities, or allied states
from imminent attack;
(2) prevent the United States Armed Forces from maintaining
a troop presence in the region for defensive purposes; or
(3) force the removal of United States Armed Forces in the
region who are not engaged in hostilities against Iran.
SEC. 2. RULE OF CONSTRUCTION RELATING TO INTELLIGENCE
SHARING.
Nothing in this resolution may be construed to influence or
disrupt any intelligence, counterintelligence, or
investigative activities relating to threats in or emanating
from Iran or surrounding countries conducted by, or in
conjunction with, the United States Government involving--
(1) the collection of intelligence;
(2) the analysis of intelligence; or
(3) the sharing of intelligence between the United States
and any coalition partner, if the President determines such
sharing is appropriate and in the national security interests
of the United States.
SEC. 3. RULE OF CONSTRUCTION RELATING TO NONAUTHORIZATION OF
THE USE OF MILITARY FORCE.
Consistent with section 8(a)(1) of the War Powers
Resolution (50 U.S.C. 1547(a)(1)), nothing in this concurrent
resolution may be construed as authorizing the use of
military force.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The concurrent resolution shall be debatable
for 1 hour equally divided among and controlled by Representative Mast
of Florida, Representative Meeks of New York, and Representative
Jayapal of Washington, or their respective designees.
The gentleman from Florida (Mr. Mast), the gentleman from New York
(Mr. Meeks), and the gentlewoman from Washington (Ms. Jayapal) each
will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Florida.
General Leave
Mr. MAST. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may
have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and
include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Florida?
There was no objection.
Mr. MAST. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I will take some of my time and give recognition to
those who we have lost in the fight to end the Iranian terror regime. I
am going to say their names, going to tell you where they served, and I
am going to show you their photo:
Sergeant Angel S. Rampersad, United States Army;
Private First Class Isabella Gonzales, United States Army;
First Lieutenant Tyler James Feehan, United States Army;
Sergeant Michael Emmanuel Swinton, United States Army;
Lance Corporal Kevin Melendez, United States Marine Corps;
Tech Sergeant Tyler Simmons, United States Air Force;
Tech Sergeant Ashley Pruitt, United States Air Force;
Captain Curtis Angst, United States Air Force;
Captain Seth Koval, United States Air Force;
Captain Ariana Savino, United States Air Force;
Major John ``Alex'' Klinner, United States Air Force;
Sergeant Benjamin N. Pennington, United States Army;
Chief Warrant Officer 3 Robert Marzan, United States Army;
Major Jeffrey Robert O'Brien, United States Army;
Sergeant Declan J. Coady, United States Army;
Sergeant First Class Noah L. Tietjens, United States Army;
Sergeant First Class Nicole M. Amor, United States Army; and
Captain Cody A. Khork, United States Army.
{time} 1850
The sacrifice of these servicemembers will never be forgotten by me,
and
[[Page H5161]]
their commitment to their country, our country, the United States of
America; their commitment to their loved ones; their commitment to
seeing Iran's reign of terror and regime finally come to an end; and
their commitment to ending the regime that killed countless American
lives.
That is what these servicemembers have been fighting against. That is
what they gave their lives fighting against, a regime that has been
attacking and taking the lives of United States of America's
servicemembers and citizens for years.
To belittle this mission is to belittle and demean the very service
these members gave their lives for. Their sacrifice was not
meaningless. This operation is bringing a reckoning for the hundreds of
times Iran has attacked and killed people of the United States of
America.
What were those times? I am not going to go all the way back to the
Beirut bombings. I wouldn't have time for that in tonight's debate with
the time that we are limited to. I am only going to go back for the
last couple of years to talk about what Iran has been doing to the
United States of America, though my colleagues will argue that there
has never been any imminent threat against the United States of America
by Iran.
IRGC naval forces capture 10 American sailors and two boats.
Separate incident: Four patrol boats from Iran's IRGC attack the USS
Nitze.
Separate incident: United States Naval Ship Invincible attacked by
multiple approaching IRGC fast-attack boats, small attack boats.
Separate incident: IRGC vessel attacks USS Thunderbolt in Persian
Gulf.
Separate incident: Iranian drone attacks the USS Nimitz as fighter
jets are landing.
Separate attack: IRGC naval personnel place and detonate limpet mines
on two Saudi-, one UAE-, and one Norwegian-registered ships.
Separate incident: IRGC Navy attacks four ships--Saudi ships,
Norwegian ships, and a UAE ship.
Separate incident: IRGC Navy attack one Japanese ship and one
Norwegian-owned ship as they transit the Gulf of Oman.
Separate incident: IRGC shoot down U.S. aircraft operating over
international waters, over the Strait of Hormuz.
Separate incident: IRGC Navy seizes British-flagged, Swedish-owned
tanker, and they hold the crew hostage for more than 2 months. On that
same day, the IRGC also detained a Liberian-flagged tanker.
Separate incident: Iran attacks, by helicopter and drone, a U.S. Navy
ship in the Strait of Hormuz.
Separate incident: IRGC Navy attack and seize Hong Kong-flagged
tanker.
Separate incident: 11 IRGC Navy small boats attack five U.S. Navy
vessels.
Separate incident: Iran vessels attack U.S. ships, including U.S.
Coast Guard cutter.
Separate incident: Iranian personnel board a Liberian-flagged tanker.
Separate incident: IRGC attack and seize South Korean tanker, in the
Strait.
Separate incident: Tanker MT Mercer attack by Iran off of Oman,
killing two people.
Separate incident: Asphalt Princess attacked off of UAE, boarded by
Iranians.
Separate incident: Iranian forces seized two Greek vessels as they
attacked them.
Separate incident: Tanker Pacific Zircon was hit by an Iranian drone.
Separate incident: Iran's Navy capture off the Marshall Islands a
Marshall Islands-flagged tanker.
Separate incident: IRGC seize Panamanian-flagged oil tanker in Strait
of Hormuz, in international waters.
Separate incident: Iran Navy seize Marshall Islands-flagged oil
tanker St. Nikolas while transiting the Gulf of Oman.
Separate incident: IRGC seize containership MSC, in a helicopter, and
also raided in the Strait of Hormuz.
Separate incident: IRGC seize another tanker, the Talara.
Separate incident: IRGC seize foreign oil tanker in the Strait of
Hormuz.
Separate incident: U.S.-flagged tanker attacked by Iranian gunboats
in the Strait of Hormuz.
The list goes on and on. I could keep reading this for probably
another at least 10 minutes with the pages that I have of these.
That is what our U.S. servicemembers are fighting against, an Iran
that chooses to wage war against the United States of America day in,
day out, week in, week out.
Prior to Epic Fury ever beginning, the 30 months prior to Epic Fury
beginning, Iran attacked us over 350 times. That is what our U.S.
servicemembers are fighting against, the Iran that, prior to Epic Fury
ever beginning, killed three U.S. servicemembers at Tower 22. That is
what our U.S. servicemembers are fighting against.
My colleagues will say that no imminent threat ever existed. They are
the same colleagues that used to tell us we should use any and all
means necessary to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon. Why?
Because they recognized back then that that is the Iran that we have
been dealing with day in, day out, week in, week out, year in, year
out, the Iran that has been relentlessly attacking the United States of
America tankers and containerships, United States Navy vessels, Coast
Guard vessels, firing on our personnel in Iraq, Syria, Jordan, anywhere
in the Middle East that they could fire on them.
What has changed since these attacks? Everything that I listed off
happened well before Operation Epic Fury. What has changed? The
Ayatollah that ordered the attacks on our bases, on the bases of our
allies, is now rotting 6 feet under.
What has changed? Their navy that carried out countless attacks on
our cargo ships, all those that I listed off just now, the navy that
was attacking, seizing, holding hostage, they are sitting at the bottom
of the waters that they used to float in.
{time} 1900
Their Air Force that carried out attacks on our bases and against our
allies, they have been grounded and obliterated.
Those are just a couple of the things that have changed.
This was not a war of choice. This was not President Trump's war of
choice. This is and always has been Iran's choice that they made each
and every day for the last 47 years. What I gave you were just some of
the incidents of the last couple years.
We simply said: No more wars. Instead, we are putting a stop to the
old ones. This ends here. This ends now.
That country, their IRGC, their proxies that have been attacking us
endlessly will no longer exist and will not obtain a nuclear weapon,
whether my colleagues forgot that they voted to say that or not.
Mr. Speaker, in regard to today's War Powers Resolution that asks for
the removal of our U.S. Forces, as my colleagues have done week in and
week out, forgetting about every single thing that our servicemembers
are out there fighting against, I urge a ``no'' vote on their
legislation.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, the hardest part of this job for me for all the time
that I have been in Congress, all the bills that we have to vote on--
when I put my hand up and swore that I would abide by and protect the
Constitution of the United States of America, that Constitution also
says that Congress determines when we send our women and men into war.
I have had to vote on that several times previously in this Congress.
It is a responsibility that is tough, to make that determination of
when our men and women are sent to war. Presidents, based upon that
Constitution, should come to this body and make their case, and then we
have the awesome responsibility of making the determination of whether
or not they should or should not. Those have been the toughest votes
for me to have and for me to make as a Member of the United States
Congress.
Unfortunately, in this instance, we didn't have a voice. My heart
goes out to the 18 members of the United States armed services who lost
their lives. To them, their families, they are patriots, just as Mr.
Mast doing his service and Mr. Crow and Mr. Moulton.
I thank them for their service because if this Congress says, Go to
war, they put their lives on the line. I wish I had the opportunity to
talk to all 18 families who lost loved ones in this war. Unfortunately,
I can't do all 18.
[[Page H5162]]
One of the three that lost their life over the last weekend, Sergeant
Angel Rampersad, is from my district, my constituent, in Ozone Park,
New York, who was killed on July 17 in Jordan. I am going to visit that
family when I get back to New York on Friday. My office has already
reached out to them. I am going to have a flag flown on top of the
Capitol.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of Representative
Jayapal's Iran War Powers Resolution because I believe that the
President needs to come to us so that we can make that decision and
take on that responsibility, as the Constitution says.
Let me be clear: This body has already spoken. The War Powers
Resolution passed with bipartisan support in the House and in the
Senate. The Trump administration was required to end its hostilities
against Iran. It has not.
A dual-Chamber concurrent resolution has never been struck down by
the courts, certainly not in the war powers context. Any claim
otherwise is simply wrong.
I will also be introducing legislation that would require the Speaker
to bring suit against the administration to force it to abide by
Congress' vote on the War Powers Resolution.
We are here today because the administration broke the law. Three
more U.S. servicemembers have made the ultimate sacrifice for an
illegal, unauthorized war that the American people don't want.
This administration has never sought an Authorization for Use of
Military Force from Congress, and most Republicans in this Chamber
continue to enable it.
As I have said before on this floor, this war has achieved none of
our core objectives, and more bombings will not change the reality that
is on the ground.
With respect to Iran's nuclear program, its hard-line regime, its
closure of the Strait of Hormuz, or any of its malign practices, none
of that has changed. Addressing those threats requires diplomacy, not
more war. Diplomacy must be led by seasoned diplomats and
nonproliferation experts, not real estate developers.
We need our European allies, our Gulf partners, and, yes, our
adversaries back at the table because just bombing without strategy,
Mr. Speaker, is not a foreign policy. It is a tantrum. It is a tantrum
by a President who cannot clean up the mess that he has made.
Let us make no mistake: The President's tantrum is why gas prices are
back over $4 a gallon, and they will keep climbing now that the Houthis
have threatened their own blockade of the Red Sea. That tantrum is why
American troops are under fire. It is why our munitions stockpiles are
being drained, and it is why we are teetering on the edge of the
forever war we warned this would be.
To my Republican colleagues, this war is indefensible. Deep down,
many of them really know it. I say: Let's just simply uphold the oath
that we took when we took this office, uphold the Constitution of the
United States. Stand with us, and let's make clear once again that this
President is not a king. He is not a dictator. He is the President of
the United States. But there are two bodies called the House of
Representatives and the Senate that are equal to the executive branch.
{time} 1910
He cannot go around this. It is in violation of the Constitution, and
he cannot wage war without our consent.
If Republicans still believe this war should continue, then I say,
fine. Vote in support of this measure and demand the administration
come to this Congress and demand that he tells us what his plan is, how
it is going to end, and how much money it is going to cost the American
people. Also he should follow the Constitution as the law requires.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. JAYAPAL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise to urge the United States House of
Representatives to pass my War Powers Resolution to end President
Trump's illegal and unconstitutional war in Iran.
Let me be clear: We should not have to be here, yet again, voting on
another War Powers Resolution. For the first time in history, both the
House and Senate passed a War Powers Resolution to rein in this
reckless war and reassert our constitutional authority under Article I,
Section 8 to authorize the use of military force.
However, the President is, once again, showing his contempt for
Congress and for the Constitution, continuing this destructive, deadly,
and costly war despite Congress having already passed a War Powers
Resolution that has the force of law declaring that this war must stop.
Instead of respecting Congress' Article I sole constitutional
authorities over war, the President has doubled down on more illegal
strikes, escalating the situation in the region and leading to more
Iranian strikes that killed two United States soldiers as well as an
additional servicemember who was killed during a controlled detonation
of a downed Iranian attack drone.
Gas prices across the country have gone up again. The memorandum of
understanding has turned into a deadly memorandum of misunderstanding
with the Iranian Government continuing to utilize leverage over the
Strait of Hormuz.
This is an illegal and unconstitutional war waged without
authorization from Congress and at a tremendous cost of a total of 18
U.S. servicemembers who have lost their lives and hundreds more who
have been injured.
I give tremendous honor and respect to our servicemembers, those who
serve, those who have sacrificed their lives, including U.S. Air Force
Captain Ariana G. Savino who is from my home State of Washington.
The cost of this war is incalculable. Not only have we lost 18 U.S.
servicemembers, but this war has been waged at the cost of thousands of
civilians who have been displaced or killed in the region, and all on
the backs of U.S. taxpayers who desperately want this administration to
focus on the crisis of their pocketbooks: The basic inability of
Americans in the richest country in the world to afford healthcare,
gas, groceries, and housing.
From the beginning, this war has had no clear mission, no strategy,
no end goal. It has been driven over and over again by a President who
won his election by telling the American people that he would end
forever wars and instead has launched us into more forever wars to
distract the American people from the real issues they are facing at
home.
As the secretary of forever wars, Pete Hegseth, announced, we have
already spent $37.5 billion on this illegal and unconstitutional war.
Donald Trump has called affordability a hoax, stated that we have no
money for healthcare, and refused to sign a bipartisan bill to help
address the housing crisis that this country is facing. Today, on the
House floor, Republicans have put bills forward to demand $1.15
trillion for the Pentagon, the only Federal agency that has actually
failed eight consecutive audits, and he is about to put another $73
billion into this illegal war.
What an insult to the tens of millions of Americans who have lost
healthcare and nutrition assistance, all to pay, initially, for $4
trillion in tax breaks for giant corporations and billionaires.
Again, let's be very clear. The American people are paying the price
of this war literally through our tax dollars that Donald Trump refuses
to spend to benefit the lives of Americans here at home; through the
lives of our United States servicemembers who ask only that their
willingness and their pride in serving be rewarded with our real
thoughtfulness of purpose before sending them into war; through the
pain at the gas pump and the grocery store as prices continue to tick
up; through the broken relationships with allies around the world who
no longer believe that the United States is a real partner to them;
through the sacrifices of the American people who desperately want this
administration and this Congress to focus on making their lives
affordable so they can actually thrive rather than just barely survive.
Regime change, Mr. Speaker, doesn't work. It never has, and it never
will. In Iraq, more than 4,000 troops were killed and 32,000 were
injured. In Afghanistan, 2,400 troops were killed, and 20,000 were
injured. Those two wars alone cost at least $2.4 trillion, and neither
led to freedom or peace for the people of Iraq and Afghanistan, and the
toll on our own people--lives lost and ruined, PTSD, wasted dollars--is
immense.
[[Page H5163]]
We have got to stop thinking that bombs are the answer. They are not.
Let us remember that it was Donald Trump in his first term who pulled
us out of the Iran nuclear deal, the JCPOA, a landmark agreement
negotiated by President Obama that required 2 years of careful
negotiations to restrict Iran's ability to enrich and stockpile
enriched uranium and to ensure regular inspections of Iran's nuclear
facilities, supply chains, and uranium mines. Had the JCPOA been left
in place, we would not be in this situation today. It would have worked
to minimize Iran's nuclear threat and strengthen Iranian civil society
instead of slapping sanctions on and deepening the brutal regime's
hold.
I want to thank Ranking Member Meeks for his tremendous leadership on
this issue. I want to thank my Democratic and Republican colleagues who
are voting for this bill for their clarity of conscience and
of Constitution. I also want to thank Congressman Crow for his
partnership on this War Powers Resolution as well as the bipartisan
group of Members who have cosponsored, many of whom have served in
uniform for our country and uniquely understand the immense sacrifice
and duty of serving in our Armed Forces.
I hope that there are even more on the other side who listen to this
debate and are moved to join us in passing this War Powers Resolution
with even more strength in votes than the last one. Our Founders knew
that going to war was one of the most solemn decisions that our country
would face and that it had to be debated and authorized only by the
elected Representatives of the people of the United States of America,
Congress, not by a President who ignores his obligation to the
institution and his obligation to the people of the United States.
Mr. Speaker, I urge a ``yes'' vote on this War Powers Resolution. We
must end this war now.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. MAST. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, both of my colleagues said forever war. I stood here and
read for about 15 minutes about the attacks that Iran has been leveling
against us just for the last couple of years: 350 attacks, 30 months,
200 wounded, four killed. That is the forever war. It has been going on
for 47 years, but that is just the last 30 months of the forever war
Iran has been waging against us.
{time} 1920
To end a war that is waged against us every single day, you have to
end the people that are waging that war. That is what is taking place.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from
Massachusetts (Mr. Moulton), a cosponsor of this resolution.
Mr. MOULTON. Mr. Speaker, part of our job in Congress is to answer
tough questions. When the people have tough questions, they deserve
honest answers.
The toughest question I have ever received in my life is not here in
Congress but in Iraq from an 18-year-old lance corporal, who simply
asked: Sir, why am I risking my life for this?
There are a lot of young Americans, the best of the best, those few
brave enough to put their lives on the line for our country and for all
of us here, who are asking that question today. Why am I risking my
life for this?
They are asking that question today as they fight and die in a war
Trump did not need to start, a war that he is not winning, a war that
has made Iran more dangerous, not less, and a war that is costing every
American back home, though none more so than the American heroes and
their families who have already made the ultimate sacrifice for this
folly.
As of this past weekend, the casualty toll from the war has risen to
18. There are 18 Americans dead in a war that Congress never voted to
authorize. In addition to the heroes we have already lost in this war
prior to this weekend, we now mourn the lives of Private Isabella
Gonzales, First Lieutenant James Feehan, Sergeant Angel Rampersad, and
Sergeant Michael Emmanuel Swinton.
When the military commander in charge of this operation came before
the House Armed Services Committee a few weeks ago, I asked him: How
many more Americans have to die for this mistake? He refused to answer,
just as Trump and his henchman Hegseth have refused to take any
responsibility, any accountability for this massive failure of a war,
for losing this war to Iran.
Yes, part of our job in Congress is to answer tough questions, though
it is easier here than out there in the Middle East.
Part of our job is also to ask tough questions, tough questions of
this administration before it kills more Americans in this mistake. Too
many of our colleagues refuse to do so.
Thankfully, a large number of Democratic veterans do not. We are
asking these tough questions of the administration on behalf of the
American people and on behalf of our troops. They all demand answers.
That is why we have demanded this vote. It is long past time for a
plan, we are long overdue for accountability, and we are tired of the
President losing this war and making it worse for our troops and for
everyone here at home.
Enough is enough, Mr. Speaker. Enough of the President's war in Iran
that has been an utter disaster for everyone except Iran and maybe
China. Enough is enough, Mr. Speaker. Enough is enough.
Ms. JAYAPAL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished
gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Crow).
Mr. CROW. Mr. Speaker, I join all Americans, my colleagues, and
Chairman Mast in mourning those lost who have made the ultimate
sacrifice for our Nation, once again. I honor greatly the service of
the chairman. We served in these wars together. He knows sacrifice. He,
in fact, sacrificed and gave more than I did.
He also deeply understands the threats. He was right when he outlined
those threats. Iran is a malignant regime. Iran does and has posed a
threat to Americans, as has North Korea, Russia, and many other
regimes, countries, and terrorists around the world. The important
thing is not just to recognize the threat and say if there is a threat
that we automatically have to go to war, because that is the start of
the analysis, not the end of it.
The next questions and the important questions are what do we do
about it. Do we go to war? Do we assemble a coalition? Do we use
sanctions? Do we use soft power? How do we meet that threat? It is a
fact that in the 20 years in Iraq and Afghanistan we stopped asking
that essential question and just assumed that war was the answer and
would solve it. That is what led us to 20-plus years, trillions of
dollars, and thousands of American lives lost for wars that ended
poorly.
I am unwilling to not learn that lesson.
I want to be really clear about Iran, in particular. There was no
intelligence showing that Iran was proceeding with the development of a
nuclear weapon. If there was intelligence, we would be having a
different discussion here. There wasn't, and that fact matters.
That leads us to the second part of it: What do we do? How do we meet
this threat that has been posed for 40-plus years? What is clear is
that Americans are done with an endless cycle of conflict in the Middle
East.
When I was in Afghanistan, our adversaries, the enemies that we
fought, would often say: Americans have all the clocks, but we have all
the time. They simply want to wait us out knowing that we will just
spend more money, have more combat deployments, that we will just
continue to do it year after year until we wear out.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Ms. JAYAPAL. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 1 minute to the
gentleman from Colorado.
Mr. CROW. When I am facing my constituents who are losing their
homes, losing their farms, and losing their healthcare, who can't
answer the simple question of how this is making them safer or how this
is improving their life, I can't answer that. I am unwilling to
perpetuate yet another quagmire and endless cycle of conflict.
It is time for us to restart the accountability loop here in
Congress. All these rules, all the authorizations that we debate, why
it matters is because this Congress, this body, has the duty to take a
vote, to have this debate, and
[[Page H5164]]
then go home and stand in front of those constituents who are losing
their homes, losing their farms, and losing their healthcare, and say
why we should or shouldn't do it. That is what this is about.
Mr. Speaker, I implore my colleagues to learn this lesson from the
last 20-plus years and end this endless cycle of conflict. Let's bring
our folks home. Let's focus on healthcare, housing, and meeting the
needs of our constituents and serving our military families in the way
that they need to be served.
Mr. MAST. Mr. Speaker, I would say to my colleague that I thank him
for the recognition of my service, and I recognize him for his service,
as well.
I am proud to have brothers in arms, but I cannot let what was said,
that is unequivocally false, stand.
{time} 1930
Number one, North Korea and Russia have not killed 4 Americans,
wounded 200, and attacked over 350 times in the 30 months just prior to
Epic Fury beginning. There is no comparison. That is what Iran has
done.
Unequivocally, Iran was working to develop a nuclear weapon in their
research facilities and development facilities of Natanz, Isfahan, and
Fordow. You need only listen to the words of Iranian generals and the
Ayatollah in the last couple weeks and months saying they will not
cease their pursuit of a nuclear weapon.
Don't take my word for it. Just listen to the words of the Iranian
leadership.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. JAYAPAL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, this vote is a vote of conscience. We are begging our
colleagues here in Congress to stand up for our fellow Americans, for
the Constitution, and for our Article I powers that our Founders
thought so carefully about when they wrote the Constitution.
This war is remarkably unpopular. It is so unpopular that it is
America's least popular war since polls began, and that has been true
since the first bombs were dropped. This war is unpopular even amongst
President Donald Trump's own supporters.
Back in May, only half of self-proclaimed MAGA Republicans thought
that the war was worth the cost. Now, 2 months later, only about a
third do. That is a 13-point drop in just 2 months. Amongst all
Americans, a staggering 70 percent disapprove of this President's
handling of the war and almost two-thirds of all Americans, including
over half of MAGA supporters, blame Trump's war on Iran for their
rising prices.
I think it is important for us to understand that these moments of
conscience in our country require a strength of conviction and courage
that our constituents expect us to have.
When they elect us, they expect us to honor the oath of office that
we took. They expect us to understand the implications of the
responsibilities that are conferred on us by that United States
Constitution. They expect us to vote regardless of party for the thing
that will keep Americans safe. They expect us to take care of the needs
that they have right here at home.
What we have seen over and over again is a refusal of this
administration to do that. The lack of clarity about the reasons for
this war are quite remarkable. The administration has continued to
flip-flop between claiming that we have won the war and then later that
more bombs are needed.
After Operation Midnight Hammer in June 2025, the Trump
administration told us that U.S. strikes on Iran had destroyed their
military and obliterated nuclear programs. After the initial strikes on
Iran, Secretary Hegseth said that the Iranian military was
``destroyed'' and ``made combat ineffective.''
In April, he declared Operation Epic Fury was a ``historic and
overwhelming victory'' and that the United States achieved ``every
single objective,'' but this is plainly false, and the American people
know it.
Months after Hegseth claimed victory, Iran continued to strike
American assets in the Middle East, kill American servicemembers, and
close the Strait of Hormuz. The administration has clearly gotten us
into a war that they have no clue how to get us out of.
Americans deserve a clear strategy, not shifting explanations that
change by the day. They deserve thoughtful diplomacy, not tweets like
the one the President just released today: ``From this point forward,
any time the Islamic Republic of Iran shoots at a ship in the Strait of
Hormuz, whether it be by missile, rocket, drone, or any other device or
weapon, the United States will bomb and destroy ONE BRIDGE OR POWER
PLANT, including those located next to, or in, the Capital City of
Tehran. Thank you for your attention to this matter, President Donald
J. Trump.''
This is irresponsible behavior from the President of the United
States. It is irresponsible behavior on the backs of War Powers
Resolutions that passed in a bipartisan way in both the House and the
Senate, telling the President to end this illegal and unconstitutional
war.
It is irresponsible behavior that is going to lead to more deaths of
United States servicemembers and civilians around the world. It does
not deescalate. It does not create coalitions of allies. It does not do
anything to address the issues that Americans are facing right here at
home.
Mr. Speaker, I close where I started. This is a vote of conscience.
This is a vote that requires us to find the strength to do what is
right for the American people and to send the clearest, even stronger
message to this President of the United States that the United States
Congress, the House of Representatives, is reasserting our authority
over war. This war must end. Vote ``yes'' on this War Powers
Resolution.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I say to my colleagues that it has been 144 days of a
senseless and a pointless war. The President says he is there to
prevent Iran from having a nuclear weapon. In his first term, the
President ripped up the JCPOA, as the gentlewoman from Washington has
indicated.
I was in Congress at that time when the JCPOA was implemented. The
United States was not by itself. It was a well-thought-out, diplomatic
document that was produced that was clear. It wasn't something that was
done by individuals who heretofore only was involved in real estate. It
was done with diplomats around the world and even some of our
adversaries in Russia and China, the P5+1.
I traveled several times to Geneva to have dialogue and conversation
with the head of the IAEA, and I, along with some other colleagues, was
told that at that particular time, for the first time, they had their
eyes on Iran and its nuclear capabilities. They had cameras watching
everything. All of the individuals said that Iran was, at the closest,
a year to a year and a half, and could not progress because of what we
were doing in a collective manner to prevent them from having a nuclear
weapon.
The IAEA was there until when? The President ripped it up.
{time} 1940
That is when the cameras and the watching of what was taking place
there and the agreement that had been made through a diplomatic channel
ended, and Iran pushed us out. That is when we no longer could see what
was taking place.
Diplomacy was preventing Iran from having a nuclear weapon without
the Strait of Hormuz being closed, without the death of the men and
women of our military, without the cost of rising prices of food
because fertilizer couldn't get through the strait, or the cost of gas.
We had allies with us.
Are we better off now when we are doing all of this basically by
ourselves? Because everyone advised this President of the United States
not to do it.
Mr. Speaker, with 18 lives of servicemembers, too many Iranian
civilians, including more than 100 schoolgirls, and injured countless
more, tens of billions of taxpayer dollars spent, and the
administration still refuses to give us a full accounting of where that
money went.
Now, even as they refuse to explain the cost, guess what? They are
asking for billions more for a war that they
[[Page H5165]]
never asked the United States Congress to authorize, a war that the
people of the United States of America never asked for. As indicated by
the gentlewoman from Washington, 70 percent of Americans are against
this war.
But you know what, Mr. Speaker, the House and the Senate have spoken.
They have already voted in a bipartisan way to end this war. Today,
let's vote again, and I believe we will get an even greater margin in
this House.
Let's not give this President another blank check to wage an illegal
war. This is not what the Constitution demands of us. This is not what
our constituents expect of us. They expect us to do our jobs. They
expect us to abide by the Constitution of the United States of America.
They expect us to stand up and tell this President that this illegal
war must come to an end once and for all.
Vote ``yes'' on this War Powers Resolution, and let the American
people know that we will not be altered from doing our job.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. MAST. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I am going to begin by agreeing with something that my
colleague said. We didn't ask for this. We didn't ask for Iran, again,
as I have said already, to attack us over 350 times in just the 30
months prior to Operation Epic Fury. We did not ask for that.
I want to read from the concurrent resolution offered by my colleague
from Washington: ``Remove United States Armed Forces from hostilities
with Iran,'' with the exception of forces that would ``prevent the
United States from defending itself, its Armed Forces, its diplomatic
facilities, or allied states, from imminent attack.''
Mr. Speaker, I yield 10 seconds to the gentlewoman from Washington
(Ms. Jayapal) to tell us which units, which ships she would like
removed.
Ms. JAYAPAL. Mr. Speaker, how I would like to respond to the
gentleman is: We actually need a strategy.
Have you seen a strategy of which ships are where? What are we
planning to do? What is our end goal? How do we intend to achieve a
mission?
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Haridopolos). The time of the
gentlewoman has expired.
Ms. JAYAPAL. We have had no classified briefings, not a single
classified-- The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Florida is now
recognized.
Mr. MAST. Mr. Speaker, I would read from the resolution again: Remove
United States Forces from hostilities against Iran, except for those
that are tasked with defending it, its armed forces, its diplomatic
facilities from imminent attack.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 10 seconds to the gentlewoman from Washington
(Ms. Jayapal) asking what forces she would like removed.
Ms. JAYAPAL. Mr. Speaker, I would again respond to the chairman by
asking: When will we have a single classified briefing, a single
hearing in the House Committee on Foreign Affairs on this war?
Is the chairman prepared to say that we will have that hearing on
this war?
Why are we so afraid of having a public hearing on the issue of
whether or not we should be at war in Iran? Where is the chairman's
commitment to the American people?
Mr. MAST. Mr. Speaker, again, we have an author of this bill that is
demanding U.S. Forces be removed, and the author of this bill has
absolutely no clue what forces she wants to remove. That is beyond
irresponsible, to say the least, to write a resolution, bring it to the
floor, demand something with the weight of this issue, a nuclear-armed
Iran, an Iran that has been attacking us, killing our people for
years--350 attacks, 4 dead, 200 wounded just in the 30 months before
Epic Fury began. She says remove all forces--that is the legislation
before us--and has no clue what forces she wants to remove.
There are a lot of adjectives I could use, but my words will be taken
down if I start to use them, so I am going to close.
My colleagues keep saying that this is a war of choice. The Islamic
Republic has made their choice. They chose to attack Americans every
day. I read off for 15 minutes the attacks that have been coming
against us. They chose to support terrorist proxies, killing of
Americans and our allies to develop weapons of mass destruction and
missiles to reach out and touch our homeland and our allies.
They also chose to scrap the MOU that President Trump put in place
when he ended Epic Fury and to again engage in hostilities and attempt
to extort the world for shipping through the Strait of Hormuz.
We do have a choice, Mr. Speaker, and sometimes the only choice is
whether you are going to hit back when you, yourself, are getting hit.
We have been hit, day in, day out--I read it off--and for the first
time, we are finally responding.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. All time for debate has expired. Pursuant to
the order of the House of today, the previous question is ordered on
the concurrent resolution.
The question is on adoption of the concurrent resolution.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Ms. JAYAPAL. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, further
proceedings on this question are postponed.
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