[Congressional Record Volume 172, Number 47 (Monday, March 16, 2026)]
[House]
[Pages H2500-H2503]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
ENHANCED IRAN SANCTIONS ACT OF 2025
Mrs. KIM. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill
(H.R. 1422) to impose sanctions with respect to persons engaged in
logistical transactions and sanctions evasion relating to oil, gas,
liquefied natural gas, and related petrochemical products from the
Islamic Republic of Iran, and for other purposes, as amended.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The text of the bill is as follows:
H.R. 1422
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ``Enhanced Iran Sanctions Act
of 2025''.
SEC. 2. STATEMENT OF POLICY.
It is the policy of the United States--
(1) to fully enforce sanctions against the Islamic Republic
of Iran, including with respect to Iran's petroleum and
petrochemical sectors;
(2) through such sanctions, to deny Iran financial
resources--
(A) to advance its nuclear weapons capabilities;
(B) to finance the development of weapons of mass
destruction;
(C) to support missile and drone proliferation;
(D) to fund and facilitate international terrorism;
(E) to engage in destabilizing efforts abroad, including
the targeting of United States citizens; and
(F) to repress the rights of Iranian citizens; and
(3) to strengthen coherence among members of the
international community with respect to enforcing sanctions
against malign activities of Iran.
SEC. 3. EXPANDING THE REWARDS FOR JUSTICE PROGRAM TO COVER
PERSONS VIOLATING OR EVADING UNITED STATES
SANCTIONS AGAINST IRAN.
Section 36(b) of the State Department Basic Authorities Act
of 1956 (22 U.S.C. 2708(b)) is amended--
(1) in paragraph (14), by striking ``; or'' and inserting a
semicolon;
(2) in paragraph (15), by striking the period at the end
and inserting ``; or''; and
(3) by adding at the end the following paragraph:
``(16) the identification of each person described in
section 4(a) of the Enhanced Iran Sanctions Act of 2025 or
section 3 of the Stop Harboring Petroleum Act (22 U.S.C.
8572) that has attempted or is attempting to evade sanctions
imposed under either such Act with proceeds generated by
transactions related to oil, condensates, or other petroleum
or petrochemical products from the Islamic Republic of
Iran.''.
SEC. 4. IMPOSITION OF SANCTIONS WITH RESPECT TO PERSONS
ENGAGED IN TRANSACTIONS RELATED OR INCIDENTAL
TO OIL, CONDENSATES, PETROLEUM OR PETROCHEMICAL
PRODUCTS FROM IRAN.
(a) In General.--On and after the date of the enactment of
this Act, the President may impose the sanctions described in
subsection (b) with respect to any foreign person that the
President determines--
(1) has knowingly engaged in any significant transaction
related or incidental to the processing, refining, export,
transfer or sale of oil, condensates, or other petroleum or
petrochemical product in whole or in part from Iran;
(2) is a subsidiary of a foreign person described in
paragraph (1);
(3) is a corporate officer, principal executive officer, or
other person performing similar functions of either such
officer, of a foreign person described in paragraph (1);
(4) is an immediate family member of a foreign person
described in paragraph (1) who demonstrably benefits from any
activity described in paragraph (1); or
(5) directly or indirectly conducts a significant
transaction with, for, or on behalf of a foreign person
described in paragraph (1), (2), or (3) of section 3(b) of
the Stop Harboring Iranian Petroleum Act (22 U.S.C. 8572).
(b) Sanctions Described.--The sanctions described in this
subsection are the following:
(1) Blocking of property.--The President shall, pursuant to
the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (50 U.S.C.
1701 et seq.), block and prohibit all transactions in
property and interests in property of a foreign person
subject to sanctions pursuant to subsection (a) if such
property and interests in property are in the United States,
come within the United States, or are or come within the
possession or control of a United States person.
(2) Aliens inadmissible for visas, admission, or parole.--
(A) Visas, admission, or parole.--In the case of an alien
subject to sanctions pursuant to subsection (a), the alien
is--
(i) inadmissible to the United States;
(ii) ineligible to receive a visa or other documentation to
enter the United States; and
(iii) otherwise ineligible to be admitted or paroled into
the United States or to receive any other benefit under the
Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1101 et seq.).
(B) Current visas revoked.--
(i) In general.--The visa or other entry documentation of
an alien described in subparagraph (A) shall be revoked,
regardless of when such visa or other entry documentation was
issued.
(ii) Immediate effect.--A revocation under clause (i)
shall--
(I) take effect in accordance with section 221(i) of the
Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1201(i)); and
(II) cancel any other valid visa or entry documentation
that is in the alien's possession.
(c) Exceptions.--
(1) Exception to comply with international obligations.--
Sanctions under subsection (a) shall not apply with respect
to an alien if admitting or paroling the alien into the
United States is necessary to permit the United States to
comply with the Agreement regarding the Headquarters of the
United Nations, signed at Lake Success June 26, 1947, and
entered into force November 21, 1947, between the United
Nations and the United States, or other applicable
international obligations.
(2) Exception for authorized intelligence and law
enforcement activities.--Sanctions under subsection (a) shall
not apply with respect to activities subject to the reporting
requirements under title V of the National Security Act of
1947 (50 U.S.C. 3091 et seq.) or any authorized intelligence,
law enforcement, or national security activities of the
United States.
(3) Exception for humanitarian assistance for the people of
iran.--
(A) In general.--Sanctions under subsection (a) shall not
apply to--
(i) the conduct or facilitation of a transaction for the
provision of agricultural commodities, food, medicine,
medical devices, or humanitarian assistance, or for
humanitarian purposes to or for the people of Iran; or
(ii) transactions that are necessary for or related to the
activities described in clause (i).
(B) Definitions.--In this paragraph--
(i) the term ``agricultural commodity'' has the meaning
given that term in section 102 of the Agricultural Trade Act
of 1978 (7 U.S.C. 5602);
(ii) the term ``medical device'' has the meaning given the
term ``device'' in section 201 of the Federal Food, Drug, and
Cosmetic Act (21 U.S.C. 321); and
(iii) the term ``medicine'' has the meaning given the term
``drug'' in section 201 of the Federal Food, Drug, and
Cosmetic Act (21 U.S.C. 321).
(4) Exception for safety of vessels and crew.--Sanctions
under subsection (a) shall not apply with respect to a person
providing provisions to a vessel otherwise subject to
sanctions under this section if such provisions are intended
for the safety and care of the crew aboard the vessel, the
protection of human life aboard the vessel, or the
maintenance of the vessel to avoid any environmental or other
significant damage.
(d) Waiver.--
(1) In general.--The President may, on a case-by-case basis
for a period of not more than 180 days, waive the application
of sanctions imposed with respect to a foreign person under
subsection (a) if the President--
(A) certifies to the appropriate congressional committees
that the waiver is in the national interests of the United
States; and
(B) submits with the certification required under
subparagraph (A) a detailed justification explaining the
reasons for the waiver.
(2) Renewal of waiver.--The President may, on a case-by-
case basis, renew a waiver issued under paragraph (1) for
additional periods of not more than 180 days if the
President--
(A) determines that the renewal of the waiver is vital to
the national interests of the United States; and
(B) submits to the appropriate congressional committees a
report on the renewal of the waiver that includes--
(i) a justification for the renewal of the waiver;
(ii) a detailed plan to phase out the need for any such
waiver issued with respect to such foreign person; and
(iii) for reoccurring waivers, steps taken to implement or
otherwise further the plan described in clause (ii).
(e) Implementation; Regulations; Penalties.--
(1) Implementation.--The President may exercise all
authorities provided under sections 203 and 205 of the
International Emergency Economic Powers Act (50 U.S.C. 1702
and 1704) to carry out subsection (a).
[[Page H2501]]
(2) Regulations.--Not later than 60 days after the date of
the enactment of this Act, the President shall issue
regulations or other guidance as may be necessary for the
implementation of this section.
(3) Penalties.--The penalties provided for in subsections
(b) and (c) of section 206 of the International Emergency
Economic Powers Act (50 U.S.C. 1705) shall apply to any
person who violates, attempts to violate, conspires to
violate, or causes a violation of any prohibition of this
section, or an order or regulation prescribed under this
section, to the same extent that such penalties apply to a
person that commits an unlawful act described in section
206(a) of such Act (50 U.S.C. 1705(a)).
(f) Termination of Sanctions.--Consistent with the Iran
Sanctions Act of 1996 (Public Law 104-172; 50 U.S.C. 1701
note), the requirement to impose sanctions under subsection
(a) shall cease to be effective beginning on the date that is
30 days after the date on which the President certifies to
the appropriate congressional committees that--
(1) the Government of Iran no longer repeatedly provides
support for international terrorism as determined by the
Secretary of State pursuant to--
(A) section 1754(c)(1)(A) of the Export Control Reform Act
of 2018 (50 U.S.C. 4318(c)(1)(A));
(B) section 620A of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (22
U.S.C. 2371);
(C) section 40 of the Arms Export Control Act (22 U.S.C.
2780); or
(D) any other related provision of law; and
(2) Iran has ceased the pursuit, acquisition, and
development of, and verifiably dismantled its, nuclear,
biological, and chemical weapons and ballistic missiles and
ballistic missile launch technology.
(g) Exception Relating to the Importation of Goods.--
(1) In general.--The authorities and requirements to impose
sanctions under this section shall not include the authority
or a requirement to impose sanctions on the importation of
goods.
(2) Good defined.--In this subsection, the term ``good''
means any article, natural or manmade substance, material,
supply, or manufactured product, including inspection and
test equipment, and excluding technical data.
SEC. 5. DEFINITIONS.
In this Act:
(1) Admitted; alien.--The terms ``admitted'' and ``alien''
have the meanings given those terms in section 101(a) of the
Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1101(a)).
(2) Appropriate congressional committees.--The term
``appropriate congressional committees'' means--
(A) the Committee on Foreign Relations, the Committee on
the Judiciary, and the Committee on Banking, Housing, and
Urban Affairs of the Senate; and
(B) the Committee on Foreign Affairs, the Committee on the
Judiciary, and the Committee on Financial Services of the
House of Representatives.
(3) Foreign person.--The term ``foreign person'' means a
person that is not a United States person, including the
government of a foreign country.
(4) Knowingly.--The term ``knowingly'', with respect to
conduct, a circumstance, or a result, means that a person has
actual knowledge, or should have known, of the conduct, the
circumstance, or the result.
(5) Property; interest in property.--The terms ``property''
and ``interest in property'' have the meanings given the
terms ``property'' and ``property interest'', respectively,
in section 560.325 of title 31, Code of Federal Regulations,
as in effect on the day before the date of the enactment of
this Act.
(6) United states person.--The term ``United States
person'' means any United States citizen, permanent resident
alien, entity organized under the laws of the United States
or any jurisdiction within the United States (including
foreign branches), or any person in the United States.
Amend the title so as to read: ``A bill to impose sanctions
with respect to persons engaged in significant transactions
related or incidental to the processing, refining, export,
transfer or sale of oil, condensates, or other petroleum or
petrochemical products in whole or in part from the Islamic
Republic of Iran.''.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentlewoman from
California (Mrs. Kim) and the gentleman from New York (Mr. Latimer)
each will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from California.
General Leave
Mrs. KIM. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may
have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to
include extraneous material on this measure.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentlewoman from California?
There was no objection.
Mrs. KIM. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 1422, the Enhanced Iran
Sanctions Act.
For decades, the Iranian regime has brutally suppressed its own
people while exporting terror across the globe. Tehran has pursued
nuclear weapons, expanded its missile and drone programs, sponsored
terrorism, and targeted Americans and our allies.
On February 28, under President Trump's leadership, U.S. Central
Command launched Operation Epic Fury after Iran rejected diplomatic
off-ramps and refused to dismantle its nuclear program.
Since then, the regime has escalated further by targeting civilian
infrastructure and threatening to hold the Strait of Hormuz and our
global energy supply hostage. These actions are funded by Iran's
illicit oil and gas sales, and now is the time to cut off its revenue
streams.
H.R. 1422 strengthens secondary sanctions on entities that are
enabling Iran to evade existing restrictions and profit from its
petroleum trade.
This bill sends a very clear message that the United States will not
tolerate those who finance the world's leading state sponsor of
terrorism.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this bill.
House of Representatives,
Committee on the Judiciary,
Washington, DC, June 16, 2025.
Hon. Brian Mast,
Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,
House of Representatives, Washington, D.C.
Dear Chairman Mast: I write regarding H.R. 1422, the
Enhanced Iran Sanctions Act of 2025. Provisions of this bill
fall within the Judiciary Committee's Rule X jurisdiction,
and I appreciate that you consulted with us on those
provisions. The Judiciary Committee agrees that it shall be
discharged from further consideration of the bill so that it
may proceed expeditiously to the House floor.
The Committee takes this action with the understanding that
forgoing further consideration of this measure does not in
any way alter the Committee's jurisdiction or waive any
future jurisdictional claim over these provisions or their
subject matter. We also reserve the right to seek appointment
of an appropriate number of conferees in the event of a
conference with the Senate involving this measure or similar
legislation.
I ask that you please insert this letter in the
Congressional Record during consideration of H.R. 1422 on the
House floor. I appreciate the cooperative manner in which our
committees have worked on this matter, and I look forward to
working collaboratively in the future on matters of shared
jurisdiction. Thank you for your attention to this matter.
Sincerely,
Jim Jordan,
Chairman.
____
House of Representatives,
Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC, June 23, 2025.
Hon. Jim Jordan,
Committee on the Judiciary,
House of Representatives, Washington, DC.
Dear Chairman Jordan: Thank you for consulting with the
Committee on Foreign Affairs and agreeing to be discharged
from further consideration of H.R. 1422, the Enhanced Iran
Sanctions Act of 2025, so that the measure may proceed
expeditiously to the House Floor.
I agree that your forgoing further action on this measure
does not in any way diminish or alter the jurisdiction of
your committee or prejudice its jurisdictional prerogatives
on this measure or similar legislation in the future. I would
support your effort to seek appointments of any appropriate
number of conferees from your committee to any House-Senate
conference of this legislation.
I will submit the exchange of letters to be published in
the Congressional Record. I appreciate your cooperation
regarding this legislation and look forward to continuing to
work together on matters of shared jurisdiction during this
Congress.
Sincerely,
Brian J. Mast,
Chairman.
Mrs. KIM. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
{time} 1540
Mr. LATIMER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 1422.
Mr. Speaker, no one in this Chamber should be under any illusions
about the nature of the Iranian regime. For decades, Iran has funded
terrorist proxies, threatened our partners and allies, supplied
training and arms that killed and maimed dozens of American forces in
Iraq, and pursued weapons capabilities that destabilize the Middle East
and endanger global security.
Congress has long acted in a bipartisan way to confront that threat.
One of the most powerful tools available to the United States has been
economic pressure, sanctions that deny the regime the revenue it uses
to fund terrorism, repression, and regional aggression.
[[Page H2502]]
That is precisely what this legislation seeks to strengthen. The
House Foreign Affairs Committee passed this bill out of committee
almost 1 year ago. The purpose was straightforward: to tighten
enforcement against Iran's oil trade and target the global financial
networks that allow Tehran to continue selling its petroleum despite
existing sanctions.
This bill provides the executive branch with additional tools to do
exactly that, although it is unfortunate that some of the sanctions
authorities have been watered down at the Trump administration's
request.
This legislation expands secondary sanctions authorities to target
foreign companies that knowingly purchase, transport, refine, insure,
or finance Iranian oil and petroleum products. That includes shipping
companies, port operators, insurance providers, and other logistical
actors that help move Iranian crude around the world.
Crucially, it focuses attention on the network of foreign refineries
and intermediaries, particularly in China, that have become the primary
buyers of sanctioned Iranian oil, giving the executive branch clearer
authority to penalize those actors and disrupt that trade.
Taken together, these measures are intended to close loopholes in the
existing sanctions architecture and make it far more difficult for
Tehran to generate billions of dollars in oil revenue.
Unfortunately, the Trump administration spent years talking about
maximum pressure. The reality looked very different. In practice, the
administration often failed to fully enforce the sanctions authorities
already available to it and at times actively undermined them. Last
year, President Trump pardoned the founder of Binance, who pleaded
guilty to a sanctions evasions crime pertaining to Iran in 2023.
The administration also failed to meaningfully disrupt the Iran-China
energy trade or marshal the sustained diplomatic effort required to
build international pressure against Tehran's illicit oil exports.
As a result, Iran continued generating billions in energy revenue
while the administration's policy drifted. Now we find ourselves in a
very different, and far more dangerous, situation.
The United States started a war with Iran that Congress did not
authorize and the American people overwhelmingly think makes us less
safe. Thirteen Americans have died in the conflict, and over 140 have
been injured. The administration started this military campaign without
a strategy or an endgame. The regime has not collapsed, but gas prices
are up 30 percent. Americans are paying $2 billion each and every day
because of this administration's impulsive and illegal war.
Consider the trade-off: The money Trump has already spent on this war
could have paid for a full year of ACA premium tax credit extensions
for Americans here at home.
What about that price at the pump?
In a ham-handed attempt to fix a problem of its own making, the Trump
administration has suspended sanctions against Russian oil used to
finance Putin's war machine, while at the same time it dawdles on a
peace solution in Ukraine. It is possible that the President will soon
declare victory and move on. However, the question of Iran will remain,
as will its threats of retaliation and destabilization. It may very
well emerge from this conflict damaged, unstable, and led by a
leadership even more extreme and vengeful than before.
That is why tools like the ones in this bill remain important.
Sanctions can help contain the regime's ability to rebuild its
terrorist infrastructure, reconstitute its military capabilities, and
restart its nuclear ambitions.
Strong enforcement of these sanctions can also ensure that Iran
cannot, once again, finance stabilizing activities across the region
through oil revenues flowing into Tehran.
At the same time, the future of Iran is highly uncertain. Only time
will tell whether the conduct of the administration will, in the long
run, cause more harm than good. However, our responsibility is to
ensure that the Iranian regime does not have the resources to rebuild
the machinery of repression at home or violence abroad.
This legislation strengthens the tools needed to maintain that
pressure for those with the sense to use it.
Mr. Speaker, I support this legislation. I urge its support, and I
reserve the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Does the gentlewoman from California seek
unanimous consent to reclaim her time?
Mrs. KIM. Mr. Speaker, yes, I reclaim my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Without objection, the gentlewoman reclaims
her time and is recognized.
There was no objection.
Mrs. KIM. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the
gentleman from New York (Mr. Lawler), who is the chairman of the
Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa and is the author of
this important bill.
Mr. LAWLER. Mr. Speaker, for decades, Presidents and Members of
Congress of both parties have talked about peace in the Middle East.
Stability in the Middle East and freedoms for all who live there is
something that all of us should be able to agree on, and almost
everyone also agrees that Iran cannot have a nuclear weapon and that
Iran is the greatest state sponsor of terrorism.
Unfortunately, 53 of my colleagues from across the aisle last week
chose not to support that belief by voting against a resolution that
declared Iran the greatest state sponsor of terrorism.
For the first year of this term, President Trump has prioritized
putting in place maximum pressure on the Iranian regime and
prioritizing negotiations to stop their uranium enrichment, to stop
their nuclear ambitions, to stop their ballistic missiles program, and
to stop their financing of terrorism. Unfortunately, the regime refused
to negotiate in good faith.
Two weeks ago, President Trump executed Operation Epic Fury to take
their ballistic missiles program off the table for them. This offensive
also destroyed their air defense system and their naval capabilities.
Look where our partners and allies in the region are. They are
opposed to a nuclear Iran. They are opposed to an Iranian regime that
possesses dangerous intercontinental ballistic missiles, and they
support the United States maximum pressure campaign.
That is because they know this military engagement did not happen in
silo. This was not a war of choice. The fact is Iran has been at war
with the United States for 47 years. The regime has chanted ``death to
America'' for 47 years. The regime is responsible for the deaths of
thousands of Americans, thousands of Israelis, and thousands of
Muslims.
Mr. Speaker, you see them lashing out indiscriminately and striking
civilian targets in Arab states.
Why?
It is because they are the face of evil, and they are the greatest
force for terrorism around the globe.
This comes after the regime funded Hamas' attack on Israel on October
7. It comes after they funded constant Houthi attacks and funded
Hezbollah.
Where did they get this financing from?
They get it from the illicit oil trade, the oil trade in which China
is the biggest purchaser of Iranian petroleum.
I was proud last Congress working alongside then-Senator and now-
Secretary of State Marco Rubio in passing the SHIP Act so that we could
actually enforce sanctions against the Iranian regime and their illicit
oil trade. It comes on the heels of a regime in Iran that has sought to
destroy the United States and Israel and our partners.
Maximum pressure means strength in the face of these egregious and
tragic offenses. My bill, the Enhanced Iran Sanctions Act, builds on
the Trump administration's existing sanctions regime to give them more
tools to cripple the illicit oil trade and to cripple this unholy
alliance between China, Russia, Iran, Venezuela, Cuba, North Korea, and
other bad actors.
{time} 1550
Now, it does so by authorizing the administration to place secondary
sanctions on enablers of Iran's illicit oil trade that have financed
their proxies, that have financed their missiles program, and that have
financed their nuclear ambitions and their uranium enrichment. This
includes essentially any company that has engaged in a transaction
involving the processing, refining, export, or transfer of Iranian oil.
[[Page H2503]]
This includes foreign banks, financial institutions, insurance
companies, flagging registries, and more.
If someone is knowingly providing financial support to the Iranian
regime's largest influx of cash, we should know about it, and we should
stop it. That is what this bill does.
This bill expands the authorities to cripple this oil network, to
stop the financing of ballistic missiles, to stop the financing of
uranium enrichment, to stop the financing of Iran's nuclear ambitions,
and to stop their financing of terrorism. This is a multifaceted
approach.
We saw under the Biden administration an administration that not only
did not enforce sanctions against Iran, but it also allowed the illicit
oil trade to explode to the tune of hundreds of billions of dollars.
Those funds are what funded October 7. That is what funded the death
and destruction that we have seen across the Middle East.
We saw under the Obama Administration an attempt to appease the
Iranian regime, to drop off pallets of cash in the hopes that somehow
that would stop them from pursuing nuclear weapons, that that would
somehow stop them from possessing enriched uranium, and that that would
somehow stop them from financing terrorism.
Peace through strength means understanding that sometimes you must
take action and that sometimes you must use military force. After the
regime refused to negotiate in good faith and was mass-producing
ballistic missiles at such a rate that it would be almost impossible in
the future to stop their nuclear ambitions, President Trump took
action.
This was not an illegal war. This was not a war of choice.
Republicans and Democrats have said ad nauseam that Iran cannot get a
nuclear weapon. Sadly, it seems some of my colleagues would be okay if
they did so, as long as Donald Trump wasn't President. Some of my
colleagues hate Donald Trump so much that they care more about the fact
that he is President than they do about the fact that he is stopping
the Iranian regime's 47-year reign of terror.
I have listened to some of my colleagues over the last 2 weeks in
amazement. They have completely reversed their positions on so many
issues, including 53 who just last Congress voted to say that Iran is
the greatest state sponsor of terrorism but now no longer believe that.
You have candidates running for Congress who are saying that the United
States is the terrorist regime. It is insanity.
The fact is that we have a responsibility to stop this regime cold,
to cut the head off of the snake. That is precisely what we are doing
through military action and through a sanctions regime that has
crippled Iran's capabilities.
There is more work to be done, and that is why we are passing this
legislation. I thank Chairman Mast and Ranking Member Meeks for
supporting this through committee. I thank President Trump and the
administration for supporting this bill today.
Mr. Speaker, it is a testament that, even if there are disagreements,
we can find bipartisan support. We can find a path forward. We should
be giving this administration and future administrations every tool
necessary to ensure that Iran never gets a nuclear weapon.
Mr. LATIMER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time to
close.
Mr. Speaker, this bill will be critical for closing loopholes in our
existing sanctions infrastructure against Iran, strengthening the
President's authorities to limit Tehran's oil trade. I compliment the
bill's sponsor, my colleague from New York.
Last year, after an air attack, President Trump announced that we had
obliterated Iran's nuclear capacity, but here we are again. Apparently,
the job last year wasn't sufficient.
Trump's war of choice with Iran this year has made this bill even
more necessary because while the President may want to move on from
this war he started at some point in time, war is a two-way street.
Just because he may want to claim victory, as he already has, and even
though Iran's capabilities will be reduced, Iran may very well pose an
even greater threat now that diplomacy has been taken off the table by
this President.
To limit the long-term threat posed by Iran, it is critical that we
further limit Tehran's ability to circumvent existing sanctions,
tighten the screws on its ability to sell oil, and ensure that it does
not gain access to the resources it needs to reconstitute either its
nuclear program or its weapons capabilities.
This President has put us at considerable risk by starting this war
and enabling a regime that is perhaps even more hard-line than the one
that preceded it. While we can't close Pandora's box, we can and should
take all steps necessary to prevent Tehran from building back the
arsenal it now would surely want to use against us.
This bill accomplishes some of that task, and I support it. Mr.
Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mrs. KIM. Mr. Speaker, I encourage all of my colleagues to support
this bill, and I yield back the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Guthrie). The question is on the motion
offered by the gentlewoman from California (Mrs. Kim) that the House
suspend the rules and pass the bill, H.R. 1422, as amended.
The question was taken; and (two-thirds being in the affirmative) the
rules were suspended and the bill, as amended, was passed.
The title of the bill was amended so as to read: ``A bill to impose
sanctions with respect to persons engaged in significant transactions
related or incidental to the processing, refining, export, transfer or
sale of oil, condensates, or other petroleum or petrochemical products
in whole or in part from the Islamic Republic of Iran.''.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
____________________