[Congressional Record Volume 172, Number 55 (Tuesday, March 24, 2026)]
[House]
[Pages H2669-H2672]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                         WOMEN'S HISTORY MONTH

  Under the Speaker's announced policy of January 3, 2025, Ms. 
McClellan of Virginia was recognized for 60 minutes as the designee of 
the minority leader.


                             General Leave

  Ms. McCLELLAN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members 
may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and 
include extraneous material on the subject matter of this Special 
Order.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Kennedy of Utah). Is there objection to 
the request of the gentlewoman from Virginia?
  There was no objection.
  Ms. McCLELLAN. Mr. Speaker, it is Women's History Month.
  For centuries, Black women have led our country through social 
evolutions, critical periods of growth, and eras of innovation.
  From the civil rights movement to consistently serving as the 
foundation for our community success, Black women continue to push the 
needle.
  Women's History Month offers us the opportunity to uplift these 
monumental achievements and highlight every pivotal moment in history 
in which Black women have tipped the scales toward progress and 
singlehandedly moved our country forward.
  For the past year, the actions of the Trump administration have 
brought consequences to every vulnerable community but have 
specifically attacked the foundation of Black women's economic success 
and social impact.
  Hundreds of thousands of Black women have lost their jobs under 
President Trump's leadership, and the administration remains committed 
to eliminating critical programs that build a strong foundation and a 
pathway to economic opportunities for Black women across the Nation.
  During a time when Black women are under attack, the Congressional 
Black Caucus takes the floor tonight so that our Members can lift them 
up.
  As we commemorate Women's History Month and look back on the 
achievements of Black women throughout the history of our Nation, I 
think back to the roots of our Nation, the birthplace of American 
democracy and American slavery, none other than my home, Virginia.
  Established on July 30, 1619, Virginia boasts the oldest, continuous 
lawmaking body in the Western Hemisphere, the first legislative 
assembly in the New World, the Virginia General Assembly.
  One month later, a Dutch privateer arrived on the shores of Virginia 
with ``20 and odd'' Africans captured by Portuguese slavers in west-
central Africa that were traded for provisions. Among them, there was 
at least one woman that we know of.
  Three months after that, Virginia took steps toward a permanent 
colony with the recruitment of English women to Jamestown to make wives 
to the inhabitants. Those women arrived with no right to vote, no right 
to hold public office, and no right to control their own property.
  Since 1619, Black women in America have sat at the intersection of 
racism and sexism. Tonight, we will uplift their stories, how we did 
overcome, but we still have a long way to go to truly be equal under 
the law, to truly take part in the American Dream.
  Tonight, you will hear our Members talk about the good, the bad, the 
ugly, the inspiring, and much, much more.
  Mr. Speaker, to start that conversation, I yield to the gentlewoman 
from New York (Ms. Clarke), our chair.

                              {time}  1930

  Ms. CLARKE of New York. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from 
Virginia for anchoring this evening's Congressional Black Caucus 
Special Order hour and for her diligence and commitment to sending the 
message of the CBC throughout this Nation.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise today as chair of the Congressional Black Caucus 
and co-chair of the Congressional Caucus on Black Women & Girls to 
recognize Women's History Month and the countless contributions women 
have made to our Nation and to the world.
  These 31 days offer a vital opportunity to honor women of every 
background for their achievements, which have too often been 
overlooked, celebrating the progress and rights secured by those who 
have paved the way.
  Even as we celebrate, we must confront a difficult truth: many of the 
same barriers that our mothers and grandmothers fought to dismantle 
unfortunately persist today. Disparities in access to capital, 
education, opportunity, and power remain far too wide.
  We cannot ignore the growing efforts to roll back hard-won rights. We 
cannot yield to forces that would usher in a future where the next 
generation of women has fewer freedoms than those who came before them.
  This is not an exaggeration or hyperbole. Policies that undermine 
diversity, equity, and inclusion already having real consequences, 
including the displacement of over 300,000 Black women from the 
workforce on the basis of DEI dog whistles.
  Let's be clear. These are not statistics. These are our mothers, 
daughters, entrepreneurs, and essential workers whose contributions are 
being shoved aside and whitewashed.
  We know when Black women thrive, our communities thrive, our Nation 
thrives.
  Women's History Month must also be a call to action and a moment to 
speak plainly about the threats to women's voting rights, bodily 
autonomy, and economic opportunities to support their families.
  Mr. Speaker, we are not going back. We owe it to those who came 
before us and those who will follow to stand firm in defense of that 
progress.
  Ms. McCLELLAN. Mr. Speaker, I now yield to the gentlewoman from New 
Jersey, Representative LaMonica McIver.
  Mrs. McIVER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the fine gentlewoman of Virginia 
(Ms. McClellan) for anchoring tonight's Special Order hour to celebrate 
Women's History Month and to celebrate and speak truth tonight. I am 
glad to be standing here during Women's History Month right after Black 
History Month to celebrate specifically Black women.

[[Page H2670]]

  Black women have always looked at this country and thought and asked: 
How can I make it better? They then fought for that ``better.''
  When we weren't given a seat at the table, we made it our mission to 
bring a folding chair. We have always stood in the gaps. We have a long 
history of being first to take on the fights that others would not take 
on.
  Looking at the pain and suffering among our families, neighbors, and 
friends, and deciding to step in to protect the vulnerable and speak 
out for the voiceless, especially when those in power won't fight for 
us. We fight for us.
  We know our liberation is tied to the liberation of others: Black, 
Brown, immigrant, citizens, every race, every gender, all of us. We 
know that truth, and that is why there is continually so much effort 
put toward stopping us. Even if this very body in this very Chamber, 
Black women are under attack.
  We are currently witnessing a coordinated and vicious assault on the 
foundations of our freedom and history. We are seeing the effects of 
reckless economic policies, forcing hundreds of thousands of Black 
women out of the workforce. We are watching Black women stripped of our 
healthcare and maternal care. With every statistic, there are real 
human costs behind them.

  There are mornings that I wake up feeling exactly how they want us to 
feel: powerless, hopeless, angry, and tired. It is the example of the 
Black women leaders that came before me that remind me that we cannot 
back down. There is no progress through comfort.
  Now is not the time to become complacent. Yes, we are tired. We are 
being pushed, but now is the moment for neck-deep courage.
  Just last month I was in Selma for the remembrance of Bloody Sunday. 
A speaker referenced how in Exodus, Moses went neck-deep into the Red 
Sea before it was parted. He took the first step toward a raging ocean 
because he knew that his prayer to be liberated would manifest.
  She spoke of how Harriet Tubman went neck-deep to wade in the water, 
facing the threat of death, because she knew that freedom was worth 
fighting for.
  Mr. Speaker, the toughest fights to freedom require you to go neck-
deep. Every generation must step up and ask: Are we neck-deep people? 
And one thing I know is that is who Black women truly are. I am saying 
it plain: Black women are under attack, but we are not going to be 
silenced or scared--not now, not ever.
  Ms. McCLELLAN. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman (Mrs. McIver) for 
her comments, and I am proud to be in this fight with her.
  As a Virginian, I am keenly cognizant of the fact that Virginia was 
both the birthplace of American slavery and the birthplace of American 
democracy. That dichotomy I have always found both ironic and 
inspiring.
  This year we celebrate 250 years of a document written by Thomas 
Jefferson, the Declaration of Independence, which wrote that all men 
are created equal and endowed by their creator with certain inalienable 
rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of 
happiness.
  Yet Jefferson didn't include the men and women--he didn't include 
women at all in that decree, and he certainly didn't include the men, 
women, and children that he owned in bondage at Monticello, including 
the mother of his children. That ideal upon which our country was 
founded sparked the imagination of the men, women, and children in 
bondage across this young Nation.
  When Abigail Adams' husband was on his way to the Constitutional 
Convention, she said: Remember the ladies and be kinder to them than 
our ancestors were.
  The men at that convention ignored her advice. They wrote a 
constitution creating a government by, of, and for we the people. They 
didn't include women. They didn't include the men, women, and children 
enslaved at the home of James Madison, the architect of The Virginia 
Plan that led to the Constitution. In fact, those men, women, and 
children weren't counted as people at all. They were counted as three-
fifths of a person for purposes of identifying how many Members of 
Congress would serve in this body.
  Many of those women were viewed as broodmares. Many of them were 
forced to care for other people's children while theirs were stolen. 
They forced to nurse other people's children while they ached for their 
own.
  Since the founding of our Nation, Black women at every opportunity 
have fought to be included in ``we the people.'' We have fought to 
expand suffrage beyond White land-owning men along with White women, 
even when we were the last throughout the South to benefit from that 
labor.

                              {time}  1940

  Virginia has found herself a leading lady in the story of expanding 
the franchise. Often, how far we went determined whether the Federal 
Government did its part to expand we the people beyond those original 
White, land-owning men.
  I stand today on the shoulders of all of those who paved the way for 
me to be the first Black woman to represent Virginia in Congress, 
historymakers from all generations who fought for the right to fully 
participate in our democracy because they recognized that, in a 
government by, of, and for the people, government will only reflect the 
perspective of and, therefore, meet the needs of those who participate.
  Even as Black men received expanded suffrage during Reconstruction 
and in the aftermath of the Civil War, the nascent women's rights 
movement, which stated at its first convention in the ``Declaration of 
Sentiments'' that all men and women were created equal--yet, with the 
14th Amendment, the seeds of division were sown.
  When that amendment, which guaranteed equal protection under the law, 
for the first time ever inserted the word ``male'' in the U.S. 
Constitution, a fissure began in the suffrage movement and the women's 
rights movement that pitted some--not all, some--White women against 
Black women because they would not support suffrage for Black men 
before White women.
  Yet, Black women continued to serve in these suffragette groups, 
oftentimes their work being ignored.
  I have often tried to research some of the Black women suffragettes 
from Virginia. They are hard to find. They are usually seen described 
as community leaders, not suffragettes. Yet, when you read between the 
lines of their papers and their work, you see what they were really up 
to.
  I am wearing red today in honor of the 22 founders of my sorority, 
Delta Sigma Theta Sorority, Incorporated. Founded 113 years ago in 
January 1913, in their first public act, the 22 founders marched in 
Washington in the Women's Suffrage Procession down Pennsylvania Avenue. 
Yet, they and every other Black woman who showed up to march that day 
were told that they had to march in the back because the organizers of 
that march did not want to offend Southern allies.
  Ida B. Wells famously refused to march in the back. She said that she 
was going to march with her delegation. The chair of her delegation, 
Genevieve Stone, was the only delegation member who said that she could 
march with her delegation.
  The 22 founders of Delta Sigma Theta marched in their caps and gowns 
with other university women, marking their first public act as a 
sorority. It is fitting that I call them out today because thousands of 
members of Delta Sigma Theta were on the Hill today, still fighting to 
preserve access to the vote as the SAVE Act is being debated down the 
hall, a modern-day poll tax that would require everyone to produce 
documents to prove their citizenship.
  These are documents that cost money, documents that, if they don't 
show the same name as on your birth certificate, aren't good enough. 
One of my soror Members of Congress, Joyce Beatty, told a story 
yesterday to those Deltas assembled about how, when she went to get her 
REAL ID--this is a good example of the hurdles you would have to go 
through to meet the requirements of the SAVE Act--she showed up with 
her birth certificate and was told that it was not good enough. It is a 
copy. You need the original.
  Not living in the State where she got her original, she had to go get 
another copy of the original and brought that back. That is not good 
enough. The

[[Page H2671]]

name on her birth certificate is not the name on her driver's license 
because she was married.
  She had to go back and get another original copy of her marriage 
certificate. That wasn't good enough because the name on the marriage 
certificate still didn't match the birth certificate because she had 
been married before.
  She had to go get a copy of that marriage certificate and the divorce 
decree and show the chain of custody of her name just to be able to get 
a REAL ID to prove that she was a U.S. citizen who could fly.
  Yet, that REAL ID wouldn't be good enough for her to register to vote 
under the SAVE Act. She would have to go through all those same hoops 
all over again.
  The history of suffrage in this country is the history of Black women 
confronting obstacles, going over them, around them, through them, for 
that sacred right to participate in a government by, of, and for the 
people.
  When the 19th Amendment finally gave women the right to vote in our 
Constitution, my grandmothers, my mother, and my great-grandmothers 
didn't benefit. They all lived in the South. Through poll taxes, 
literacy tests, and other mechanisms, they were still denied access to 
the ballot.
  Many Black women fought against these obstacles. Fannie Lou Hamer, a 
sharecropper from Mississippi, was jailed, evicted from her home, fired 
from her job, and severely beaten for daring to try to register to 
vote. Hamer cofounded the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party to 
challenge an all-White delegation to the Democratic National 
Convention.
  Ella Baker, whose legacy is often overshadowed by Black male figures 
of the civil rights movement, played a crucial role in organizing the 
Montgomery bus boycott, which was inspired by another woman, Rosa 
Parks, who herself made waves when she refused to give up her seat on 
the bus for a White passenger and was arrested.
  Baker later founded the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, or 
SNCC, and encouraged students to take charge of their activism and 
continue to make their perspectives heard. Another SNCC leader, Diane 
Nash, became one of the most well-known figures in Nashville and helped 
to organize sit-ins and sustained Freedom Rides throughout the Deep 
South.
  Another Delta, Dorothy Height, whose birthday is today, was one of 
the Big Six of the civil rights movement. She was one of the leaders of 
the six organizations that planned the March on Washington. Yet, she 
was the only one of the six who didn't speak that day because the five 
male leaders excluded women from the speaking program.
  Dorothy was there anyway and continued to fight for Black women to be 
able to vote and to overcome the intersection between racism and 
sexism.
  These are just a few of the women who fought for the right to vote. 
There are other rights that women were denied, particularly Black 
women, solely because of the color of their skin.

                              {time}  1950

  Everybody knows about the great progressive movement that expanded 
worker rights to many, many workers. What most people don't know is 
that those rights explicitly excluded so-called Jim Crow jobs, domestic 
workers as the main example. Those jobs were jobs that once were 
performed by Black men and women for free during slavery, then from 
very low wages because they were the only jobs available to Black 
people, particularly in the South.
  My mother's family saw this firsthand. My mother grew up in the Gulf 
Coast of Mississippi, a little town called DeLisle. DeLisle had no 
school for Black children because the State of Mississippi didn't think 
them worth educating.
  She was the third youngest of 14 children. She was born in 1932, her 
oldest sibling born in 1918. There was one school that would teach 
those children. It was the Catholic Church, but it only went to the 
eighth grade. When her brothers graduated eighth grade, the only jobs 
available to them were as laborers. When her sisters graduated, the 
only jobs available to them were as domestic workers or home care 
workers. Her siblings, her sisters, her mother, her grandmothers, her 
great-grandmothers were domestics. She wanted more.
  She had to leave her hometown to go to high school. She had to leave 
her State to get a job, but she did it. By the time I came along in the 
1970s, she was running the TRIO Programs at Virginia State University, 
three federally-funded programs that helped first-generation and at-
risk students get to, thrive in, and graduate from college.
  Those three programs are now under attack by the Trump administration 
as it works to dismantle the Department of Education. The Department of 
Education which was created to fill gaps that State and local 
governments refused to fill, particularly to meet the educational needs 
and protect the civil rights of students with disabilities.
  My mother is an example of the obstacles that had to be overcome 
because the rights that many of us take for granted, minimum wage, 
overtime protections, wage theft protections, antidiscrimination laws 
at the Federal level and in most States, guess who is excluded. 
Domestic workers.
  As a result, thousands, probably hundreds of thousands of mostly 
Black and Brown women across the country struggle to take care of 
themselves and their own families as they take care of the needs of 
others.
  I was proud as a member of the State senate to pass--and make 
Virginia the first State in the South to do it--the Domestic Worker 
Bill of Rights, to remove these outdated, antiquated, and racist 
exclusions. Those exclusions still exist in Federal law.
  I am proud to be among a long line of Black women in Congress who owe 
our very existence here to Shirley Chisholm, who in 1968 became the 
first Black woman elected to Congress, representing New York's 12th 
Congressional District.
  She didn't get a warm welcome here. She decided not to abide by 
longstanding expectations that first-term Members fly under the radar. 
``I have no intention of just sitting quietly and observing,'' she 
said. ``I intend to focus . . . on the Nation's problems.'' So she and 
12 other Members of Congress founded the Congressional Black Caucus, 
the conscience of the Congress, which 55 years later stands at 66 
members strong; 32 Black women, the most in history, two for the first 
time ever serving in the United States Senate.
  Shirley Chisholm became the first woman and Black candidate to seek a 
major party's nomination for President the year I was born, in 1972. 
While she lost the primary in that race, she continued to serve in 
Congress for another 11 years. She served on the Committee on 
Agriculture, and she used that role to expand access to nutrition to 
millions of poor men, women, and children through the SNAP program, 
which last year faced the largest cuts in American history and 
threatened to take food out of the mouths of 42 million Americans.
  Shirley Chisholm remains a symbol of strength and profound courage in 
the face of the intense objections her very existence in this body 
inspired in some people. She famously said: ``If they don't give you a 
seat at the table, bring a folding chair.'' Thanks to that folding 
chair, I and 31 other women stand on her shoulders.
  She, alongside of Carol Moseley Braun, the first Black woman elected 
to the United States Senate in 1992, and so many others have allowed 
little girls everywhere to look at this Capitol and finally say: I 
belong there too.
  We have made a lot of progress towards the ideal upon which this 
country was founded. Yet, every time we have made progress, there has 
been a backlash that has involved violence, voter suppression, and 
propaganda. We are living through the mother-of-all backlashes.
  I think back to what my great-grandparents saw--my great-grandparents 
who grew up in the first generation after the Emancipation 
Proclamation--men who gained the right to vote, who gained the 
opportunity for social and economic wealth. Black women were there 
every step of the way in that progress. They also were among those who 
were lynched for it. They were also among the ones who were beaten for 
it, but they persevered anyway.
  Today, we are facing another backlash to progress. It has pushed 
300,000 Black women out of the Federal workforce by an all-out assault 
by the Trump administration through DOGE. We have seen millions at risk 
of losing

[[Page H2672]]

their health insurance through devastating cuts to Medicaid and the 
expiration of the Enhanced Premium Tax Credits under the Affordable 
Care Act, which turned 16 yesterday.
  That was personal to me. I was pregnant. Matter of fact, I was the 
first member of the Virginia House of Delegates to be pregnant while in 
office 16 years ago when Congress passed the Affordable Care Act. I 
remember how excited I was that this law could move mountains in 
solving the maternal healthcare crisis, which was on my mind in my 
first trimester of pregnancy. I was so excited that for the first time 
prenatal visits, postnatal visits, and breastfeeding counseling and 
equipment would be covered by health insurance. I was excited that for 
the first time pregnancy would not be a preexisting condition that 
could lead to the denial of health insurance for a woman.

                              {time}  2000

  I was excited that Virginia had an opportunity to expand Medicaid and 
create our own State-based healthcare exchange. So you can imagine my 
frustration when my Republican colleagues who were in control at the 
time said we are not doing that. But like many Black women before me, I 
persisted. We fought and fought until we finally convinced enough 
Republicans in 2018 to expand Medicaid.
  In 2020, we finally created the Virginia-based healthcare exchange, 
and we saw health outcomes improve, particularly for pregnant and not 
pregnant Black women. We saw the statistic begin to turn around where 
no longer would a Black woman be three times more likely to die within 
a year of childbirth because before she was pregnant she got connected 
to a medical home and could get the care she needed for underlying 
healthcare conditions that made the pregnancy more risky. All of that 
is now under attack.
  On Monday, I checked to see the impact that the expiration of the 
enhanced premium tax credits had on the Virginia marketplace now that 
we have had our first open enrollment since they expired. Mr. Speaker, 
19,000 Virginians didn't renew because they couldn't afford the 
premium. About 20,000 Virginians renewed but then terminated their 
coverage because they couldn't afford the premiums.
  Families like Lester and Yolanda Johnson and their 9-year-old 
daughter have seen their premiums go from roughly $600 to over $1,000. 
I can understand why so many of them are struggling to decide: Can I 
afford that health insurance premium?
  As the President's war of choice in Iran has seen gas prices spike, 
they are wondering: Can I afford to put gas in my tank? Can I afford 
that plane ticket? Can I afford that energy bill?
  As the tariff policies and this trade war continues to wreak havoc on 
grocery prices, they are wondering which of these bills is going to 
give, and unfortunately, they are gambling that they are not going to 
get sick or injured. They are still going to get sick or injured, and 
when they do they are going to show up at the hospital. They are going 
to be treated. Somebody is going to pay for that, and that is the rest 
of us.
  Whether it is access to healthcare, access to the vote, access to 
worker rights, access to equal pay, access to equality under the law, 
we have made a lot of progress, and all of that progress is being 
chipped away as we speak.
  But the women of the Congressional Black Caucus are persistent. Yes, 
we are fighting the same fights as other mothers, our grandmothers, and 
our great-grandmothers, and we could be angry about that. We would have 
every right to be. We could be despondent. We could give up, but we 
don't because we fight those fights from a position of more strength 
and power than our ancestors ever imagined. We fight those fights so 
that our daughters and our granddaughters and our great-granddaughters 
don't have to, but if they do, they will fight those fights from a 
position of more strength and power than we can imagine.
  As for me personally--and this is why the President's assault on our 
history is so offensive to me personally because we are telling those 
stories in my family, but they weren't told in my history books. For a 
long time they weren't told in our public museums and our public 
spaces. Now, we have begun to tell the stories. Under the President's 
DEI executive order many of those stories are being removed.
  The President seems obsessed with slavery and not wanting anybody to 
talk about it. He thinks we talk too much about it. But slavery is the 
original sin of this country. Slavery is the original wound that is 
still gaping in this country because it never healed. It never healed 
because we didn't talk about it, and we didn't address it. And just 
like any wound caused by a family member, if you don't talk about it 
and then address it, it festers. It festers until it is infected, and 
then comes death.
  What the President misses about that history is how it inspires and 
how it can keep us going.
  My family is coming here for spring break on Friday. My kids came 
last year, as well. It was a vote week. So, as we always do, we went to 
all of the Smithsonian museums. We went to The National Museum of 
African American History and Culture, and we went to the exhibit on 
slavery. We went to the exhibit on the middle passage. As I stood in 
that exhibit, I imagined what it must have been like to be stolen from 
your home and your family, placed on a ship, the bowels of a ship, in 
inhumane conditions, treated like animals. I imagined how many people 
chose to jump because the alternative they feared when they arrived at 
these shores was worse than death. How many died because they couldn't 
hold on?
  A year ago as I stood in that exhibit, a voice came to me and said: 
Somebody survived that so that you can be here in this moment in this 
fight in this time. That is what keeps us going. We remember the pain 
and the joy and the fight and the progress of our ancestors. We owe it 
to them to build on their success and to tell their stories even when 
they are uncomfortable, the good, the bad, and the ugly.

  Black History Month and Women's History Month and every other history 
month allows us to focus in on stories that for too often in our 
history went untold. Yet, we have agencies at the Federal Government 
from the Department of Defense on down that don't even recognize those 
months or allow their employees to. We have an administration that 
threatens and bullies private companies if they try to.
  We have to tell the story. We owe it to those that came before us who 
lived it to tell the stories because how many people do you think knew 
when they voted for the Domestic Workers Bill of Rights that the women 
who held those roles who were mostly Black and Brown didn't have the 
same rights that they took for granted? I can tell you very few did 
until they were told. They had no reason to.
  We are going to continue to tell these stories. We are going to 
continue to fight for that progress. We are going to continue to be the 
conscience of the Congress even when the Congress doesn't want to hear 
from us. We are going to hold this President accountable, and we are 
going to make him listen to the stories even when he wants to shut us 
up because that is why we are here.
  Shirley Chisholm told us that if they don't create a seat at the 
table, bring a folding chair. She didn't want us to just sit there and 
be quiet. She wanted us to speak truth to power. She wanted us to 
continue her work and the work of everyone that came before her. We are 
going to do that.
  Mr. Speaker, I thank everyone for their attention tonight, and I 
yield back the balance of my time.

                          ____________________