[Congressional Record Volume 171, Number 214 (Thursday, December 18, 2025)]
[House]
[Pages H6033-H6044]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
STANDARDIZING PERMITTING AND EXPEDITING ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT ACT
The Committee resumed its sitting.
Mr. WESTERMAN. Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman
from Utah (Ms. Maloy).
[[Page H6034]]
Ms. MALOY. Mr. Chairman, I rise today in strong support of H.R. 4776,
the Standardizing Permitting and Expediting Economic Development Act,
known as the SPEED Act, introduced by my colleague from Arkansas,
Chairman Westerman.
Federal permitting under NEPA has strangled economic development and
delayed critical projects. What should take months takes years, and
what should be straightforward becomes bureaucratic maze.
The core purpose of this bill is to restore NEPA to its original
purpose as a procedural statute intended to ensure agencies look at
alternatives and focus on real proximate environmental effects rather
than speculative, politically motivated hypotheticals.
The key reforms that will help bring that about are that it prevents
completed environmental reports from being undone without a court
order. It creates litigation timelines and requires substantive public
comment in order to establish standing for litigation.
The way NEPA is being implemented now and has been implemented for
the last several years wastes taxpayer time and money. What was
intended to make sure Federal agencies are being thoughtful and looking
at multiple alternatives before they make important decisions on behalf
of the American people has turned into a bureaucratic boondoggle that
isn't serving the American people.
These reforms are especially critical for rural States with a large
Federal footprint like Utah. It rebalances the scales in favor of local
voices, working families, and economic opportunities.
These changes help all Americans. All Americans are going to be
benefited by upgraded infrastructure, increased energy production, and
less wasted time and money.
This isn't about lowering environmental standards, but it is about
eliminating redundancy and bureaucratic paralysis. It represents
reforms Americans have been demanding: practical solutions that cut red
tape while maintaining environmental protections that we all
appreciate.
It is time for some predictability, consistency, and efficiency in
government decisions. I thank Chairman Westerman for meeting the need
of our time which is a need for speed.
Mr. Chair, I urge my colleagues to support this important
legislation. The time for action is now, and we must give the American
people the effective government that we all deserve.
{time} 1000
Mr. HUFFMAN. Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. WESTERMAN. Mr. Chair, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Colorado (Mr. Hurd).
Mr. HURD of Colorado. Mr. Chairman, I support the SPEED Act because
it fixes something that people back home understand instinctively: It
takes too long to build anything in this country--water infrastructure,
roads, power lines, housing, or energy projects. When it takes just a
decade to get a permit, families pay more, and America falls behind.
NEPA was meant to ensure that agencies look before they act, not to
function as a litigation strategy to stop reasonable projects. Today,
it too often stalls projects and advantages competitors like China.
The SPEED Act restores common sense. It focuses on real impacts, ends
endless delays, and brings predictability back to permitting. Just as
important for me as chairman of the Subcommittee on Indian and Insular
Affairs, it respects Tribal reviews and was developed with Tribal
consultation to ensure that NEPA does not block Tribal economic
development.
This isn't about weakening environmental protections. It is about
ending unreasonable delays so America can build again and so we can
lower energy costs, build reliable infrastructure, and compete
globally.
The SPEED Act is balanced reform, and it is long overdue. I urge my
colleagues to support it.
Mr. HUFFMAN. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, we have heard over and over again in this debate that
this bill is not about lowering environmental standards. This is
another one of those rather remarkable inversions, when you actually
look at what the bill does.
Entire classes of projects are simply eliminated from environmental
review. Entire classes of impacts no longer count in an environmental
review under this proposed legislation. Certain types of comments that
allow people to take part in the public review process and potentially
challenge a project are no longer qualifying for them to be part of the
public review and legal challenge process. If that is not lowering
environmental standards, I don't know what is.
Another aspect of this bill should be considered specifically:
allowing broad exemptions for grants, loans, and other financial
assistance, which this bill does. It means that large, federally backed
projects could avoid triggering a NEPA review, even when those impacts
could be very significant.
This includes projects like many Federal highways, which were one of
the original reasons that NEPA was passed, because they often ran right
through disadvantaged communities. Those communities didn't even know
about the proposed projects, let alone have the ability to require
consideration of environmental impacts.
If you just take a look at this image here, this is what happens to
transportation projects without NEPA. When we hear that this is not
about lowering environmental standards, I think it is important to
bring it back to the reality of what this bill would do. This is what
this bill would do: no environmental review process at all for many of
these projects.
Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. WESTERMAN. Mr. Chair, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from
Wyoming (Ms. Hageman).
Ms. HAGEMAN. Mr. Chairman, I rise today in strong support of
modernizing our permitting system through the SPEED Act.
While other nations are rushing to win the AI race, build out energy
generation, and modernize infrastructure, America is stuck in the 20th
century.
Our Nation's permitting process has been corrupted, morphing from
what NEPA was crafted to do into a leviathan designed to do what
activists and courts want it to do, transforming from a procedural
statute into a hammer to block development and innovation.
The resulting lawlessness in the permitting system finally culminated
in the Seven County Supreme Court decision, which provided much-needed
relief. Simply stated, and as the Court found, there is no reason a
rail project should fail because project opponents don't like the
commodity that will be shipped on that rail line.
An examination of other lawsuits filed under NEPA confirms the
frivolous nature of many of them. In the last decade, circuit courts
witnessed a 56 percent increase in NEPA appeals. NGOs instigated over
70 percent of these challenges, with just 10 organizations filing many
of those cases. In these cases, agencies won roughly 80 percent of the
challenges to both environmental assessments and environmental impact
statements.
In other words, agencies are seldom faulted for inadequate
environmental review, yet NGOs capitalize on the 6-year statute of
limitations to file a lawsuit, slow projects down, increase costs, and
finance their organizations through EAJA funds.
In recognition of this reality, and in line with the Seven County
decision, this bill clarifies the role of the court over this purely
procedural statute, and places shot clocks on when lawsuits must be
filed and decided.
The SPEED Act is project agnostic, which I believe is well reflected
in its bipartisan nature, and I am proud to be one of its cosponsors.
Permitting impacts every aspect of our economy. When the system is
broken, it is broken for everyone. The SPEED Act will provide the
certainty that the system currently lacks and which American industries
need.
Mr. Chair, I thank Chairman Westerman for his strong leadership on
this crucial piece of legislation. I urge all of my colleagues to
support it.
Mr. HUFFMAN. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, we hear it over and over again from the other side:
NEPA should just be a purely procedural law.
[[Page H6035]]
Well, a lot of really important things are procedural--MRIs, X-rays,
any number of things. Those are procedures, but you don't turn the
power off and reduce that very important procedure to a meaningless
exercise. That is what this legislation would do.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Nevada (Ms.
Lee).
Ms. LEE of Nevada. Mr. Chair, in Nevada, the Sun shines more than 300
days a year, and solar is among the cheapest and most abundant sources
of energy, not only in my State but across the country. That is why I
am leading 30 of my colleagues in championing the most supported
amendment to the SPEED Act by far to save solar and wind from this
administration's war on clean energy.
On July 15, President Trump's Interior Department actively chose to
wrap the biggest piece of permitting red tape around the neck of the
renewable energy sector that we have ever seen, directing the Interior
Secretary to personally sign off on every permit to solar and wind
energy.
In just one example from my State, what would have been the largest
solar facility in North America, the administration is making that
project jump through 69 hoops seven times. That is the opposite of
efficient.
Even my State's Republican Governor has said that these actions have
``not only stopped solar development on Federal lands in Nevada, but
also on private land where Federal approvals . . . are required.''
More broadly, this administration's attacks on America's solar and
storage industry are threatening over 500 projects that could be
powering 16 million homes. Together, these projects represent half of
all new planned capacity in the United States.
For this reason, at the appropriate time, I will offer a motion to
recommit this bill back to the committee.
If the House rules permitted, I would have offered the motion with my
important amendment to this bill.
Quite simply, my amendment to the SPEED Act would put an end to this
nonsensical political tit for tat and ensure equal treatment for all
energy sources as part of the DOI permitting process moving forward.
If we are going to bring down energy bills for everyone, the path
forward is obvious. Solar and wind are the clear cheapest choice.
Republicans in Congress are more interested in getting retribution
for their corporate donors than bringing down the costs for American
families. Let's be clear: They know this isn't right. Even my
colleagues who represent States like Texas and Arizona, where energy
projects are being held up, are refusing to speak up. They would rather
let this reckless administration put its finger on the scale and jack
up prices for their constituents than stand up to this President.
Already, families across the country are seeing their electric bills
increase by an average of 13 percent. In States like Florida, that is
an average annual increase of about $400.
The Acting CHAIR (Mr. Stutzman). The time of the gentlewoman has
expired.
Mr. HUFFMAN. Mr. Chair, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the
gentlewoman from Nevada.
{time} 1010
Ms. LEE of Nevada. Mr. Chair, every day, more Americans are concerned
about huge data centers causing their electric prices to spiral even
further out of control. It doesn't have to be this way.
We need to provide real permitting certainty and permitting fairness
and let investors, not Washington, pick winners and losers. Under this
approach, Americans paying their electric bills each month are the ones
who are really losing.
Mr. Chair, I include in the Record the text of my amendment.
Ms. Lee of Nevada moves to recommit the bill H.R. 4776 to
the Committee on Natural Resources with instructions to
report the same back to the House forthwith, with the
following amendment:
Add at the end the following:
SEC. 5. PARITY.
(a) Requirement for Parity.--The Secretary of the Interior
shall ensure that no category or specific type of energy
project on Federal land or which requires Federal review is
subject to more arbitrarily restrictive or burdensome
procedural requirements than other types of energy projects
regarding the processing and denial of applications,
authorizations, or related approvals, including--
(1) requirements for elevated or discretionary review by
the Secretary, Deputy Secretary, other political appointees,
or career employees;
(2) additional documentation or review for a category or
specific type of energy project not required for all other
types of energy projects;
(3) withholding, delaying, or reversing decisions by local,
State, or regional entities for a category or specific type
of energy project for reasons not applied to all other types
of energy projects; and
(4) denial or delay of routine administrative
authorizations, such as testing permits, cost recovery
agreements, or notices to proceed once all criteria have been
met for approval, based on underlying technology.
(b) Policy Review.--Not later than 90 days after the date
of enactment of this section, the Secretary of the Interior
shall--
(1) review all applicable regulations, guidance documents,
policy manuals, departmental directives, Secretarial orders,
and other procedures regarding energy projects; and
(2) identify any provision of such regulations, documents,
manuals, directives, orders, and procedures not otherwise
required in statute that do not comply with the requirements
in subsection (a).
(c) Rescission.--Not later than 120 days after the date of
enactment of this section, and without delay, the Secretary
of the Interior shall rescind and amend as necessary any
provision identified under subsection (b)(2).
Ms. LEE of Nevada. Mr. Chair, I hope my colleagues will join me in
voting for the motion to recommit.
Mr. WESTERMAN. Mr. Chair, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Colorado (Mr. Crank).
Mr. CRANK. Mr. Chair, I rise in strong support of the SPEED Act.
America's permitting system is broken. Today, an estimated $1.5
trillion in economic value is tied up in projects waiting for approval,
costing our economy roughly $140 billion every year in lost growth.
Instead of encouraging responsible development, our system too often
rewards bad actors driven by ideology rather than legitimate concerns.
Endless litigation has become the single biggest obstacle to building
energy, infrastructure, and critical projects in this country. At the
same time, energy demand is projected to grow by 50 percent by 2050.
The question is simple: Will we rise to meet that demand? We won't,
not with our current permitting process.
The SPEED Act brings commonsense reform. It limits judicial review
under NEPA to 150 days. It directs stakeholders to engage during the
public comment process and tightens the scope of review, so agencies
take a hard look at expected impacts.
The Acting CHAIR. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. WESTERMAN. Mr. Chair, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the
gentleman from Colorado.
Mr. CRANK. The bill allows America to build again, produce energy
again, and stop being held hostage by litigious groups content to see
jobs and investment move overseas. Permitting reform unleashes American
energy and the American economy.
Mr. Chair, I urge my colleagues to support the SPEED Act.
Mr. HUFFMAN. Mr. Chair, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chair, I am glad to hear the gentleman's concern for projects
that are awaiting approval, but for the past year, we have seen huge
projects that were already approved that were under construction.
In one case, the Revolution Wind project in Rhode Island was 80
percent complete, with thousands of jobs and some of the cheapest
electricity that New England would see to bring down these soaring
utility bills, and President Trump stepped in and stopped it. They had
to get a court to release the hostage, to allow this already approved
project to simply move forward. I am always grateful to hear concern
for projects awaiting approval.
What this bill does, though, unfortunately, is nothing at all to end
the crazy war on clean energy that is killing off projects that have
already been approved. Our colleagues really should care about that,
too.
Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. WESTERMAN. Mr. Chair, if we want to talk about projects that have
been killed by an administration, let's go back to the Biden
administration and the Obama administration. Let's
[[Page H6036]]
look at projects like the Resolution Copper mine in Superior, Arizona,
where they got a permit. They spent $2 billion, and they have yet to
mine an ounce of copper because of NEPA holdups.
Let's look at the Twin Metals project in northern Minnesota, where we
have one of the largest deposits of copper, nickel, cobalt, platinum,
and palladium, all things we need. That has been going back and forth
from one administration to the next.
Let's look at the Keystone XL pipeline that was stopped after
billions of dollars were spent, and not one drop of oil went through
it.
My colleagues are making the case for permitting reform. It just
happens to be that we are in a Republican administration now, when they
turned a blind eye to what was happening during a Democratic
administration.
This is why we need permitting reform.
Mr. Chair, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr.
Carter).
Mr. CARTER of Georgia. Mr. Chair, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Chair, I rise today in support of H.R. 4776, the SPEED Act.
Mr. Chair, regardless of which sector of our economy you are talking
about, whether it be healthcare, technology, or energy, it is always
the same when groups come into my office: Permitting and regulations
are crushing us.
The SPEED Act is a critical step toward unleashing American energy
dominance, bringing supply chains home, and much more. The National
Environmental Policy Act is a well-intentioned piece of legislation,
but it has created a costly, cumbersome process that has crippled our
permitting system.
The SPEED Act will modernize NEPA, and it will help permitting in the
U.S. return to what it was originally intended to be. The SPEED Act
will establish permitting timelines, and it will cut down on frivolous
litigation that is simply meant to delay projects.
Under SPEED, American development will no longer be held hostage by
activists and environmental groups simply seeking to profit off of
lawsuits.
America needs to update its infrastructure, create new sources of
energy, and deploy more broadband and transmission lines. The SPEED Act
will help power a new generation of growth in our Nation.
Mr. Chair, I urge the passage of this legislation.
Mr. HUFFMAN. Mr. Chair, we just heard a list of projects that were
allegedly halted by frivolous litigation, a case study for the SPEED
Act.
In fact, many of these are really bad projects, and the examples are
often examples of the environmental review process working to protect
the environment and protect people.
The Dakota Access Pipeline decision was challenged by the Standing
Rock Sioux Tribe, which won in court because the Army Corps of
Engineers had failed to consider the impact of catastrophic oil spills
on the Tribe's water supply and culturally sacred sites.
The Resolution Copper mine was delayed because the proposed mine
would, in fact, destroy Oak Flat, the most sacred site for the San
Carlos Apache Tribe.
Micron chose to build its semiconductor manufacturing facility near
federally regulated wetlands and endangered habitat.
I think what we are hearing, unfortunately, is that permitting reform
to my friends across the aisle means a green light even for bad and
destructive projects. That is not something the American people want to
see.
Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. WESTERMAN. Mr. Chair, how about the last runway that was built at
the Atlanta airport? It only took 11 years to build it. Actually, it
only took 18 months. It took 9.5 years to go through the NEPA
permitting process.
These are the kinds of projects we are talking about all across the
country that are being adversely affected by a cumbersome permitting
process. It is not doing anything extra to help the environment or
protect our resources. It is simply a way to stop progress and stop
projects from happening.
Mr. Chair, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Colorado (Mr.
Evans).
Mr. EVANS of Colorado. Mr. Chair, I am proud to support the
bipartisan SPEED Act today, of which I am a cosponsor, because, in
part, my home State of Colorado is the sixth most heavily regulated
State in the country. From affordable housing to affordable energy, it
has become virtually impossible to build anything.
The overburdensome Federal permitting process, layered with State
regulations, passes on extraordinary costs to Coloradans by adding
years of unnecessary delays and millions of dollars to new projects
that communities need. In fact, many of the projects require more money
to navigate the bureaucratic permitting process than they do for actual
construction.
Today, the House will change that and take a significant step toward
comprehensive permitting reform by passing this bill. Americans who are
worried about the high cost of living should pay attention.
If my colleagues are serious about lowering costs for their
constituents, they should support the SPEED Act.
Mr. HUFFMAN. Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. WESTERMAN. Mr. Chair, what about the $12 billion we put in the
reconciliation bill to upgrade our air traffic control system? We are
not talking about just permitting energy. We are talking about
permitting safety.
Look at how long it takes to build interstate highways and bridges,
and the safety effects that happen because those projects are dragged
out for so long. It costs so much more money, and it creates
congestion. It creates all kinds of problems.
If we could just move the permitting process more quickly, we could
benefit not only from the cost of energy, the cost of transmission, and
the cost of raw materials that we can be mining, but we could also
improve the safety of our country.
{time} 1020
Mr. Chair, we allocated $12 billion to upgrade the air traffic
control system. The Department of Transportation tells me the problem
is they can't get a NEPA permit to put fiber-optic cables in air
traffic control towers. That is insane when something like an outdated
air traffic control system that has funding can't be implemented
because we can't get through the NEPA process to run a fiber-optic
cable.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. HUFFMAN. Mr. Chair, may I inquire as to how much time is
remaining.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from California has 4 minutes
remaining. The gentleman from Arkansas has 7 minutes remaining.
Mr. HUFFMAN. Mr. Chair, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Chair, a lot of numbers have been thrown around on how NEPA takes
so very, very long.
Much of this is looking deep into the past and extrapolating from
that. I want to correct the Record because, as of January 2025, $1
billion in the Inflation Reduction Act for permitting was actually
doing its job quite well. It had helped reduce the median time it takes
to complete an Environmental Impact Statement, the most complex
environmental review, by 28 percent. That is compared to times under
the first Trump administration.
The time was down a little over 2 years in 2024 compared to over 3\1/
2\ in 2019. That is 1\1/2\ years of improvement. Unfortunately, these
steps forward have been taken away by our friends across the aisle. We
are going in the wrong direction.
Mr. Chair, in closing, the majority had a great opportunity here.
Democrats were ready to work with them on meaningful and bipartisan
permitting reform. They chose to reject our efforts to engage in good
faith. Instead, what we have here is another Christmas giveaway to the
wealthiest, most powerful people and companies in the country.
I guess this is the golden age. These are wonderful times. A person
can throw Great Gatsby parties if they are a billionaire, if they are
one of these very, very rich interest groups.
We should be thinking about everyday Americans right now. Many
overburdened communities are saddled with significant pollution. We
should think about helping them instead of making it harder for them to
challenge projects that threaten the health and environmental damage
visited upon their community.
[[Page H6037]]
We should also think about rising utility bills, something we hear
more and more about in this affordability crisis driven by Republican
policies. Yet, our friends across the aisle look the other way as
President Trump's crazy war on clean energy drives utility bills higher
and higher.
We should work toward a level playing field for clean energy instead
of another handout for Big Oil. The American Clean Power Association
has pulled its support for this legislation. The bill is opposed by the
Solar Energy Industries Association and, of course, countless
environmental justice organizations who know this bill will take a
wrecking ball to government transparency, to community engagement, and
to health and environmental protections.
It didn't have to be this way. This was a terrible missed
opportunity, but a bad bill has actually gotten worse through the
process and not better.
I strongly oppose the SPEED Act. I urge all of my colleagues on both
sides of the aisle, regardless of whether they may have supported this
in the past--the bill has gotten worse--to vote ``no.''
Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. WESTERMAN. Mr. Chair, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Chair, permitting reform in the SPEED Act will help every
American by lowering costs and increasing affordability. That is a word
that is talked about a lot today, but I think we sometimes forget the
question: Why are things not affordable?
When we have to import all of our products, when we can't build new
energy plants, and when we can't build public infrastructure projects
on budget and on time, things become unaffordable. Now is the time for
Congress not just to talk about how we need permitting reform but to
actually walk the walk when it comes to helping the families in their
districts keep the lights on.
An analysis by Common Good shows that a 6-year delay in construction
on public projects like building roads, something I think we all can
agree on, costs the U.S. economy $3.7 trillion.
The SPEED Act is supported by over 375 industry leaders ranging from
utility companies and energy producers to homebuilders and domestic
manufacturers. These are the industries that will lower everyday costs
if we simply allow them to build here in America again. A vote for the
SPEED Act is a vote for affordability.
As I close, I want to return to the core principle at the heart of
this debate and this legislation. The Federal permitting process should
serve our national interests and not obstruct them. Let me say this
again. Permitting should serve our national interests and not obstruct
our national interests.
NEPA no longer passes the test. It is currently a source of waste,
abuse, and predatory litigation. Its unpredictability is fundamentally
unfair to the local communities, to working families, and to taxpayers
who depend on the infrastructure projects that NEPA obstructs. This has
never been more true than today when demand for energy is dramatically
spiking.
America is blessed with resources we need for a future of energy
dominance and critical mineral abundance. God has blessed America with
minerals and with energy, we are just refusing to use them.
Mr. Chair, we are dependent on China for 90 percent of our rare earth
and critical minerals. That is not just economic insecurity. That is a
national defense issue. They mine 70 percent of those around the world
and process and control 90 percent of them.
We have all of them here in America. We refuse to do the permitting,
not just to build mines but to build refineries that will create jobs
for Americans.
When we mine the materials out of the ground and we process them and
put them into manufactured goods, there is a multiplier effect by 28.
That is what the USGS and Department of Commerce says. We multiply that
value by 28. Think of the good-paying jobs Americans could have if we
not only mined here in America but if we refined and manufactured
products from those things that we mined.
The SPEED Act is a targeted, bipartisan solution that will restore
balance and accountability to the Federal permitting process. It will
streamline administrative review and curtail open-ended and dilatory
litigation. These are practical, commonsense reforms that, again, I
will say have garnered the support of more than 375 business, labor,
and nonprofit groups from across the country, from all 50 States and
Puerto Rico.
Mr. Chair, we are at a critical point in our country. America has
always been a place where we have a can-do attitude. We have always
been able to succeed. I like to say we are ``Ameri-cans.'' We are not
``Ameri-can'ts.''
The current permitting laws are telling Americans they can't. We
can't be innovative. We can't develop. We can't build here. We have to
be dependent on somebody else, somewhere else. We can't have the jobs
to earn good wages. We can't grow our rural communities because we
can't get through the bureaucratic red tape and permitting. The SPEED
Act is the first step in doing that.
Mr. Chair, we have to pass this bill. We have to get it to the
Senate. We have to work with our Senate colleagues because this is an
important time in our country, and this is an important piece of
legislation. It is an important issue that affects every American, and
today is the day to pass the SPEED Act. I urge my colleagues to support
the SPEED Act to get ourselves building again.
Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. All time for general debate has expired.
Pursuant to the rule, the bill shall be considered for amendment
under the 5-minute rule.
The amendment in the nature of a substitute recommended by the
Committee on Natural Resources, and the further amendment specified in
section 5 of House Resolution 953, printed in the bill, shall be
considered as adopted. The bill, as amended, shall be considered as the
original bill for the purpose of further amendment and shall be
considered as read.
The text of the bill, as amended, is as follows:
H.R. 4776
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ``Standardizing Permitting and
Expediting Economic Development Act'' or the ``SPEED Act''.
SEC. 2. NEPA REFORM.
(a) Purpose.--Section 2 of the National Environmental
Policy Act of 1969 (42 U.S.C. 4321) is amended--
(1) by striking ``The purposes'' and inserting ``(a) The
purposes''; and
(2) by adding at the end the following:
``(b) This Act is a purely procedural statute intended to
ensure Federal agencies consider the environmental impacts of
their actions during the decisionmaking process. This Act
does not mandate particular results, and only prescribes a
process. Nothing in this Act shall be construed to mandate
any specific environmental outcome or result, nor shall this
Act be interpreted to confer substantive rights or impose
substantive duties beyond procedural requirements.''.
(b) Procedure for Determination of Level of Review.--
Section 106 of the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969
(42 U.S.C. 4336) is amended--
(1) in the heading, by inserting ``; scope of review''
after ``level of review'';
(2) in subsection (a)--
(A) in paragraph (3), by striking ``or'';
(B) in paragraph (4), by striking ``action.'' and inserting
``action;''; and
(C) by adding at the end the following:
``(5) the agency determines the proposed agency action is
an action for which such agency's compliance with another
statute's requirements serves the function of agency
compliance with this Act with respect to such action; or
``(6) the proposed agency action relates to a project or
action that has already been reviewed pursuant to a State
environmental review statute or a Tribal environmental review
statute, ordinance, resolution, regulation, or formally
adopted policy and the lead agency determines such review
serves the function of agency compliance with this Act.'';
(3) in subsection (b)--
(A) in paragraph (2), by striking ``does not'' and
inserting ``is not likely to''; and
(B) in paragraph (3), by amending subparagraph (B) to read
as follows:
``(B) is not required to--
``(i) undertake new scientific or technical research unless
the new scientific or technical research is essential to a
reasoned choice among alternatives, and the overall costs and
time frame of obtaining it are not unreasonable; or
``(ii) undertake new scientific or technical research after
the receipt of an application, as applicable, with respect to
a proposed agency action.''; and
(4) by adding at the end the following:
``(c) Scope of Review.--In preparing an environmental
document for a proposed agency action, a Federal agency--
[[Page H6038]]
``(1) may consider only those effects that share a
reasonably close causal relationship to, and are proximately
caused by, the immediate project or action under
consideration; and
``(2) may not consider effects that are speculative,
attenuated from the project or action, separate in time or
place from the project or action, or in relation to separate
existing or potential future projects or actions.
``(d) Certainty.--
``(1) Environmental documents.--A Federal agency may not
rescind, withdraw, amend, alter, or otherwise render
ineffective any environmental document completed under this
Act for a project or action where there is an applicant
unless the Federal agency has been so ordered by a court or
the applicant has agreed in writing to such rescission,
withdrawal, amendment, or alteration.
``(2) Authorizations.--
``(A) In general.--Except as provided in this subsection or
existing law, a Federal agency may not revoke, rescind,
withdraw, terminate, suspend, amend, alter, or take any other
action to interfere with an authorization unless--
``(i) the Federal agency is required to take such action by
order of a court of competent jurisdiction;
``(ii) the holder of the authorization has materially
breached the terms of the authorization, or otherwise
violated applicable law;
``(iii) the authorization was obtained through fraud,
intentional concealment, or material misrepresentation;
``(iv) such action is necessary to prevent specific,
immediate, substantial, and proximate harm or damage to life,
property, national security, or defense that was not
considered in the underlying environmental review process or
final agency action for the authorization; or
``(v) the Federal agency has received a request from the
holder of the authorization or project sponsor to take such
action.
``(B) Requirement.--The actions described in subparagraph
(A) shall be, as appropriate and where feasible, supported by
clear and convincing evidence and reasonably limited in
duration and scope by the agency to address the specific
issue such action is intended to address.
``(C) Notice.--Before an agency takes an action described
in subparagraph (A), the agency shall notify the holder of
the authorization and the project sponsor in writing of such
action, including by providing a detailed explanation of the
action, identifying the statutory authority relied upon for
the action, and providing the evidence supporting the action.
``(D) Judicial review.--
``(i) In general.--An action described in subparagraph (A)
shall be subject to judicial review under chapter 7 of title
5, United States Code.
``(ii) Venue.--A person seeking judicial review of an
action described in subparagraph (A) may only obtain review
of such action in the United States court of appeals for any
circuit wherein the project for which the authorization was
issued is located.
``(iii) Petitions by federal agencies.--No Federal agency
may petition a court for vacatur or voluntary remand of an
authorization unless the holder of the authorization or the
project sponsor consents in writing to such a petition.
``(E) Savings clause.--Nothing in subparagraph (A) shall be
construed to provide any Federal agency new, enhanced, or
expanded authority, or to limit any existing authority,
concerning any authorization.
``(e) Presumption of Negative Impacts of Taking No Action
Relating to Tribal Trust Resources.--For any proposed agency
action carried out on, or directly affecting, tribal trust
resources (including lands and minerals) that is initiated by
the federally recognized Indian Tribe for which the United
States holds the affected resources in trust, and for which
an environmental document was prepared that included
consideration of a no action alternative, there shall be a
presumption that the effects of taking no action will be
negative for the federally recognized Indian Tribe.
``(f) Effect of Threshold Determinations on Other
Agencies.--If a lead agency determines an environmental
document is not required to be prepared with respect to a
proposed agency action under subsection (a), another agency
may not prepare an environmental document with respect to
such proposed agency action.''.
(c) Timely and Unified Federal Reviews.--
(1) Lead agency.--Section 107(a) of the National
Environmental Policy Act of 1969 (42 U.S.C. 4336a(a)) is
amended--
(A) in paragraph (2)--
(i) in subparagraph (B), by striking ``at the earliest
practicable time'' and inserting ``in accordance with
subsection (g)(2)'';
(ii) in subparagraph (D), by striking ``carry out the
proposed agency action'' and inserting ``carry out the
proposed agency action in compliance with the deadlines
outlined in subsection (g)''; and
(iii) in subparagraph (E)--
(I) by striking ``a review'' and inserting ``an
environmental review''; and
(II) by striking ``such review'' and inserting ``such
environmental review''; and
(B) in paragraph (3)--
(i) by inserting ``(including counties, boroughs, parishes,
and other political subdivisions of a State)'' after ``local
agency''; and
(ii) by adding at the end ``Such comments from Federal
cooperating agencies shall be limited to matters relating to
the proposed agency action with respect to which such Federal
cooperating agency has jurisdiction by law.''.
(2) One document.--Section 107(b) of the National
Environmental Policy Act of 1969 (42 U.S.C. 4336a(b)) is
amended--
(A) by striking ``To the extent practicable,'' and
inserting the following:
``(1) Document.--To the extent practicable,''; and
(B) by adding at the end the following:
``(2) Consideration timing.--
``(A) In general.--In preparing an environmental document
for a proposed agency action, no Federal agency shall be
required to consider any scientific or technical research
that becomes publicly available after the earlier of, as
applicable--
``(i) the date of receipt of an application with respect to
such proposed agency action; and
``(ii) the date of publication of a notice of intent or
decision to prepare such environmental document for such
proposed agency action.
``(B) Applicability to other law.--This paragraph does not
affect any review of information required under subchapter II
of chapter 5 of title 5, United States Code, with respect to
comments received during the public comment period as
applicable.
``(C) Delay.--A Federal agency may not delay the issuance
of an environmental document or a final agency action,
including any decision or determination, on the basis of
awaiting new scientific or technical research or information
that was not available as of the earlier of the dates
described in subparagraph (A).''.
(3) Statement of purpose and need.--Section 107(d) of the
National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 (42 U.S.C.
4336a(d)) is amended by striking ``action.'' and inserting
``action. Where applicable, the statement of purpose and need
shall meet the goals of the applicant.''.
(4) Deadlines.--Section 107(g) of the National
Environmental Policy Act of 1969 (42 U.S.C. 4336a(g)) is
amended--
(A) by redesignating paragraphs (1), (2), and (3) as
paragraphs (3), (5), and (6), respectively;
(B) by inserting before paragraph (3) (as so redesignated)
the following:
``(1) Applications for authorizations.--
``(A) Notification of complete or incomplete application.--
Unless a shorter deadline is specified by law, in connection
with a proposed agency action for which an applicant
submitted an application for an authorization to an agency,
not later than 60 days after the date on which the applicant
submits the application to the agency, the agency shall
document the receipt of the application and--
``(i) notify the applicant that the application is
complete; or
``(ii) notify the applicant that the application is
incomplete and request in writing any additional information
that the agency needs to determine that the application is
complete and begin preparation of an environmental document.
``(B) Agency determination.--
``(i) Complete determination.--If an agency determines an
application is complete under subparagraph (A)(i), the agency
shall, not later than 60 days after the date on which the
agency makes such determination--
``(I) notify the applicant that the agency has determined
that the proposed agency action is excluded pursuant to one
of the agency's categorical exclusions, is not a major
Federal action, or that no further agency action is required;
``(II) issue a notice of intent to prepare an environmental
impact statement for such proposed agency action; or
``(III) notify the applicant that the agency has determined
that preparation of an environmental assessment is necessary.
``(ii) Incomplete determination.--If the agency requests
additional information under subparagraph (A)(ii), the
deadline described in clause (i) shall be based on the date
on which the agency receives the additional information
instead of the date on which the determination is made.
``(2) Cooperating agencies.--
``(A) In general.--Not later than 21 days after a lead
agency issues a notice of intent under paragraph
(1)(B)(i)(II) or notifies an applicant under paragraph
(1)(B)(i)(III) with respect to a proposed agency action, the
lead agency shall--
``(i) identify all agencies that are likely to have
environmental review, authorization, or other
responsibilities with respect to the proposed agency action;
and
``(ii) invite each such agency to become a cooperating
agency.
``(B) Deadline to accept invitation.--Not later than 21
days after an agency receives an invitation to become a
cooperating agency under subparagraph (A)(ii), such agency
shall accept or deny the invitation.
``(C) Convening of cooperating agencies.--Not later than 7
days after the deadline described in subparagraph (B) has
passed for each agency that received an invitation to become
a cooperating agency under subparagraph (A)(ii), the lead
agency that sent each such invitation shall convene each
agency that accepts such an invitation to coordinate on
developing the schedule under subsection (a)(2)(D) for the
applicable proposed agency action.
``(D) Unidentified agencies.--In the event that an agency
that has jurisdiction by law or special expertise with
respect to any environmental impact involved in a proposed
agency action is not identified under subparagraph (A)(i),
the lead agency with respect to the proposed agency action
shall--
``(i) invite such unidentified agency to become a
cooperating agency by not later than 7 days after becoming
aware that the agency has jurisdiction by law or special
expertise; and
``(ii) if such agency accepts the invitation, incorporate
such agency into the schedule developed under subsection
(a)(2)(D) and update such schedule accordingly by not later
than 14 days after the date on which such agency accepts the
invitation.'';
(C) in paragraph (3) (as so redesignated)--
(i) by striking ``In general'' and inserting ``Review
timeline''; and
(ii) by striking ``(2)'' and inserting ``(5)'';
(D) by inserting after paragraph (3) (as so redesignated)
the following:
[[Page H6039]]
``(4) Deadline for final agency action.--For any proposed
agency action for which an applicant submitted an application
for an authorization to an agency, not later than 30 days
after completing an environmental impact statement or an
environmental assessment for the proposed agency action, the
lead agency, and any cooperating agency, shall issue a final
agency action. The agency issuing such final agency action
shall include in the final agency action a performance
schedule for the completion of any other outstanding
authorizations.'';
(E) in paragraph (5) (as so redesignated)--
(i) by striking ``the deadline described in paragraph (1)''
and inserting ``a deadline described in this subsection'';
and
(ii) by striking ``, in consultation with the applicant,
to'' and inserting ``if the applicant approves such
extension. If the applicant approves such extension, the lead
agency shall'';
(F) in paragraph (6) (as so redesignated)--
(i) by striking ``A project sponsor may'' and inserting
``Except as provided in subparagraph (C), a project sponsor
may''; and
(ii) by adding at the end the following:
``(C) Exception.--A project sponsor that approved an
extension of a deadline under paragraph (5) may not obtain
judicial review of a failure to act in accordance with such
deadline under subparagraph (A) unless the lead agency fails
to meet the new deadline or is delaying for reasons other
than those necessary to complete its review.''; and
(G) by adding at the end the following:
``(7) Concurrent review.--In carrying out an environmental
review, the lead agency and each cooperating agency shall
carry out the obligations of that agency under other
applicable laws concurrently, and in conjunction, with other
required reviews for the proposed agency action, pursuant to
the requirements of applicable law, including, if applicable,
under this Act.''.
(d) Programmatic Environmental Documents.--Section 108 of
the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 (42 U.S.C.
4336b) is amended--
(1) by striking ``When an agency prepares'' and inserting
the following:
``(a) Programmatic Environmental Documents.--When an agency
prepares'';
(2) in paragraph (1), by striking ``5'' and inserting
``10'';
(3) in paragraph (2), by striking ``5'' and inserting
``10''; and
(4) by adding at the end the following:
``(b) Reliance on Previously Completed Environmental
Reviews.--
``(1) Actions that are substantially the same.--A lead
agency may satisfy the requirements of this Act with respect
to a major Federal action by relying on an environmental
assessment, environmental impact statement, or a categorical
exclusion determination that the lead agency, another Federal
agency, or a project sponsor under the supervision of a
Federal agency completed for another major Federal action if
the lead agency determines that--
``(A) the new major Federal action is substantially the
same as the other major Federal action or, if applicable, an
alternative analyzed in such environmental assessment or
environmental impact statement; and
``(B) if applicable, the effects of the new major Federal
action are substantially the same as the effects analyzed in
such environmental assessment or environmental impact
statement.
``(2) Actions that are not substantially the same.--If a
new major Federal action is not substantially the same as
another major Federal action or an alternative analyzed in an
environmental assessment or environmental impact statement
completed by the lead agency, another Federal agency, or a
project sponsor under the supervision of a Federal agency,
the lead agency may modify or augment any such previously
completed environmental assessment or environmental impact
statement as necessary to satisfy the requirements of this
Act with respect to the new major Federal action. The lead
agency shall make such modified environmental assessment or
environmental impact statement publicly available as a new
environmental assessment or environmental impact
statement.''.
(e) Adoption of Categorical Exclusions.--Section 109 of the
National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 (42 U.S.C. 4336c)
is amended in the text preceding paragraph (1), by inserting
``, or that was legislatively enacted by Congress,'' after
``procedures''.
(f) Definitions.--Section 111 of the National Environmental
Policy Act of 1969 (42 U.S.C. 4336e) is amended--
(1) by redesignating paragraphs (1) through (13) as
paragraphs (2) through (14), respectively;
(2) by inserting before paragraph (2) (as so redesignated)
the following:
``(1) Authorization.--The term `authorization' means any
lease, right-of-way, easement, license, permit, approval,
finding, determination, or other administrative decision
issued by an agency or any interagency consultation that is
required or authorized under Federal law in order to
construct, modify, or operate a project.'';
(3) in paragraph (2) (as so redesignated), by inserting ``,
or Congress deems by statute,'' after ``Federal agency has
determined'';
(4) in paragraph (11) (as so redesignated)--
(A) in subparagraph (B)--
(i) in clause (iii)--
(I) by inserting ``grants (including capitalization
grants), cost share awards,'' after ``loan guarantees,'';
(II) by striking ``sufficient'' and inserting ``complete'';
and
(III) by striking ``subsequent use of such financial
assistance or the'';
(ii) by redesignating clauses (iv) through (vii) as clauses
(vi) through (ix), respectively; and
(iii) by inserting after clause (iii) the following:
``(iv) farm ownership loans and operating loan guarantees
by the Farm Service Agency pursuant to sections 305 and 311
through 319 of the Consolidated Farm and Rural Development
Act;
``(v) the issuance of an authorization by an agency where
the effects of the action or project being permitted or
authorized were previously evaluated by another agency in
compliance with this Act;''; and
(B) by adding at the end the following:
``(C) Additional exclusions.--An agency action may not be
determined to be a major Federal action solely on the basis
of the provision of Federal funds, including a grant, loan,
loan guarantee, and funding assistance.''; and
(5) by adding at the end the following:
``(15) Reasonably foreseeable.--The term `reasonably
foreseeable', with respect to environmental effects of a
proposed agency action--
``(A) means effects that share a reasonably close causal
relationship to, and are proximately caused by, the immediate
project or action under consideration; and
``(B) does not include effects that are--
``(i) speculative;
``(ii) attenuated from the proposed agency action;
``(iii) separate in time or place from the proposed agency
action; or
``(iv) in relation to separate existing or potential future
projects.''.
(g) Duties.--Section 204 of the National Environmental
Policy Act of 1969 (42 U.S.C. 4344) is amended in paragraph
(4) by inserting ``energy,'' after ``health,''.
SEC. 3. JUDICIAL REVIEW.
Title I of the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969
(42 U.S.C. 4331 et seq.) is amended--
(1) by redesignating section 112 as section 110A and moving
such section so as to appear after section 110; and
(2) by inserting before section 111 the following:
``SEC. 110B. JUDICIAL REVIEW.
``(a) Role of the Court.--In reviewing a claim of whether a
final agency action complies with the requirements of this
Act, a court--
``(1) shall afford substantial deference to the agency; and
``(2) may not substitute its judgment for that of the
agency regarding the environmental effects included in the
final agency action or included in the environmental
document.
``(b) Remand.--
``(1) In general.--If a court holds, under section
706(2)(A) of title 5, United States Code, that a final agency
action does not comply with the requirements of this Act, the
only remedy the court may order, notwithstanding chapter 7 of
title 5, United States Code, is to remand, without vacatur or
injunction, the final agency action to the agency with--
``(A) specific instruction to correct the errors or
deficiencies found by the court; and
``(B) a reasonable schedule and deadline to correct such
errors or deficiencies, which such deadline may not exceed--
``(i) with regard to an order entered on or after the date
of enactment of this section, the date that is 180 days after
the date on which the order was entered; and
``(ii) with regard to an order entered before the date of
enactment of this section, the date that is 180 days after
the date of enactment of this section.
``(2) Continued effect of final agency action.--A final
agency action remanded under paragraph (1) shall remain in
effect while the Federal agency corrects any errors or
deficiencies found by the court.
``(c) Limitations on Claims.--
``(1) In general.--Notwithstanding any other provision of
law (except as provided in subparagraph (A) with respect to a
shorter deadline), a claim described in subsection (a) shall
be barred unless--
``(A) such claim is filed not later than 150 days after the
final agency action is made public, unless a shorter deadline
is specified under law;
``(B) in the case of a final agency action for which there
was a public comment period on an environmental document,
such claim--
``(i) is filed by a party that submitted a substantive and
unique comment during such public comment period by the
noticed comment deadline for the environmental document and
such comment was sufficiently detailed to put the applicable
Federal agency on notice of the issue upon which the party
seeks review; and
``(ii) concerns the same subject matter raised in the
comment submitted during the public comment period;
``(C) such claim is filed by a party that has suffered or
imminently will suffer direct harm from the final agency
action; and
``(D) such claim does not challenge the establishment of a
categorical exclusion.
``(2) Supplemental environmental documents.--If an agency
issues a supplemental environmental document in response to a
court order remanding a final agency action, the deadline
described in paragraph (1)(A) shall be the date on which the
agency makes public the agency action for which the
supplemental environmental document is prepared. A claim for
review of such final agency action shall be limited to
information contained in the final supplemental environmental
document that was not contained in a previous environmental
document for the final agency action.
``(3) Actions for use of tribal trust resources.--For any
final agency action that authorizes or affects the use of
lands, minerals, or other resources already held in trust at
the time of the final agency action by the United States for
the benefit of a federally recognized Indian Tribe--
``(A) except as provided in subparagraph (B), there shall
be no administrative or judicial review of such final agency
action based on a
[[Page H6040]]
claim of failure to comply with the requirements of this Act;
and
``(B) subparagraph (A) shall not apply to actions for
administrative or judicial review--
``(i) brought by the federally recognized Indian Tribe for
which the United States holds the lands, minerals, or other
resources in trust; or
``(ii) that involve reasonably foreseeable effects of the
final agency action that occur outside the lands, minerals,
or other resources held in trust by the United States for the
benefit of a federally recognized Indian Tribe.
``(d) Deadline for Resolution.--
``(1) In general.--A court shall issue a final judgment on
a claim described in subsection (a)--
``(A) as expeditiously as practicable; and
``(B) unless a shorter deadline is specified under Federal
law, not later than the date that is 180 days after the date
on which the agency record for the review is filed with the
reviewing court, which shall not be more than 60 days after
the filing of the claim.
``(2) Accelerated deadlines.--Nothing in this subsection
may be construed to prevent a court from further expediting
review of a claim described in subsection (a).
``(3) Appeals.--
``(A) Filing.--A notice of appeal of a final judgment
described in this subsection shall be filed not later than 60
days after such final judgment is issued. In the case of a
final agency action remanded under subsection (b), the agency
and, if applicable, the applicant, shall have the right to
appeal during the pendency of the remand.
``(B) Deadline for review.--A court shall issue a final
decision on an appeal filed under subparagraph (A)--
``(i) as expeditiously as practicable; and
``(ii) not later than the date that is 180 days after the
date on which the appeal is filed.
``(e) No Effect on Review of Compliance With Other
Deadlines.--This section shall not affect the right to obtain
review under section 107(g)(3).''.
SEC. 4. PRESERVATION OF ONGOING ADMINISTRATIVE CORRECTIONS.
This Act, and the amendments made by this Act, shall not
apply to any agency action with respect to which a Federal
agency has, during the period beginning on January 20, 2025,
and ending on the date of enactment of this Act--
(1) filed a motion to voluntarily remand; or
(2) otherwise reopened, reconsidered, or initiated
corrective action under the statutory authority of the
Federal agency, regardless of whether the Federal agency has
completed such corrective action as of the date of enactment
of this Act.''.
The Acting CHAIR. No further amendment to the bill, as amended, shall
be in order except those printed in House Report 119-410. Each such
further amendment may be offered only in the order printed in the
report, may be offered only by a Member designated in the report, shall
be considered as read, shall be debatable for the time specified in the
report equally divided and controlled by the proponent and an opponent,
shall not be subject to amendment, and shall not be subject to a demand
for division of the question.
{time} 1030
Amendment No. 1 Offered by Mr. Clyde
The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 1
printed in House Report 119-410.
Mr. CLYDE. Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Page 26, line 8, insert ``, which shall not include
aesthetic, recreational, or emotional interests unaccompanied
by material physical or property harm'' after ``final agency
action''.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 951, the gentleman
from Georgia (Mr. Clyde) and a Member opposed each will control 5
minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Georgia.
Mr. CLYDE. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of my amendment to H.R. 4776, the
SPEED Act, which will improve the bill's judicial standing provision to
limit frivolous lawsuits and ensure that projects are not delayed by
radical activist groups without actual material harm to themselves.
This amendment makes a simple but important clarification. It ensures
that only material physical or property harm, not purely aesthetic,
recreational, or emotional interests, qualifies someone to challenge a
Federal agency action under NEPA.
As established by the bill we are considering today, NEPA is a
procedural statute. Its purpose is to require Federal agencies to
disclose and consider environmental effects before taking major
actions, not to confer substantive environmental rights, or to serve as
a tool for endless litigation.
The amendment aligns NEPA's judicial review provisions with that core
purpose by anchoring standing in concrete, legally cognizant harms,
rather than subjective or generalized interests.
By focusing standing on tangible harms, this amendment helps prevent
NEPA from being used as a delay tactic in every dispute over
administrative decisions, a tactic that too often slows necessary
infrastructure and energy projects without materially improving
environmental protection.
It ensures that courts remain a venue for adjudicating real disputes,
where plaintiffs have demonstrable stakes, while preserving agency and
judicial resources for the most serious and legally grounded claims.
At the same time, this amendment does not eliminate judicial review
or impede legitimate challenges where there are real impacts.
Stakeholders with substantive claims under existing environmental and
land management statutes will continue to have full recourse to the
courts under those laws.
What this amendment does is reinforce NEPA's role as a procedural
check that it was intended to be.
For these reasons, I urge my colleagues to support my amendment to
bring greater clarity and balance to NEPA's standing and to promote a
more efficient and predictable permitting process, consistent with both
environmental disclosure and responsible development.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. HUFFMAN. Mr. Chair, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
The Acting CHAIR (Mr. Evans of Colorado). The gentleman from
California is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. HUFFMAN. Mr. Chairman, this is a perfect example of how, even
when team extreme puts together the most dramatic rollback of America's
most important bedrock environmental law, it is not enough for some
factions within the Republican Conference.
Mr. Chair, I do oppose this amendment because, at its core, it is
built on a tired trope--the trope that NEPA litigation is some huge
driver of frivolous litigation and an argument that we hear all too
often to justify more and more limits on judicial review to make it
harder and harder for the public to participate in the review process
and to help oil and gas and other polluting projects.
However, the facts do not back up the story that we keep hearing. One
recent study from the University of Utah found that only 1 out of every
450 actions subject to NEPA are ever even litigated. That amounts to
0.23 percent. According to a recent Congressional Research Service
report: ``Historically, fewer than 1 percent of Federal actions subject
to NEPA have been litigated.'' That is important context.
Mr. Chair, the idea behind this amendment, that we need to keep
layering on more and more restrictions to shut out the public, to
eliminate legal challenges, and to stop frivolous litigation is
overblown, especially in the context of an underlying bill which
already imposes dramatic new barriers that make it almost impossible to
bring a case to court.
Among other hurdles, the underlying bill says that you have to have
commented during a comment period, even as the Trump administration is
restricting the opportunity to comment.
It also requires that your comment has to be ``unique.'' This is a
new term of art. It doesn't exist in current law. We don't even know
what it really means, but, presumably, if anyone else has submitted the
same comment or has flagged the same problem with a Federal action, you
are out because your comment is no longer unique.
To add a cherry on top of all of that, even if you get into court,
the SPEED Act would bind judges, forcing them to allow even dangerous
and illegal projects to proceed, making the judicial review process
extremely hollow.
Mr. Chairman, judicial review is a cornerstone of democracy. When the
government makes a bad decision or an illegal decision, I would hope we
could all agree that there are times, since the government doesn't get
everything just right, that citizens need to be able to challenge that
action and hold the government accountable to make sure the law is
followed.
Access to the courts is a backstop for communities, who are left out
of the
[[Page H6041]]
NEPA process, to make their concerns heard and to ensure that Federal
Government actions properly consider environmental impacts.
Though we have heard a lot of fear-mongering about frivolous
lawsuits, there are already effective safeguards in place. All
plaintiffs have to demonstrate that they have actually been harmed by a
project to have standing, and NEPA will be meaningless unless there is
a way to enforce it when the government does something harmful or
illegal.
That is what this is all about.
Mr. Chairman, I urge a ``no'' on this amendment, and I reserve the
balance of my time.
Mr. CLYDE. Mr. Chairman, any frivolous lawsuit is one frivolous
lawsuit too many. It is just not appropriate when we have legitimate
actions to improve our economy and to make sure that America moves
forward.
Chairman Westerman mentioned the 11 years that it took to build the
Atlanta airport in my home State. Really, it took 18 months to actually
break ground and build the airfield, but 9\1/2\ years for permitting.
That is just not acceptable.
The Pentagon was built in just a little over a year. That could never
happen today simply because of the permitting process.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. HUFFMAN. Mr. Chairman, I think we have found some common ground.
I hear that any frivolous lawsuit is one too many, so I just want to
remind the gentleman that maybe one of the most prolific frivolous
litigators in history is in the White House right now.
I remind the gentleman about the raft of frivolous lawsuits
challenging the 2020 election results, resulting, in many cases, not
just in losses in court but in the disbarment of some of the Republican
luminary lawyers like Rudy Giuliani.
If we pretend to care about frivolous lawsuits, I know consistency is
out of fashion these days, but we should really mean it.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. CLYDE. Mr. Chairman, I think the Keystone XL Pipeline is another
example of frivolous lawsuits and the years it took. Yet that pipeline
still is not functional in its entirety.
Mr. Chairman, I am prepared to close, and I simply want to read what
my amendment says:
``Page 26, line 8, insert `, which shall not include aesthetic,
recreational, or emotional interests unaccompanied by material physical
or property harm' after `final agency action'.''
Mr. Chairman, that is concrete, and, therefore, I encourage all of my
colleagues to vote for my amendment, and I yield back the balance of my
time.
Mr. HUFFMAN. Mr. Chairman, we should be against all truly frivolous
things--not just frivolous lawsuits but frivolous legislation
masquerading as permitting reform, frivolous amendments, frivolous
distractions at the end of probably the most unproductive Congress in
American history this year at a time when the American people are
struggling. That is what is truly frivolous.
Mr. Chairman, I oppose this amendment. I urge a ``no'' vote, and I
yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Clyde).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the ayes
appeared to have it.
Mr. HUFFMAN. Mr. Chair, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Georgia will
be postponed.
{time} 1040
The Acting CHAIR. The Chair understands that amendment Nos. 2, 3, and
4 printed in the House Report 119-410 will not be offered.
Amendment No. 5 Offered by Mr. Roy
The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 5
printed in House Report 119-410.
Mr. ROY. Mr. Chair, I rise as the designee of Mr. Perry, and I have
an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Page 5, strike lines 15 through 18, and insert the
following:
``(1) may consider only those effects over which the lead
agency or cooperating Federal agencies have jurisdiction by
law and share a reasonably close causal relationship to, and
are proximately caused by, the immediate project or action
under consideration; and''.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 951, the gentleman
from Texas (Mr. Roy) and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Texas.
Mr. ROY. Mr. Chair, this amendment revises the scope of review clause
within the bill and strengthens the codification of the Supreme Court's
Seven County decision issued earlier this year.
Now, my friend from Pennsylvania (Mr. Perry) is the author of this
amendment, and I am offering it for him because he is in committee
business. He was offering this amendment to further improve the bill
and limit agencies from taking into consideration factors which are not
within their authority to regulate. This is the core issue at the heart
of what was going on in the Seven County decision.
Congress should continue to build upon that unanimous decision. Let
me be very clear that the Seven County decision was unanimous and
further improved NEPA. This bill that the chairman has brought here to
the floor takes significant strides in improving NEPA, and improves
upon it by limiting what agencies can regulate to what they already can
by law. By ensuring that the scope of review is conducted within the
sole legal purview of each Federal agency, we can drastically improve
the current landscape of drawn-out, ineffective permitting.
Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. HUFFMAN. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from California is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. HUFFMAN. Mr. Chairman, the majority has suggested that the
underlying bill's changes to NEPA on the scope of review simply codify
the Supreme Court's Seven County decision, but the SPEED Act actually
goes much further than that Court decision. The Court left broad
discretion for agencies to determine what impacts are relevant and how
far the environmental analysis should go.
The Seven County decision allows agencies to analyze environmental
impacts when those impacts are reasonably foreseeable, although the
Court did limit what agencies are required to review. The underlying
bill and this amendment do something entirely different. They strip
agencies of their discretion to consider a broad range of environmental
impacts.
This could have far-reaching consequences for communities, the
environment, and public health, even when the science is clear and the
consequences are very real.
The bill would prevent agencies from examining the harms that
communities across the country are living with right now. A perfect
example is Louisiana's Cancer Alley, where predominantly Black
neighborhoods face some of the highest pollution-related cancer risks
in the Nation, and those risks come from cumulative emissions from many
facilities that have been built over decades and impacts that are well
documented and directly tied to Federal permitting decisions.
Under this bill, agencies would largely be prohibited from
considering any cumulative effects, anything that worsens that
preexisting problem. That is not streamlining. That is telling Federal
agencies to look the other way in the face of obvious, foreseeable
harm.
NEPA's strength has always been its requirement that agencies take a
hard look at the real-world consequences of their actions. That is how
agencies avoid unintended harm. It is how the public stays informed,
and it is how Federal decisions remain accountable and transparent.
The language in this bill dismantles that approach, and this
amendment takes it even further by continuing to strip away what courts
have left in terms of discretion for agencies to consider. This will
result in more harm to
[[Page H6042]]
many American communities, including some of our most vulnerable
communities that are already overburdened with pollution.
Mr. Chair, I oppose the amendment and reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. ROY. Mr. Chair, this amendment would insert that Federal agencies
``may consider only those effects over which the lead agency or
cooperating Federal agencies have jurisdiction by law and share a
reasonably close causal relationship to, and are proximately caused by,
the immediate project or action under consideration.''
There shouldn't be anything objectionable in that commonsense
application, that commonsense phrasing. It is a commonsense change that
strengthens the bill by narrowing the scope of NEPA to impacts that
Federal agencies have the legal authority to regulate.
It is pretty simple. It avoids time-consuming reviews of impacts from
paleontology to traffic patterns that agencies cannot even control.
By ensuring that the scope of review is conducted within the sole
legal purview of each Federal agency, we can drastically improve the
current landscape of drawn-out and ineffective permitting.
Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. HUFFMAN. Mr. Chairman, I think common sense is that if an agency
is proposing or is considering a project that would be the tipping
point for a community that is already overburdened by pollution, and
that would dramatically increase a problem like Cancer Alley in
Louisiana, they ought to be able to consider those cumulative impacts.
I would call that common sense.
Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. ROY. Mr. Chair, the goal of this amendment is in keeping with the
unanimous Supreme Court decision in which the Court jumped in and
reversed the D.C. Circuit. The D.C. Circuit had said, well, we are not
going to allow this to proceed, despite you having this 3,600-page
report, this environmental impact statement, gone through public
comments, et cetera.
Everything had been approved, and then the D.C. Circuit Court of
Appeals invalidated that approval, finding that the environmental
review overlooked a number of various impacts. The Supreme Court came
in and said, No, let's reverse that. You have gone through the process,
and what we are trying to do is codify that which would enable us to
avoid the kinds of delays that have been hampering our ability to have
energy projects.
There is a reason everybody's utility bills are up and energy costs
are high. It is because we have constrained the ability of our States,
communities, and businesses to be able to create and provide the
ability for us to have power without getting hamstrung into decades-
long disputes and fights going through all the back channels of a maze
of bureaucracy. This is a simple, commonsense amendment to try to
streamline that.
Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. HUFFMAN. Mr. Chairman, if this amendment is simply about
codifying the Supreme Court's decision, why doesn't it say what the
Supreme Court said?
The Supreme Court said that agencies would be able to have discretion
to consider cumulative impacts, traffic patterns, and other things in
circumstances where those were very compelling factors. This amendment
says, No, you can't consider any of that.
Let's not kid ourselves. This is not codifying the Supreme Court's
decision. This is taking it much, much further.
Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. ROY. Mr. Chair, of course, they maintain discretion. Agencies
will have full discretion if we adopt this language, the discretion to
consider the effects over which that agency or the cooperating Federal
agencies have jurisdiction. That is it.
What we are saying is that we shouldn't have courts making stuff up,
and we shouldn't have agencies making stuff up. That is all we are
trying to say. Let's get everybody in their lanes. Let's get the
agencies in their lanes, and then, let's allow the American people to
do what they do best.
Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. HUFFMAN. Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. ROY. Mr. Chair, I urge adoption of this amendment, and I yield
back the balance of my time.
Mr. HUFFMAN. Mr. Chair, I urge opposition to the amendment, and I
yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Roy).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the ayes
appeared to have it.
Mr. HUFFMAN. Mr. Chair, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Texas will
be postponed.
{time} 1050
Amendment No. 6 Offered by Mr. Roy
The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 6
printed in of House Report 119-410.
Mr. ROY. Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Page 23, after line 13, insert the following:
(h) Definition of Significant Effects.--Section 111 of the
National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 (42 U.S.C. 4336e),
as amended by this Act, is further amended by adding at the
end the following:
``(16) Significant effect on the quality of the human
environment.--The term `significant effect on the quality of
the human environment' means a proximate and concrete harm
that is directly caused by the proposed agency action and
that materially impairs human health or property.''.
(i) Implementation of Definition of Significant Effects.--
Section 102(2)(C) of the National Environmental Policy Act of
1969 (42 U.S.C. 4332(2)(C)) is amended by striking
``significantly affecting the quality of the human
environment, a detailed statement'' and inserting ``with at
least one significant effect on the quality of the human
environment, an environmental impact statement''.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 951, the gentleman
from Texas (Mr. Roy) and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Texas.
Mr. ROY. Mr. Chair, my amendment shores up and strengthens the
definition of what triggers an environmental impact statement.
I offer this amendment to further improve the bill and prevent
agencies from keeping projects in permitting limbo.
Again, the driving force here is to try to free up the American
people and free up free enterprise to be able to produce adequate and
abundant energy for the American people, to be able to produce and
create and develop projects that create and provide jobs and to be able
to make sure the American people can prosper without being hamstrung by
the bureaucracy of a Federal Government that has been limiting our
ability to keep up and produce.
While the base text of the bill makes a great effort to reduce the
length of NEPA review by placing caps on all parts of the process,
further defining what constitutes a significant effect that triggers an
environmental impact statement will make the bill stronger.
Performing an environmental impact statement is the lengthiest and
most expensive part of the permitting process. The Government
Accountability Office estimates the lengthy EIS process costs between
$250,000 and $2 million every time there is a project.
My amendment inserts commonsense language that requires at least one
significant effect be triggered before an agency subjects a project to
the lengthy EIS process.
Specifically, my amendment defines a significant effect as: having a
proximate and concrete harm that is directly caused by the proposed
agency action and that materially impairs human health or property.
By adopting this amendment, House Republicans can actually
demonstrate their promise to get Washington's bureaucracies out of the
way of progress and fulfill, I think, the great intent of this
legislation that the chairman has put together and my colleagues on the
committee have brought to the floor.
Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.
[[Page H6043]]
Mr. HUFFMAN. Mr. Chair, I claim the time in opposition to the
amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from California is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. HUFFMAN. Mr. Chair, I strongly oppose this amendment. It is one
more attempt to restrict what the government can consider in an
environmental review and turn NEPA into nothing more than a box-
checking exercise. You get all of the bureaucracy but none of the
benefits under this approach.
The amendment would add a narrow definition of significant effects on
the human environment in order to limit which projects get a closer
look under NEPA.
It is important to recognize that we already have a high standard for
which projects get that closer look. Only proposed actions that are
anticipated to have a significant effect on the environment undergo an
environmental impact statement, or EIS, which is the most thorough form
of NEPA review.
Agencies don't do environmental impact statements willy-nilly. Only
about 1 percent of all projects go through this process. These are the
types of large-scale, complex projects that can have serious, long-
lasting impacts on the environment, things like mines that remove
entire mountaintops, things like the construction of a new nuclear
power plant, exactly the types of things that should get close scrutiny
and that the public deserves to have a chance to weigh in on.
This amendment redefines significant effect on the environment to
mean only concrete harms that are directly caused by the proposed
agency action and materially impair human health or property. That is a
drastic narrowing of how we think about the impacts of Federal actions.
To use a public lands example, I will just quote from the Federal
Land Policy and Management Act of 1976. It says: The policy of the
United States is to manage public lands in a manner that will protect
the quality of scientific, scenic, historic, ecological, environmental,
air and atmospheric, water resource, and archaeological values.
Now the courts have backed up this spectrum of values for decades.
The Supreme Court has held that NEPA should analyze a broad range of
harms, including recreational and esthetic enjoyment of the
environment.
Who here really thinks that there is no significant effect on the
environment of a proposed refinery that would only light up a protected
dark sky all night, every night next to a neighborhood? Or is there
really no significant effect on the environment if a pipeline would
disrupt big game migrations that hunters depend on to feed their
families?
Of course, this definition means no amount of climate-changing
emissions that could be considered to have had a significant effect on
the environment would ever be considered.
The American people deserve the full picture of a proposed action and
its significant effects on the environment. This amendment puts the
blinders on even more than the underlying bill, which already goes too
far in that direction.
Mr. Chair, I urge a ``no'' on the amendment, and I reserve the
balance of my time.
Mr. ROY. Mr. Chair, the reason we are here, the reason that we have
this legislation on the floor, is that NEPA is egregiously broken. The
SPEED Act, which has been brought to the floor by the chairman, places
commonsense caps on how long an EIS can take, and this amendment goes
further to restrict what triggers this lengthy, onerous process.
Under the current runaway practice, NEPA reviews delay reliable
energy projects by 3.9 years. Think about that. Want to know why we
have difficulty getting affordable energy? All of these reviews, all of
this cumbersome process, has delayed the ability for people to come
together and produce energy for themselves, the energy that allows us
to be in a heated facility and lit and living and having the benefits
of modern life and having hospitals powered and having cars that
function and homes that are heated and cooled.
You add this 4-year lengthy addition with an EIS, environmental
impact statement, and you make it more difficult.
America must be able to get energy projects up and running and on the
grid if we are going to compete on the global stage and continue to be
able to live the benefits of modern life. This amendment addresses the
most onerous part of the currently bloated NEPA process.
Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. HUFFMAN. Mr. Chair, we have a major disagreement on what ``common
sense'' means in this Congress.
To me, and I think really to most Americans, it is just common sense
that if you have a project that would destroy hunting access to some
vital part of our public lands that generations have depended on, if
you have a project that would cause a sacred Tribal site to no longer
be enjoyed by folks who have depended on it for millennia, that that
should undergo an environmental review. That seems like common sense to
most people. But in this strange Congress, I guess common sense just
means just do those projects anyway and don't even consider
alternatives and don't even consider the impacts. That is why I oppose
this amendment, and I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. ROY. Mr. Chair, I will remind my colleagues that what this
amendment does is defines a significant effect as having ``a proximate
and concrete harm that is directly caused by the proposed agency action
and that materially impairs human health or property,'' fairly common
sense.
Mr. Chair, in closing, I am going to take 30 seconds, a point of
personal privilege here, to respond to something that the gentleman
alluded to earlier in another exchange with another Member talking
about so-called frivolous litigation by our current President.
I find it absolutely extraordinary that in the same week that we
found out that the FBI literally told higher-ups at the Department of
Justice and the White House that there was not probable cause to engage
in a raid at Mar-a-Lago on the former President of the United States,
that we are somehow going to enter that fray and not acknowledge the
extent to which the abuse of power and the abuse of authority by the
Biden administration and by his Department of Justice was
extraordinary, historic, corrupt, and worthy of note.
{time} 1100
If my colleagues want to venture into a debate about lawfare, then we
will be happy to talk about the Manhattan DA. We will be able to talk
about Fani Willis. We will be happy to talk about Jack Smith. We will
be happy to talk about Arctic Frost, not because we are happy that they
occurred, but because the American people are offended about the
assault on President Trump, on the Members of this body, and on the
people of the United States.
Mr. Chair, I urge adoption of my amendment, and I yield back the
balance of my time.
Mr. HUFFMAN. Mr. Chairman, I thought we were debating a bill that
proposes a permitting reform. Of course, we have lots of disagreements
about how it impacts our bedrock environmental laws, but I guess we
never want to miss an opportunity to go into the fever swamp of
conspiracism that is the Kash Patel FBI these days.
I will bring it back to the subject at hand.
This is a bad amendment.
Mr. Chair, I urge my colleagues to oppose it, and I yield back the
balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Roy).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the ayes
appeared to have it.
Mr. HUFFMAN. Mr. Chair, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Texas will
be postponed.
Mr. WESTERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I move that the Committee do now rise.
The motion was agreed to.
Accordingly, the Committee rose; and the Speaker pro tempore (Mr.
Stauber) having assumed the chair, Mr. Evans of Colorado, Acting Chair
of the Committee of the Whole House on
[[Page H6044]]
the state of the Union, reported that that Committee, having had under
consideration the bill (H.R. 4776) to amend the National Environmental
Policy Act of 1969 to clarify ambiguous provisions and facilitate a
more efficient, effective, and timely environmental review process, had
come to no resolution thereon.
____________________