[Congressional Record Volume 172, Number 5 (Thursday, January 8, 2026)]
[Senate]
[Pages S96-S97]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                               VENEZUELA

  Mr. REED. Mr. President, for 4 months, my Democratic colleagues and I 
have come to the floor to warn against President Trump's military 
operations in South and Central America. We pointed out that his boat-
strike campaign was strategically incoherent, legally questionable, 
and, ultimately, not about narcotrafficking at all. We have argued that 
the administration's shifting legal justifications, refusal to give 
Congress straight answers, and, in particular, the failure of the 
Department of Defense to provide information to Congress, which is 
required by law--all of these things--together with a massive military 
buildup, pointed toward something larger than narcotrafficking. Indeed, 
we warned that these actions were always directed at the government and 
economy of Venezuela.

  That campaign has now culminated in a military raid on Caracas, the 
capture of Nicolas Maduro and his wife, and President Trump's 
extraordinary declaration that the United States will ``run'' Venezuela 
and seize control of its oil reserves.
  Let me be very clear about something, at the outset: Nicolas Maduro 
is a brutal dictator who has destroyed Venezuela's economy, crushed 
democratic opposition, and fostered widespread corruption. He will not 
be missed. But this operation was not designed to restore peace in 
Venezuela or protect America from the ravages of drugs. Indeed, this 
operation is not about democracy. It is not about the suffering of the 
Venezuelan people. It is not even about narcotrafficking, despite the 
administration's killing more than 100 people in its strikes on alleged 
drug boats. In the President's own words, this campaign is simply about 
seizing Venezuela's oil and profiting from it.
  The people of Venezuela have suffered extraordinary hardship under 
the Maduro regime. They have voted in multiple elections for new 
leadership and have been denied their choice through fraud and 
repression. After everything they have endured, the people of Venezuela 
deserve to choose what happens next in their country. They do not 
deserve to have their future dictated by President Trump, Secretary 
Rubio, or anyone else in Washington.
  Yet that is precisely what this administration plans to do. The plan 
presented by the White House is to simply force the remnants of the 
Maduro regime to grant the United States exclusive access to Venezuelan 
oil or face the consequences of a blockade. That is it. That is the 
plan.
  Not in the plan: positive change for the people of Venezuela. There 
is no framework for elections or democratic transition, no serious 
assessment of the rival political factions inside Venezuela--factions 
that have been waiting for precisely this moment to seize power.
  I have seen no contingency plan for what happens when China, Russia, 
Iran, or Cuba--nations with deep economic interests in Venezuela--
decide to block or back proxy groups in a country we have just 
destabilized, nor have I heard any proposal for the next steps for 
countering narcotrafficking.
  The administration's goals are aspirational at best, and aspirations 
are not enough when the stakes involve war and the future of millions 
of people.
  One of the first lessons I learned as an Army officer is that hope is 
not a plan. Over my career, both in uniform and in the Congress, I have 
seen the United States hope that its military interventions abroad 
would succeed. I have seen regime changes, nation-building efforts, and 
elaborate reconstruction schemes launched with confident predictions of 
success, only to have them collapse when encountered with the reality 
on the ground.
  And the reality is this: When we rely on the U.S. military as our 
primary tool of foreign engagement, we generally set ourselves up for 
failure. We have persistently misunderstood and misjudged the cultures, 
histories, and politics of the nations in which we have intervened 
because we assume military might is enough. We imagine outcomes that 
align with our military and economic objectives but are surprised when 
those outcomes fail. We consistently fail to plan for the ``day 
after.''
  Unless the Trump administration gets serious, Venezuela will be no 
exception.
  This isn't about our military capabilities. We have the most 
formidable fighting force the world has ever seen, and I am proud and, 
frankly, not surprised that all elements of our military worked 
together to successfully execute such a dangerous and difficult mission 
in Caracas. The skill, professionalism, and courage are beyond question 
of these men and women.
  But military capability is not the same as strategic wisdom. The 
ability to achieve tactical objectives does not guarantee beneficial 
long-term outcomes, and executing a successful raid does not constitute 
a plan for governing a nation of 28 million people.

[[Page S97]]

  Congress exists to provide oversight and scrutiny of the executive 
branch, not to cheer from the sidelines. I commend our servicemen for 
their performance last weekend, but I am deeply concerned about the 
Trump administration's lack of serious planning for the next phase. 
That is why this War Powers Resolution is necessary.
  The Constitution vests the power to authorize war in Congress, not 
the President. President Trump has claimed this was just a law 
enforcement mission. That is absurd. No matter how he describes it, the 
President waged war on a foreign nation without authorization, without 
notification to Congress, and without any explanation to the American 
people about what this operation will cost or what success will look 
like. This is a profound constitutional failure, and it must be 
corrected.
  I hope I am wrong about these dangers ahead. I hope this 
administration is right, and the transition in Venezuela proceeds 
smoothly. I hope that the Venezuelan people embrace this outcome and 
see their lives improve quickly. I hope the violent factions in 
Venezuela choose peace over conflict. I hope the economic recovery for 
the people of Venezuela justifies this enormous gamble. But as I said 
before, hope is not enough, and history suggests we should prepare for 
a far more difficult reality.
  The question before us is whether Congress will fulfill its 
constitutional duty or whether we will abdicate our responsibility and 
allow this President to commit American military resources, 
credibility, and, potentially, American lives to an open-ended 
entanglement without authorization or accountability.
  I urge my colleagues to support this resolution.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from California.

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