[Congressional Record Volume 171, Number 208 (Wednesday, December 10, 2025)]
[Senate]
[Pages S8597-S8598]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
Arctic Frost Investigation
Mr. GRASSLEY. Mr. President, if you hear the term ``Arctic Frost,''
for most of us in Washington, DC, it is not a meteorological term. It
is a name that the Biden administration put on the efforts through
Special Counsel Jack Smith to put then-citizen Trump in prison so he
could never run for President again.
I have been trying to make as much of this information that we
discover public. So I come to the Senate floor now to discuss this now-
infamous Arctic Frost investigation that I and Senator Johnson of
Wisconsin have exposed.
As we have shown through our investigation, Arctic Frost was not just
about putting President Trump in prison, but it was a means to an end.
That end that the Arctic Frost investigation sought was a vehicle by
which partisan FBI agents and partisan Department of Justice
prosecutors could improperly investigate the entire Republican
political apparatus.
As Arctic Frost became Special Counsel Jack Smith's election case, it
also targeted over 400 Republican groups and individuals. Recently,
Senator Johnson and I have exposed that the Special Counsel's office
obtained phone records of at least 11 Senators and 6 Members of the
House of Representatives--all of them Republican. I expect there will
be more Members of Congress added to that list. Each of these subpoenas
included a court-issued nondisclosure order.
Recently, I made public Department of Justice documents, including
emails. These documents showed that Special Counsel Smith's office knew
of the constitutional implications of issuing a subpoena for
congressional data.
A May 17, 2023, email shows that Molly Gaston from Special Counsel
Smith's office emailed John Keller, one of the heads of Biden's
Department of Justice Public Integrity Section. In that email, Gaston
consulted Keller about issuing subpoenas for Members' phone records.
Keller, from the Department of Justice, told her that there might be
litigation risk if you do that.
So Smith's staff was warned.
And the reason why? Keller said subpoenaing congressional information
could violate the speech or debate clause of the Constitution.
As we all know, the speech or debate clause protects Members of
Congress from any retaliation or civil action for what is said right
here on the floor of the House and Senate.
Well, no kidding--they were warned.
Of course, the Department of Justice knows that core constitutional
activity of constitutional officers is protected in the Constitution.
Keller's email to Gaston also notes case law saying legislators
asserting an invasion of speech or debate may intervene and oppose
subpoenas. So it is a constitutionally based opposition. However,
affected Members--remember they are all Republicans--weren't afforded
the opportunity to challenge the subpoenas, as the law would give them
the right to do.
It is all about the subpoenas having a nondisclosure order in it.
Now, these nondisclosure orders, rubberstamped by a judge named
Boasberg and others on the same court, kept secret Jack Smith's action
against the Republican Members. So far, almost all of the nondisclosure
orders for Members' own records were signed by Judge Boasberg.
On November 20, 2025, I, along with Chairman Johnson and Mr. Jordan,
chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, wrote to Judge Boasberg. We
asked what information Special Counsel Smith's office presented, if
any, to the court that led to the approval of the nondisclosure orders
of Members' phone records, in violation of Federal law.
We also asked Mr. Boasberg if he ever denied any Department of
Justice nondisclosure order requests.
Now, Judge Boasberg never answered our letter. He had Judge Robert
Conrad, the Director of the Administrative Office of the U.S. Courts,
responding on his behalf. Judge Conrad failed to fully answer our
questions. The letter claimed that responding to our letter fully would
``encroach upon the separation of powers.''
Now, the court ought to have raised that concern when Special Counsel
Smith requested the nondisclosure orders for the legislative branch
phone records--not after it became public as a result of our getting
these documents.
But the limited response by the judge shows that the Federal court,
including Judge Boasberg, essentially acted as a rubberstamp in
approving Special Counsel Smith's nondisclosure orders.
[[Page S8598]]
Judge Conrad's letter stated that the Department of Justice typically
doesn't include a subpoena with a nondisclosure order request and only
provides a signifier, like a phone number, to the court. Thus, the
information before the court would reveal that a phone number belonged
to a Member of Congress.
Judge Conrad's response appears to indicate that Special Counsel
Smith's office failed to disclose to the court that any subpoenas
sought phone records for Members of Congress. Jack Smith took this
egregious action even though Smith and his team knew case law was clear
that legislators could challenge the grand jury subpoena on grounds it
violated the speech or debate clause of the Constitution. The letter
from Judge Conrad raises serious questions about Special Counsel
Smith's candor--or lack thereof--before the court.
But the volume of subpoenas issued by the special counsel's office
should have raised alarms with Judge Boasberg and any other judges
involved in issuing those subpoenas--alarms that maybe congressional
records could have been swept up by the government's conduct.
So there are some questions: Did Judge Boasberg and others even ask
the question? Was even a small amount of due diligence done? Boasberg
and others won't say. Not asking these simple questions appears to be a
clear dereliction of duty.
The actions by the Biden Justice Department and the Federal court
raise more questions that Congress and the American people deserve
answers to.
These things are very important because when the power of the Federal
Government, particularly through the Department of Justice prosecutors
and the FBI to be politically weaponized to put anybody in prison--and
if they can attempt to do it to a former President then and now
President Trump for 4 years, it could be done to anybody. And we need
to know that this should never happen again in the United States of
America.
So I am giving you this update. Accordingly, my oversight will
continue.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Ohio.