[Congressional Record Volume 172, Number 36 (Tuesday, February 24, 2026)]
[Senate]
[Page S636]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                                UKRAINE

  Mr. MORAN. Mr. President, today marks the fourth anniversary of 
Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Vladimir Putin believed his so-called 
military operation would be over in 2 weeks, but, as the fifth year of 
the war begins, Russian forces have fought Ukraine longer than they 
fought the Germans in World War II. Because of the bravery and 
innovation of the Ukrainians, aided by American and European support, 
Vladimir Putin's objective to conquer and control the Ukrainian 
Government remains unattainable. His war is a strategic failure.
  While the Russian military is making incremental gains in the east 
part of Ukraine, it is at an exorbitant cost. Since the invasion began 
in February 2022, 4 years ago, Russian forces have seized only 12 
percent of Ukrainian territory. Because of the way they fight and how 
Ukrainians defend, Russian forces simply cannot achieve breakthroughs 
after the breach of Ukrainian positions. Today, nearly 20 percent of 
the Donbas remains out of Putin's grasp and Russian forces, already 
struggling to take territory, face the ``fortress belt'' of the 
region's remaining cities.
  Putin has abused his country's manpower advantage by employing a 
strategy of attrition with devastating consequences. Russian forces 
have suffered 1.2 million casualties in 4 years, and one-third of those 
are estimated to have come in the last year alone.
  A recent report from the Center for Strategic and International 
Studies observes:

       No major power has suffered anywhere near these numbers of 
     casualties or fatalities in any war since World War II.

  As these casualties mount, the monetary cost to lure new recruits is 
increasing. Russian regions are increasing their signing bonuses for 
contract soldiers, indicating that Russian recruitment is beginning to 
struggle to meet its goals. From the war's beginning, when Putin was 
resorting to mobilizing convicts, now, average Russians do not want to 
fight in this war.
  Russia's economy has been degraded as the war has been prolonged. The 
move to impose sanctions on Russian's energy companies last year--which 
should have happened earlier in the war--has made it more difficult to 
export oil, the foundation of the Kremlin's budget. Moscow has had to 
offer buyers steep discounts of 25 to 30 percent below market value, 
increasing their budget deficit to 2.5 percent of GDP.
  Sustaining Putin's war depends upon China's continued support. 
Beijing purchases nearly half of Russia's crude exports and provides 
critical dual-use technologies for Russian materiel.
  Putin is overseeing a war effort that is succeeding in feet rather 
than miles, and it is coming at considerable cost to the future of his 
country. This is no time to permit him to claim a victory, either on 
the battlefield or at the negotiating table. We must share the resolve 
of Ukrainian people and make certain that Putin's invasion remains the 
blunder it was when it started 4 years ago.
  While both Washington and Brussels have engaged in public debate, 
Putin should not mistake that debate for disengagement. The United 
States continues--continues--to provide substantial military and 
intelligence support, and our allies have increased their 
contributions. There must be no doubt in Moscow about our enduring 
commitment to Ukraine. The U.S. expanded intelligence sharing last 
October to assist Ukraine in targeting energy infrastructure deep 
inside Russia, and the United States lifted range limitations on 
certain weapons. Likewise, our European allies have stepped up to 
assume some of the financial support for the war, most recently 
agreeing to a $105 billion loan for Ukraine.

  There is much more I believe both sides of the Atlantic can do to 
assist Ukraine. I called for providing Tomahawk missiles last summer, 
and the European Union should use Russian foreign reserves to help pay 
for Ukraine's war effort. Congress should enact sanctions to discourage 
the purchase of Russian oil.
  Last March, before the Senate Intelligence Committee, CIA Director 
John Ratcliffe told me:

       I want to say that with regard to the Ukrainian resistance, 
     the Ukrainian people and the Ukrainian military have been 
     underestimated for a period of several years. . . . I'm 
     convinced that they will fight with their bare hands if they 
     have to.

  Ukrainians are coming out of the most difficult winter yet, with 
temperatures at their most frigid of the war, and Russian bombing 
campaigns aimed at energy infrastructure have taken a toll. Instead of 
being convinced to sue for peace on Putin's terms, Ukrainians remain 
unwavering in their commitment to remain an independent and sovereign 
nation. We must commit to share in their resolve. I say that again. We 
must commit to share in their resolve and support the Ukrainian people 
in their fight for freedom.
  I yield the floor.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.

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