[Congressional Record Volume 172, Number 71 (Wednesday, April 22, 2026)]
[Senate]
[Pages S1930-S1931]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
ECUADOR
Mr. WELCH. Mr. President, on March 6 of this year, the Pentagon
released a video of what it claimed was the destruction of a drug
traffickers' training camp near the village of San Martin in the jungle
of rural Ecuador. As reported by the New York Times, ``The video was
meant to show that the U.S. military, which for months had bombed boats
it says are carrying drugs from South America, was `now bombing Narco
Terrorists on land,' '' according to a post by Defense Secretary
Hegseth.
A thorough, credible investigation of this operation has yet to be
carried out. However, based on detailed inquiries by American
journalists and Ecuadorian human rights organizations who visited the
site and collected testimonies and audiovisual evidence, the official
narrative turns out to bear little, if any, resemblance to the facts as
they are currently known.
Rather than a drug training camp, the Ecuadorian military, relying on
U.S. military intelligence, appears to have bombed a cattle and dairy
farm, targeting impoverished workers and terrorizing neighboring
villagers.
[[Page S1931]]
According to workers at the farm, Ecuadorian soldiers arrived by
helicopter on March 3. After reportedly arresting the workers at
gunpoint, interrogating and subjecting them to beatings, suffocation,
electric shocks, threats of mutilation, water immersion, and mock
executions at an undisclosed military facility before releasing them,
they returned to the site, poured gasoline on several structures, and
burned them to the ground. Villagers said helicopters returned 3 days
later, apparently dropping explosives on what remained of the farm,
which the soldiers recorded on the video that the Pentagon released.
In addition to releasing the video, the Pentagon claimed credit for
carrying out ``target action'' against the supposed traffickers at the
request of the Ecuadorian authorities, although no U.S. troops were
directly involved in the operation. Ecuadorian officials said the
operation relied on U.S. ``intelligence and support'' to identify the
farm, which they claimed was a camp for as many as 50 members of
irregular armed groups.
According to the owner of the farm, he bought it 6 years ago and had
a herd of more than 50 cows used for milk and meat. He said the
destroyed structures were two wooden shelters, sheds for equipment, a
chicken coop, and a place to make cheese. He said, ``It's a lie that 50
people trained here. Where are they going to train? Out in the open?
There's no logic.'' He went on, ``Everywhere you look there are
animals: the cows I milk, the calves, the horses.''
According to an Ecuadorian human rights lawyer, ``There isn't a
single public official who has come to verify what happened.''
This violent operation occurred in a remote, dangerous area along the
border between Ecuador and Colombia where armed groups are engaged in
illicit mining and cocaine trafficking. But the version of events
recounted by the villagers and the farm workers is totally at odds with
the version promoted by the Ecuadorian military and the U.S. Department
of Defense. It has been more than a month and half since the incident,
and the Ecuadorian Government has yet to present any credible evidence
to dispute the farm workers' harrowing account. Instead, they have
continued to repeat their assertions and vilify the work of human
rights organizations. The farm workers and the villagers have also
reported acts of harassment and intimidation by the Ecuadorian military
against them since the New York Times story came out. This is the same
military that is accused of committing at least 43 cases of enforced
disappearances in 2024, according to Amnesty International.
There is no evidence that, prior to issuing a press release
characterizing the attack as a counter ``narco-terrorist'' operation,
anyone at the Pentagon had visited the site or spoken with any of the
Ecuadorian inhabitants. Perhaps the Ecuadorian Government is reluctant
to conduct a credible, thorough investigation, fearing the possibility
of having to refute the version of its own soldiers and the U.S.
Secretary of Defense. But its responsibility is first and foremost to
its own citizens, to the truth, and to the law. If the facts described
by the owner of the farm are borne out, the operation violated multiple
laws, including arbitrary detention, denial of due process, torture,
and the destruction of property. And if this was, in fact, an attack
based on faulty intelligence that never should have happened, the owner
of the farm and the workers who were abused must be compensated and
those responsible brought to justice.
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