[Congressional Record Volume 172, Number 103 (Thursday, June 18, 2026)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2917-S2920]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




         DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE REAFFIRMATION ACT OF 2026

  Mr. SCHMITT. Mr. President, on July 4, 1776, 56 men crossed a line 
from which there was no return. These men knew the King they defied. 
They knew the empire would come for them. They knew the prisons that 
could hold them and the gallows that could take them. They had wives, 
children, homes, names, property, and honor. They signed anyway. They 
made a bold declaration to the world that had never been made before. 
It was, in fact, revolutionary.
  Our rights come from God. Government rests on consent. Citizens are 
not subjects. America is a nation. Those truths made America possible, 
and every generation that inherits America must decide whether or not 
those truths still command it. That is why I rise today in support of 
repassing the Declaration of Independence.
  The declaration is America's birth certificate. It is the first great 
act of an American union. It is the character of a free people. It is 
the public oath by which 13 Colonies became one American nation. It 
presupposes America is one people, and that matters because a people is 
more than a population. A people has memory. A people has duties. A 
people receives an inheritance and decides whether to defend it.
  The declaration is the public oath of a people who knew it had 
received an inheritance and would have to defend it. It is an oath of 
liberty under God. It is an oath of self-government under law. It is an 
oath of one people bound across generations, accountable to the 
Creator, responsible for the Republic, and charged to carry freedom 
forward. That oath still binds us. That errand has not expired.
  America's deepest crisis is a loss of memory. We do not lack experts; 
we lack fathers. We do not lack managers; we lack patriots. We do not 
need more people trained to administer decline. We need citizens formed 
to love and defend the good.
  The Constitution can divide power. It cannot supply virtue. That is 
why the declaration still matters. It tells every King, every court, 
every Agency, every President, every Congress, and every officeholder 
the same exact thing: Your power is borrowed. Your authority is 
limited. Your office exists to serve a people whose rights you did not 
create and cannot erase.
  A Congress that forgets the declaration forgets why Congress has 
power at all. The truths of the declaration entered history through 
flesh-and-blood men--men with names, men with families, men with 
property, reputations, and everything to lose.
  Adams saw the break before others would name it. Jefferson gave cause 
its words. Franklin faced danger with wisdom and wit. Hancock signed 
with a boldness that made caution look small.
  They were men in danger. They acted when delay would have been easy. 
They acted when fear could have been dressed up as prudence. They acted 
because the hour had arrived.
  Heroes see that line. Then they cross it. The first American heroes 
chose sacred honor over safe submission. They acted when the safe men 
counseled waiting.
  Heroes do not wait for permission from the powerful. Heroes do not 
ask whether courage is fashionable. Heroes do not poll cowardice before 
obeying duty. Liberty was won by men who risked everything. America was 
born from courage, conviction, duty, and faith in almighty God.
  The oldest lie in politics says that the many exist for the few. The 
declaration broke that lie. Once they signed, the words had to travel. 
A declaration made in the name of people had to reach the people. Then 
the declaration moved. Copies went out on a rider. They entered 
churches, courthouses, taverns, army camps, town squares, and homes. 
The declaration belonged to the people before it belonged to the 
archives.
  Americans had to hear they were free. They had to hear what freedom 
would require. One of those copies reached George Washington in New 
York, where he was preparing to face the empire the signers had defied. 
He had it read aloud to the army. His men already knew what they were 
fighting for. They had left their farms, their shops, their families, 
and their homes because they knew liberty was worth the cost.
  But now Congress has spoken for the country. Now their cause had been 
declared before the world. The British were coming. The army was raw, 
exposed, and outmatched. So Washington put the words before his men. He 
let them hear from the voice of their own Congress that they were no 
longer fighting for grievances; they were fighting for a nation of 
their own.
  At Valley Forge, men endured because liberty demanded endurance. They 
endured because their children deserved more than submission. They

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endured because they knew a free people could survive if courage did 
not fail.
  Patrick Henry said it best when he gave his countrymen the choice 
every free people eventually faces:

       [G]ive me liberty, or give me death!

  The same fire moved beyond the army. It entered the life of the 
people. It traveled wherever Americans carried the sense and cause of 
liberty. It moved from hand to hand, from town to town, from father to 
son, from battlefield to courthouse, from pulpit to schoolhouse. Then 
it moved west.
  As the American people moved west, the Declaration moved with them. 
It moved into river towns, frontier trails, farms, churches, 
courthouses, and homes.
  I come from the great State of Missouri. In Missouri, we know the 
Declaration did not stay on the Atlantic coast. It moved through St. 
Louis and Jefferson City. It moved with Lewis and Clark. It moved with 
Daniel Boone and the frontier families who cut homes out of the 
wilderness. It moved with farmers and soldiers and preachers, rivermen, 
mothers, fathers, shopkeepers, builders, and pioneers.
  It inspired the naming of Missouri towns like Liberty, Independence, 
and Defiance. Missouri is what the Declaration looks like when it walks 
west and builds a country.
  America was made by people like that, a nation that builds, a nation 
that discovers, a nation that dares, a nation that refuses to live on 
its knees.
  Our ancestors did not fight, bleed, freeze, build, plant, sail, 
preach, settle, invent, and die so their descendants could be taught to 
apologize for existing. That inheritance now rests in our hands, and 
too many powerful voices in this country teach the next generation to 
receive it with suspicion instead of gratitude.
  We are done being ashamed of America.
  We love our country. We honor the men that built it. We give thanks 
for the inheritance they placed in our hands, and we intend to keep it. 
America 250 is a time to remember that inheritance and renew national 
pride.
  We can see the damage in the numbers. A generation ago, American 
pride was nearly universal. After 9/11, more than 90 percent of 
Americans said they were proud to be an American. Today, Gallup puts 
that number at 58 percent. PRRI puts it at 51 percent.
  On the left, the collapse is even sharper. Gallup found that only 36 
percent of Democrats are extremely or very proud to be an American. I 
take no pleasure in saying that. PRRI puts Democrat pride at 31 
percent. Only 28 percent of Democrats say they are proud of America's 
250-year history. Only 11 percent say America is the greatest country 
in the world. Only 27 percent plan to display the American flag this 
Fourth of July.
  That is a national forgetting made visible. Elite culture gives that 
damage a vocabulary. A recent essay in the New Yorker Magazine set out 
to answer the question: Is national pride worth trying to salvage? It 
asks: Is patriotism problematic?
  The most revealing line in that essay is its claim that patriotic 
education means learning to forget. No serious country--no serious 
country--can survive that kind of contempt for gratitude.
  America does not need historical amnesia; America needs honest 
memory, memory of sin and sacrifice, failure in correction, courage in 
renewal, fathers and sons, graves and glory, memories strong enough to 
produce citizens.
  That phrase reveals the deeper fight. A fight over patriotism is a 
fight over memory. Memory matters. A people that forget its heroes will 
soon be ruled by men who despise them.
  A nation that sneers at its fathers will leave its children orphans. 
A republic that mocks sacrifice will produce citizens unworthy of 
freedom. The dead, the living, and the unborn are joined in one chain 
of obligation; we receive before we create, we owe before we choose, we 
hand down what we did not make.
  That is why citizenship is not just paperwork. That is why borders 
matter. That is why children matter. That is why memory matters. That 
is why the Declaration matters.
  Memory carries authority with it. A people that remembers its 
inheritance also remembers its right to govern. The Declaration says 
the people are sovereign; no king, no queen, the people.
  The modern regime says the people are a problem to be managed. That 
is the fight. A great nation needs men who can say what is true. The 
old founding is enough. The question is whether we are enough for it.
  Calvin Coolidge gave that truth its anniversary form 100 years ago. 
He said:

       If all men are created equal, that is final. If they are 
     all endowed with inalienable rights, that is final. If 
     governments derive their just powers from the consent of the 
     governed, that is final.

  And that is final. No real progress moves beyond those truths. Every 
movement away from them leads us backwards.
  Coolidge said that in America's 150th. We stand at the threshold of 
her 250th. America 250 cannot become a fireworks show arranged by 
people embarrassed by their country. A nation cannot celebrate its 
birthday while forgetting why it was born in the first place.
  America 250 should tell the country one thing: The founding was good, 
the Declaration is true, and the American people still have the right 
to govern themselves. The American people are real. The American flag 
is not a symbol of shame. The American Nation is not an administrative 
unit.
  Our Republic is the greatest inheritance ever placed in the hands of 
a free people. We should act like it. We should speak like it. We 
should teach like it. We should govern like it. That is why Congress 
should act. That is why the Declaration should be spoken again from the 
center of American government.
  America is the country of Washington's army and Jefferson's pen, of 
Adams' fire and Franklin's wit, of Hancock's signature and Henry's 
thunder, of Lexington and Concord, of the Delaware crossing, of Valley 
Forge, of river towns and frontier trails, of farms and factories, of 
steeples and courthouses, of soldiers and sheriffs, of mothers and 
fathers, of sons and daughters who deserve a country of their own.
  America lives because real people--real people--carried a real 
inheritance across real farms, frontiers, battlefields, churches, 
courthouses, and graves. This is America: a nation, a people, a place, 
a bold declaration, a grand experiment, an inheritance, a duty, a 
country with a soul.
  That country is now in our hands. We were asked to prove that the 
blood, labor, prayer, sacrifice, and courage of those who came before 
us were not wasted on a generation too timid to say what is true.
  Let Congress repass the Declaration of Independence. Let the American 
people hear it again. Let the children of this Republic learn that they 
are heirs to heroes.
  Let the enemies of this Republic learn that Americans still know who 
they are, and let this generation take its place in the long line of 
patriots who understood that freedom is inherited only when it is 
fought for.
  Mr. President, not withstanding rule XXII, I ask unanimous consent 
that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of S. 4828, 
which is at the desk.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Hagerty). The clerk will report the bill 
by title.
  The senior assistant legislative clerk read as follows:

       A bill (S. 4828) to reaffirm the Declaration of 
     Independence as an Organic Law of the United States.

  There being no objection, the Senate proceeded to consider the bill.
  Mr. SCHMITT. I ask unanimous consent that the bill be considered read 
a third time and passed, and that the motion to reconsider be 
considered made and laid upon the table.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The bill (S. 4828) was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, 
was read the third time, and passed as follows:

                                S. 4828

       Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
     the United States of America in Congress assembled,

     SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

       This Act may be cited as the ``Declaration of Independence 
     Reaffirmation Act of 2026''.

     SEC. 2. FINDINGS.

       Congress finds the following:
       (1) On July 4, 1776, the Continental Congress adopted the 
     Declaration of Independence.

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       (2) The Declaration of Independence announced that the 
     United States of America were free and independent States.
       (3) The Declaration of Independence declares that all men 
     are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator 
     with certain unalienable rights, and that governments derive 
     their just powers from the consent of the governed.
       (4) The Declaration of Independence is recognized among the 
     Organic Laws of the United States.
       (5) The Northwest Ordinance was adopted by the Congress of 
     the Confederation in 1787, and was thereafter reenacted by 
     the First Congress in 1789, so that it could continue to have 
     full effect under the Constitution of the United States.
       (6) Congress has authority to recognize, reaffirm, and 
     carry forward the foundational laws and principles of the 
     American political order.
       (7) The 250th anniversary of American independence calls 
     upon Congress to reaffirm the Declaration of Independence as 
     the charter of American sovereignty, natural rights, equal 
     citizenship, and government by consent.
       (8) The Constitution of the United States gives lawful form 
     and enduring structure to the principles of republican self-
     government announced in the Declaration of Independence.
       (9) The Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of 
     the United States together establish a political order in 
     which the people are sovereign and public officers are their 
     servants.
       (10) The Declaration of Independence presupposes that 
     Americans are ``one people'' with the right to govern 
     themselves as a distinct political community, to preserve 
     their national independence, and to secure the rights and 
     liberties of their own citizens.

     SEC. 3. REAFFIRMATION OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.

       Congress reaffirms and re-adopts the Declaration of 
     Independence as an Organic Law of the United States and as 
     the enduring charter of American independence, national 
     sovereignty, natural rights, equal citizenship, and 
     government by consent.

     SEC. 4. TEXT OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.

       In commemoration of the 250th anniversary of American 
     independence, Congress sets forth the text of the Declaration 
     of Independence as follows:
       ``The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united States 
     of America,
       ``When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary 
     for one people to dissolve the political bands which have 
     connected them with another, and to assume among the Powers 
     of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the 
     Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent 
     respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should 
     declare the causes which impel them to the separation.
       ``We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are 
     created equal, that they are endowed, by their Creator, with 
     certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, 
     Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.--That to secure these 
     rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their 
     just powers from the consent of the governed,--That whenever 
     any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it 
     is the Right of the People to alter or abolish it, and to 
     institute new Government, laying its foundation on such 
     principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to 
     them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and 
     Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments 
     long established should not be changed for light and 
     transient causes; and, accordingly, all experience hath 
     shewn, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils 
     are sufferable, than to right themselves, by abolishing the 
     forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of 
     abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object, 
     evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it 
     is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such 
     Government, and to provide new Guards for their future 
     security.--Such has been the patient sufferance of these 
     Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them 
     to alter their former Systems of Government. The history of 
     the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated 
     injuries and usurpations, all having, in direct object, the 
     establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To 
     prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world.
       ``He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and 
     necessary for the public good.
       ``He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate 
     and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation 
     till his Assent should be obtained; and, when so suspended, 
     he has utterly neglected to attend to them.
       ``He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation 
     of large districts of people, unless those people would 
     relinquish the Right of Representation in the Legislature; a 
     right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only.
       ``He has called together legislative bodies at places 
     unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of 
     their Public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them 
     into compliance with his measures.
       ``He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for 
     opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of 
     the people.
       ``He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, 
     to cause others to be elected; whereby the Legislative 
     Powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the 
     People at large for their exercise; the State remaining, in 
     the meantime, exposed to all the dangers of invasion from 
     without, and convulsions within.
       ``He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these 
     States; for that purpose, obstructing the Laws for 
     Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to 
     encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions 
     of new Appropriations of Lands.
       ``He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by 
     refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary 
     Powers.
       ``He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the 
     tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their 
     salaries.
       ``He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent 
     hither swarms of Officers to harass our People, and eat out 
     their substance.
       ``He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies, 
     without the Consent of our legislatures.
       ``He has affected to render the Military independent of and 
     superior to the Civil Power.
       ``He has combined with others to subject us to a 
     jurisdiction foreign to our Constitution and unacknowledged 
     by our Laws; giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended 
     Legislation:
       ``For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:
       ``For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from punishment for 
     any Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of 
     these States:
       ``For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world:
       ``For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent:
       ``For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of Trial 
     by Jury:
       ``For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended 
     offences:
       ``For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a 
     neighbouring Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary 
     government, and enlarging its Boundaries, so as to render it 
     at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the 
     same absolute rule into these Colonies:
       ``For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most 
     valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally the Forms of our 
     Governments:
       ``For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring 
     themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all 
     cases whatsoever.
       ``He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of 
     his Protection and waging War against us.
       ``He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our 
     towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.
       ``He is, at this time, transporting large Armies of foreign 
     Mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation, and 
     tyranny, already begun, with circumstances of Cruelty and 
     Perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and 
     totally unworthy the Head of a civilized nation.
       ``He has constrained our fellow Citizens, taken Captive on 
     the high Seas, to bear Arms against their Country, to become 
     the executioners of their friends and Brethren, or to fall 
     themselves by their Hands.
       ``He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has 
     endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the 
     merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare is an 
     undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and 
     conditions.
       ``In every stage of these Oppressions, We have Petitioned 
     for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions 
     have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince, whose 
     character is thus marked by every act which may define a 
     Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.
       ``Nor have We been wanting in attentions to our British 
     brethren. We have warned them, from time to time, of attempts 
     by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction 
     over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our 
     emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their 
     native Justice and Magnanimity, and We have conjured them, by 
     the ties of our common kindred, to disavow these usurpations, 
     which would inevitably interrupt our connections and 
     correspondence. They, too, have been deaf to the voice of 
     justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce 
     in the necessity which denounces our Separation, and hold 
     them, as We hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in 
     Peace Friends.
       ``We, therefore, the Representatives of the united States 
     of America, in General Congress assembled, appealing to the 
     Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our 
     intentions, do, in the Name and by the Authority of the good 
     People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That 
     these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be, Free and 
     Independent States; that they are Absolved from all 
     Allegiance to the British Crown; and that all political 
     connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, 
     and ought to be, totally dissolved; and that, as Free and 
     Independent States, they have full Power to levy War, 
     conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and 
     do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of 
     right do.
       ``And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm 
     reliance on the protection of divine Providence, We mutually 
     pledge to each

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     other our Lives, our Fortunes, and our sacred Honor.''.

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Missouri.

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