[Congressional Record Volume 172, Number 48 (Tuesday, March 17, 2026)]
[Senate]
[Pages S1156-S1158]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                            SAVE AMERICA ACT

  Mr. LEE. Madam President, I appreciate the skill and the passion that 
my friend and colleague the distinguished Senator from the State of 
Washington brings to the table on this. I appreciate her thoroughness 
in making the case that she has made to the Senate. I would like to 
address a few of those items which I think call for a response.
  One of the arguments that she points to--all of the arguments that 
she points to in one way or another--reminds me of how important it is 
to turn back to the central objective of what we are trying to achieve 
here: Let's make it easy to vote but hard to cheat.
  Again and again, she refers to the desire to make it easy to vote, 
but as to the ``hard to cheat'' point, she goes off on a number of 
tangents, and I would like to address a number of those right now to 
make sure we set the record clear.
  One of the arguments she makes right out of the gate has to do with 
the fact that this is a constitutionally protected right, and she is 
right there. We have a number of freestanding constitutional 
protections in various parts of the Constitution that protect your 
right to vote.
  The fact that it is a constitutionally protected right doesn't mean 
that it doesn't matter that we make it easy to vote and hard to cheat. 
In fact, it makes it that much more important to do it.
  The fact that something is a constitutionally protected right doesn't 
mean that it has to be uninhibited. In fact, very often, as is the case 
with voting, if we make it easy to cheat, then your constitutionally 
protected right to vote will mean less and less with each passing 
election, and our failure to take these risks seriously further 
undermines the public's perception of the legitimacy of the rights in 
question.
  Now, the mere fact that something is a constitutionally protected 
right doesn't mean you can't make it harder for people to break the law 
in gaining access to it. Otherwise, there would be all sorts of things 
that would be off in our society.
  Take for example the Second Amendment, the right to bear arms. Yes, 
we

[[Page S1157]]

have a constitutionally protected right to bear arms, and it is a 
fundamental right that is available to individuals. Yet, when you 
decide to exercise that right by going into a federally licensed 
firearms dealer to purchase a firearm, guess what you have to do? You 
have to produce identification, and you have to wait a period of time. 
It might take a few minutes or it might take a few hours, but you have 
to wait until they run your identification and your information through 
some databases to make sure you are eligible to purchase a gun. It 
still is a constitutionally protected right. It doesn't cease to be a 
constitutionally protected right simply by virtue of doing that.
  Never in a million years would you see my colleagues on the other 
side of the aisle or many in my party, I assume, saying: OK. This is 
all we need to do in order to deal with this issue since the right to 
bear arms is protected by the Constitution.
  Yes, we have laws about who may purchase what firearm and when and 
under what circumstance and when they might be disqualified based on a 
prior conviction or otherwise from purchasing a firearm. All we need is 
a signature because, according to my colleague's logic, a signature is 
all the identification you need.
  Well, is it? Well, signatures can be forged. With increasing ease, 
they can be forged. In other circumstances, they can be presumed not to 
be checked, and in some cases, that might pan out to be more true than 
in others.
  But nobody would seriously suggest--particularly those who like these 
background check laws--they wouldn't be content with somebody just 
signing their name even if it said: I hereby declare under penalty of 
perjury that I am entitled to purchase this firearm, that I am an 
adult, that I am a U.S. citizen, and that I have not been convicted of 
a felony offense which would disqualify me under 18 USC section 922(g); 
nor do I trigger any of the other exclusionary factors articulated in 
various subsections of 922(g) or under any other Federal law.
  The signature wouldn't do it there, and that is a constitutionally 
protected right.
  This is a constitutionally protected right, but we are still making 
it, yes, easy to vote and hard to cheat. You have to have both. You 
don't get that if you have a mere signature.
  It is so, too, with the purchase of alcohol or tobacco by minors. 
Even if you had people sign something saying, ``I hereby attest by 
signing this under penalty of perjury that I am, in fact, entitled to 
purchase alcohol; I am, in fact, at least 21 years old''--we wouldn't 
do that. Why? Well, it would be really hard to enforce the law at that 
point.
  When we turn to the examples--and I tried to count the number of 
times she said it, but I think she said ``very, very, very, very, very, 
very, very little fraud in elections.'' OK. I understand that. Election 
fraud is extremely difficult to detect and therefore is rarely 
prosecuted. There have been very few cases of voter fraud actually 
having been discovered--detected--and prosecuted through to completion. 
Well, likewise, with other laws, if all you were required to do was to 
check a box and sign your name, there would be a lot of other instances 
of legal wrongdoing that would also be very hard to detect if that 
would be all you had to provide.
  We have this known vulnerability in our laws here, and Heaven help us 
all if we don't acknowledge the vulnerabilities that we face and take 
reasonable steps to close those loopholes.
  The fact that we are requiring documents here--yes, it adds a step. 
Now, there are a couple of things I need to be clear about.
  No. 1, if you are already registered to vote, this doesn't undo your 
existing voter registration. We are not going to make hundreds of 
millions of Americans who are already registered to vote go back and 
start the process over again--that wouldn't make any sense--but it 
would apply to new voter registrations. If you move or if you register 
to vote in a new State or a new precinct and you have to establish a 
new voter registration file after this becomes law, then, yes, you 
would have to do that.
  But, again, if you are an American who has ever had a job anywhere or 
who has started any new job at any point in your career with a new 
employer, you have already had to supply the same documentation. In 
fact, you have had to supply a much more rigid set of documents than 
what this requires because this, unlike that, allows you to prove it 
even if you have not a single document--not a single one of those.
  Again, going back to page 12, line 22, and the sentences and 
paragraphs that follow, it makes it abundantly clear. Even if you are 
missing all of it, we have taken that into account, and we can put the 
onus back on the State to go back and prove you wrong. That is very 
different than just checking a box and signing your name.
  Even if it does have some warnings attached to it, that is very 
different than having to supply the necessary information about how and 
where you were born. If you are a natural-born citizen, meaning if you 
were a U.S. citizen as of the moment of your birth, based on the 
circumstances surrounding your birth--either born on U.S. soil or born 
elsewhere to U.S. citizen parents--then you have to establish that. 
That is very different than simply checking a box and signing your 
name.
  Yes, signing your name can be used to identify a person under some 
circumstances, but it is a lot less information than we are required to 
provide elsewhere.
  She then makes this about what she refers to as States' rights. I 
don't like to use that term because I think it is a misnomer. It also 
conjures images of a bygone Jim Crow era in which the Democratic Party 
subjected substantial swaths of the American population to a set of 
racist, evil, exclusionary laws. It has a George Wallace connotation to 
it that I don't like.
  Besides that, States don't have rights; they have authority. 
``Authority'' is sort of the inverse polar opposite of a right. It is 
the ying to the yang that is a right. States have authority; people 
have rights. Rights are a check on authority, and that is what we are 
talking about here.
  Regardless of whatever you want to call that--State sovereign 
authority, federalism, whatever you want to call it--it is not 
implicated here.
  Remember, this objection is coming from the same party that, no less 
than 5 years ago, through a vehicle that, in the Congress empaneled 
between 2021 and 2023, was run by Democrats during a Democratic 
administration, under the auspices of a bill commonly known at the time 
as H.R. 1, tried to undertake a wholesale takeover of our Federal 
voting and election system.
  Among other things, it would have subjected every voting jurisdiction 
in the United States to the status that today we equate only with 
section 5 jurisdictions. What that means is, anytime any voting 
jurisdiction in the United States anywhere--no matter how large or 
small, whether Tribal, local, State, or otherwise--wanted to 
redistrict, they would have to go to a political appointee at the U.S. 
Department of Justice and obtain preclearance. It is a ``Mother, may 
I?'' of sorts from Uncle Sam and Aunt Sam. It is something that is as 
fundamentally un-American, something as fundamentally contrary to 
federalism as we know it. This is the same party that is now making the 
federalism objection to this.
  While we are on this Federal objection to this, let's remember the 
whole reason this is necessary in the first place is because of an 
existing Federal law passed in 1993 by Congress--the National Voter 
Registration Act. So the whole reason it is necessary to begin with is 
because of an existing Federal law.
  Don't tell me this is an insult to federalism, especially if you are 
one of those people from that party who supported a wholesale takeover 
of our entire electoral system as recently as 4 or 5 years ago.
  None of us should be surprised that leftist media establishments in 
the mainstream news media have come out against this because, let's 
face it, they are leftists; they are hardcore Democrats. Of course they 
don't want this, and of course they use this inflammatory language in 
their headlines.
  ``Ah, this is a threat to our democracy everywhere.'' ``This will 
disenfranchise 21 million American voters.'' Do you want to change that 
sentence to make it correct? Well, it could

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be a whole lot of people who are not citizens. The only people we don't 
want voting are those who are not citizens and are not eligible to 
vote. That is all this does--easy to vote, hard to cheat--using 
documentary standards that are far more generous, far more flexible, 
and far more easy to comply with than any other system we have access 
to.
  You can still do it. You can still satisfy this standard of proving 
citizenship even if all your documents have suddenly disappeared. You 
supply the necessary information under oath, under penalty of perjury, 
and then it becomes the State's burden to either confirm or refute 
those things, but with this specificity, we find it a lot easier to 
prevent fraud.
  As far as chilling voter activity, we have data from a number of 
different studies showing that in States that have adopted voter ID 
laws, you don't drive down voter participation. In some cases, it goes 
up. It works out perfectly well.
  We need not, we ought not, we must not fear this. If we fear this 
particular issue, we risk running afoul of that which we hold most dear 
about our electoral system.
  Sometimes we get confused about what we ought to fear. We see this in 
nature. We fear the snake. We don't fear the deer. Yet, a few years 
ago, my wife and I were having this conversation. I don't know how we 
got off on this tangent, but we decided to look up your chances of 
dying as a result of an interaction with a rattlesnake as compared to 
your chances of dying as a result of an interaction with a deer.
  Now, deer are cute. Who doesn't love Bambi and Bambi's mom and 
Bambi's dad? You know, it is all so great.
  Your chances are way higher of being killed by Bambi than they are by 
a rattlesnake. Yet we fear the rattlesnake because it is creepy and it 
is scary.
  When we fear the wrong things, we leave ourselves vulnerable to that 
which can harm us.
  And perhaps we don't fear enough what happens when our elections lose 
their credibility because we don't take reasonable safeguards to make 
sure that only those who are legally entitled to vote in them are, in 
fact, allowed to vote.
  So as far as the private right of action goes, that private right of 
action exists under previously enacted laws. I believe that one applies 
as a result of the original NVRA, and, possibly, some of it could be 
under the Help America Vote Act. But there are existing Federal laws 
that make that exact private right of action available, and all this 
does is it extends it to the obligations that arise under the SAVE 
America Act.
  And those, too, are generous. They are generous to those State 
officials that are complying with them. If somebody identifies a 
problem with the way that the law is being implemented, if they are not 
complying with the terms of the SAVE America Act, there is a notice 
requirement to the State elections official in question. And it gives a 
certain period of time. I don't remember whether it is 30, 60, or 90 
days. I think some of it may depend on the exact context. They have the 
ability to cure the harm or make the argument back as to why they are 
not, in fact, violating it.
  So there is nothing scary about this private right of action. It is 
just a way of, without growing the bureaucracy, making sure that there 
is a means by which you can procure a court order requiring compliance 
with the law so that it doesn't become dead letter.
  Look, on personal information--the Department of Homeland Security 
wielding personal information--well, if that is the case, there are all 
kinds of things. And if that is on the table--I mean, a lot of 
Americans don't much like how much personal information the IRS has, 
and that gets leaked sometimes. A lot of people don't like how much 
personal information can be found in the databases that are used in 
connection with the background checks that one has to go through when 
purchasing a gun.
  That is just the beginning of it. There are all kinds of things where 
people are not comfortable with the government having access to too 
much information. Look, I get it. I am one of those people. I don't 
like it either.
  But the fact is the government does have that information. Why not 
allow the government to use that information lawfully to make sure that 
those who have a particular right are the only ones who are allowed to 
wield it, so that it doesn't get cheapened or diluted or bastardized by 
those who would flagrantly violate the law.
  At the end of the day, this is, in fact, about making it easy to vote 
and hard to cheat.
  The Democrats in this Chamber seem, so far, to be very comfortable 
with the first half of that equation but not the second half. We have 
to pay attention to both. We ignore either to our own detriment and the 
detriment of those we represent.

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