[Congressional Record Volume 171, Number 195 (Wednesday, November 19, 2025)]
[Senate]
[Pages S8226-S8231]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




  PROVIDING FOR CONGRESSIONAL DISAPPROVAL UNDER CHAPTER 8 OF TITLE 5, 
    UNITED STATES CODE, OF THE RULE SUBMITTED BY THE ENVIRONMENTAL 
PROTECTION AGENCY RELATING TO ``EXTENSION OF DEADLINES IN STANDARDS OF 
PERFORMANCE FOR NEW, RECONSTRUCTED, AND MODIFIED SOURCES AND EMISSIONS 
  GUIDELINES FOR EXISTING SOURCES: OIL AND NATURAL GAS SECTOR CLIMATE 
                 REVIEW FINAL RULE''--Motion to Proceed

  Mr. SCHIFF. With that, I move to proceed to Calendar No. 162, S.J. 
Res. 76.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.
  The bill clerk read as follows:

       Motion to proceed to Calendar No. 162, S.J. Res. 76, a 
     joint resolution providing for congressional disapproval 
     under chapter 8 of title 5, United States Code, of the rule 
     submitted by the Environmental Protection Agency relating to 
     ``Extension of Deadlines in Standards of Performance for New, 
     Reconstructed, and Modified Sources and Emissions Guidelines 
     for Existing Sources: Oil and Natural Gas Sector Climate 
     Review Final Rule''.


                             Vote on Motion

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on agreeing to the motion.
  Mr. SCHIFF. I ask for the yeas and nays.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
  There appears to be a sufficient second.
  The clerk will call the roll.
  The bill clerk called the roll.
  Mr. BARRASSO. The following Senator is necessarily absent: the 
Senator from West Virginia (Mr. Justice).
  Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from Massachussetts (Mr. 
Markey) and the Senator from Vermont (Mr. Sanders) are necessarily 
absent.
  The result was announced--yeas 46, nays 51, as follows:

                      [Rollcall Vote No. 622 Leg.]

                                YEAS--46

     Alsobrooks
     Baldwin
     Bennet
     Blumenthal
     Blunt Rochester
     Booker
     Cantwell
     Collins
     Coons
     Cortez Masto
     Duckworth
     Durbin
     Fetterman
     Gallego
     Gillibrand
     Hassan
     Heinrich
     Hickenlooper
     Hirono
     Kaine
     Kelly
     Kim
     King
     Klobuchar
     Lujan
     Merkley
     Murphy
     Murray
     Ossoff
     Padilla
     Peters
     Reed
     Rosen
     Schatz
     Schiff
     Schumer
     Shaheen
     Slotkin
     Smith
     Van Hollen
     Warner
     Warnock
     Warren
     Welch
     Whitehouse
     Wyden

                                NAYS--51

     Banks
     Barrasso
     Blackburn
     Boozman
     Britt
     Budd
     Capito
     Cassidy
     Cornyn
     Cotton
     Cramer
     Crapo
     Cruz
     Curtis
     Daines
     Ernst
     Fischer
     Graham
     Grassley
     Hagerty
     Hawley
     Hoeven
     Husted
     Hyde-Smith
     Johnson
     Kennedy
     Lankford
     Lee
     Lummis
     Marshall
     McConnell
     McCormick
     Moody
     Moran
     Moreno
     Mullin
     Murkowski
     Paul
     Ricketts
     Risch
     Rounds
     Schmitt
     Scott (FL)
     Scott (SC)
     Sheehy
     Sullivan
     Thune
     Tillis
     Tuberville
     Wicker
     Young

                             NOT VOTING--3

     Justice
     Markey
     Sanders
  The motion was rejected.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Louisiana.


                          Trump Administration

  Mr. KENNEDY. Madam President, with me today is one of my colleagues 
from my office Mr. Nick Ayers.
  Every time I look at or read an article about the One Big Beautiful 
Bill, I am shocked--though that sounds pejorative, maybe ``impressed'' 
is the right word--at its breadth. It is such an expansive piece of 
legislation.
  On the airplane flying back from our last break, I sat down with some 
of my notes and just made a quick list off the top of my head of some 
of the things that we did in the One Big Beautiful Bill. And I hate to 
read to people, but I will just read you from my notes--and I won't 
even read all of them--but this is what we did in the One Big Beautiful 
Bill.
  We extended the 2017 tax cuts. We saved $1.3 trillion for the 
American people. We made them permanent. We cut taxes on tips. We cut 
taxes on overtime. We cut taxes on Social Security. We provided 
deductions for car loans. We increased the standard deduction. We 
continued the 20 percent income deduction for LLCs. We repealed the IRS 
reporting requirements for gig workers. Nobody ever talks about that. 
That was huge.
  We passed school choice tax credits--first time Congress has ever 
done something like that. We enhanced 529 education savings accounts. 
We provided full expensing for research and development.

[[Page S8227]]

  I mean, I could keep going here.
  We reformed Medicaid. We ended Federal payments for abortion and 
gender surgery and sex change operations through Medicaid.
  I could go on for 20 more minutes. It is just an extraordinary piece 
of legislation.
  My only regret with respect to the bill is that we did it without 
Democratic votes. We did it with all Republican votes. I wish that 
hadn't been the case. I wish we had been able to convince some of our 
Democratic colleagues to join with us.
  The obvious question while I make my statement is: How did you do 
that? How did you get past the filibuster? It takes 60 votes. You don't 
have to be an astrophysicist to know that about the U.S. Senate.
  Well, as you know, Madam President, we did it under reconciliation.
  Under reconciliation, only a majority vote is required--60 votes 
aren't required. You can do it with a majority vote. That is how we 
passed the One Big Beautiful Bill.
  That is how President Biden passed much of his legislation. 
Reconciliation, as we know, is a creature of the Budget Control Act. I 
think of reconciliation as sort of a minibudget. That is a gross 
exaggeration and oversimplification, but I think of it as a minibudget.
  Madam President, could we ask for order?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. I ask the Senators, please take your 
conversations off the floor.
  Mr. KENNEDY. Madam President, I think of reconciliation as more of a 
minibudget. Now, that is an oversimplification and exaggeration, and we 
can't do everything in reconciliation, but we can do a lot--we can do a 
lot.
  We passed the reconciliation bill on July 1, about 5 months ago. And 
something that even members of the media are not aware of is we have 
the authority before the midterm elections to do two more 
reconciliation bills.
  The first one that we did--we can do two more--the first of three 
potential reconciliation bills we passed 5 months ago.
  You know, you can do a lot in 5 months. Five months around here is a 
long time ago. In 5 months, you can learn a language. You have to work 
at it every day. In 5 months, you can learn how to play a musical 
instrument. In 5 months, you can write a book. In 5 months, you can 
start a small business.
  In 5 months, during World War II, the United States defeated the 
Japanese in the Guadalcanal invasion. In 5 months, the Duke of 
Wellington defeated Napoleon after he escaped from Elba. In 5 months, a 
baby goes from gurgling and crying to saying mama and dada.
  Five months is a long time.
  How have we used that 5 months? Now, I am not putting anybody down. I 
want to say that. I am not criticizing any of my colleagues. I love my 
colleagues. I don't hate anybody. I love every one of my colleagues. 
And I am labor; I am not management.
  But one of the reasons I came to the floor is to suggest to all of my 
colleagues--both my Democratic friends and my Republican friends--that 
time is wasting. The President has been pounding us. He has been 
criticizing us like we stole Christmas--like we stole Thanksgiving--for 
not getting rid of the filibuster.
  Why does he want to get rid of the filibuster? Because he thinks we 
can pass a bill with 51 votes. We can already pass a bill with 51 
votes. We just did it with the One Big Beautiful Bill, and we can do 
two more.
  So why have we sat around for 5 months and not started on the second 
reconciliation bill? I just don't get it. I don't get it. I mean, in my 
opinion--and really I am not--I am just making an observation--to me, 
it is a 12-piece bucket of stupid not to do another reconciliation bill 
and to waste 5 months before we even start on a second reconciliation 
bill, assuming that we get started tomorrow.
  I mean, humans are supposed to have evolved as a species. Why 
wouldn't we not do a second reconciliation bill? Think of what we could 
do. I mean, moms and dads all across America tonight are going to lie 
down to sleep, and they won't be able to.
  What are they worried about? Well, they are worried about the cost of 
housing for one thing. They are worried about the cost of home 
insurance. They are worried about the cost of flood insurance. They are 
worried about the cost of health insurance.
  We all know that.
  They are worried about the cost of living. Now, I think President 
Trump has done a good job on inflation. At one point under President 
Biden, we experienced 9 percent inflation. We have got it down to 3 
percent, and I think that is extraordinary.
  But the American people don't understand--nor can they be expected to 
understand because they are too busy earning a living--they don't know 
the difference between deflation and disinflation.
  What we have experienced is disinflation. When we went from 9 percent 
to 3 percent, all that meant was that prices were going up at 9 
percent. Now they are only going up at 3 percent.
  They are still going up.
  What the American people are interested in is deflation, getting the 
high prices that we have as a result of the policies of President 
Biden's administration, getting those prices down, not stopping them 
from growing as quickly--getting them down. And the American people are 
worried about it.
  And again, I applaud President Trump and his economic team for doing 
as well as they have, but we have got more work to do.
  And reconciliation, assuming it could survive the parameters of the 
Budget Control Act, we could address rules and regulations. We spend 
almost $2 trillion a year--we, I say ``we,'' the business community 
does. It spends almost $2 trillion a year complying with Federal rules 
and regulations. They pass that cost on.
  Why do you think goods and services cost more today? In large part, 
in substantial part, it is the result of rules and regulations. Through 
a reconciliation bill, we could pass measures to get the cost of those 
goods and services down and actually reduce those prices by getting a 
little government off the backs of businesspeople.
  We could do all those things through reconciliation.
  And so, the first reason I came to the floor tonight is to say to my 
colleagues: Pretty please, with sugar on top--I will even add a cherry, 
I will even throw in a coupon for a personal pan pizza--please, let's 
do another reconciliation bill.
  And when I say ``we,'' I am saying the Republican majority. Let's 
invite our Democratic colleagues to join with us--and I hope after 
inviting them, I sincerely hope they will take us up on it.
  But if they don't--and they don't have to; it is a free country--it 
only takes a majority to pass the reconciliation bill. And after we do 
the second one, we can do a third one before the midterms.
  If we do not take advantage of this opportunity to lower the cost of 
living for the American people through reconciliation when we only need 
51 votes to do it, it is legislative malpractice. It is legislative 
malpractice. It is dumb as a bowl of noodles.
  So that is my plea to my colleagues tonight. I am not saying we have 
done nothing for 5 months. We have done a lot of other things in 5 
months, but we haven't done anything to lower the cost of living for 
the American people, and we can't look back. We have lost 5 months, but 
we should get started tomorrow.


                                  BBC

  Madam President, the second topic I want to talk about--gosh, I wish 
I started with this first. I hate to end with a negative note, but the 
second thing I want to talk about makes me want to stick my head in the 
oven.
  British Broadcasting Corporation, we have all heard of it--BBC. It is 
the United Kingdom's version of the Corporation for Public 
Broadcasting. The BBC is the United Kingdom's state-owned, state-paid-
for, state broadcast corporation. I think they call it ``Beeb.'' I 
think that is the slang term for the British Broadcasting Corporation.
  And everybody in the United Kingdom pays for it. You know, we were 
paying--the American people were paying a lot for the Corporation for 
Public Broadcasting before we stopped the subsidies. The American 
people were paying about $500 million a year. The Corporation for 
Public Broadcasting, they were pikers compared to the BBC.

[[Page S8228]]

  In the United Kingdom, every citizen, whether they watch BBC or not, 
every citizen has to pay $230 a year--everybody. It doesn't matter 
whether you watch the BBC or not. You may just have nothing but 
streaming services. You still have got to pay $230 a year to the BBC.
  They collect billions of dollars a year. Somewhere here in this mess 
I have got the exact figure. I think it is something like $4 billion a 
year. Our national broadcasting programs were just pikers compared to 
theirs.
  And they have tentacles like an octopus.
  I mean, the BBC is everywhere, not just in the United Kingdom. It is 
omnipresent.
  I was doing some research today. I mean, they broadcast four 
entertainment-oriented television channels. They broadcast two 
children's channels. They broadcast Parliament. They have local 
language channels in Scotland and Wales. They have a domestic 24-hour 
news channel. And these folks are everywhere. They run dozens of radio 
stations. They operate their own video and audio streaming services.
  I mean, I could go on and on and on. Why am I mentioning that? Well, 
the BBC is a big deal. They reach a lot of people--millions and 
millions of people--not just in the United Kingdom but across the 
world. It is important that they be fair, and it is important that they 
be balanced, and it is important that they be accurate. And they are 
not, and it has been a problem for a long time.
  Five or six years ago, at the suggestion of Parliament, which was 
very upset with the BBC's bias, they hired a consultant--a smart 
gentleman--and he did a report on how to improve the BBC and make it 
fairer. It was a huge report. Here is just part of it right here. This 
isn't even all of it. This is just some of it right here.
  He spent hours and spent a lot of money preparing this report. He 
sent it to the BBC. Do you know what the BBC did? Nothing. Nothing. 
Zero. Zilch. Nada. They just continued on doing what they always do, 
sucking on their teeth, publishing whatever they want.
  And nothing would have happened except that the report issued by the 
consultant leaked. Somebody leaked it to a newspaper in the United 
Kingdom, the Telegraph, and they published it. And the whole world got 
to see what the BBC's own consultant had found.
  I will give you a couple of examples.
  We all remember January 6. President Trump gave a speech. We have all 
seen it. It was a long speech. It was about an hour, maybe longer.
  A week before the last Presidential election in America, the BBC did 
a documentary on President Trump. And do you know what they did? They 
took his hour-plus-long speech, and they took two snippets from that 
speech--one snippet at the beginning and one snippet at the end.
  The excerpts that the BBC took were 50 minutes apart. So they took 
them totally out of context, and they spliced those two excerpts 
together to make it look like one speech. And they had the President of 
the United States calling, making a direct plea, for violence. The way 
the BBC edited the President's speech, he was telling the people at his 
speech to march on the Capitol and invade it.
  Well, that is not what his speech said.
  Now, reasonable people can disagree all they want to, but no 
reasonable person can listen to the President's speech and conclude 
that he told people to go out and riot and break into the Capitol.
  But the BBC took these two snippets and put them together. I defy you 
to listen to it. They pulled it down now, but it is on the internet. It 
sounds like the President is telling his supporters: Go to the Capitol 
and raise fresh hell and invade it and hurt people.
  And then you know what they did on top of that? After they edited the 
President's speech--he didn't say what they said he said. They showed a 
clip of the Proud Boys--we all know who the Proud Boys are--marching on 
the Capitol, as if the Proud Boys were acting in response--in direct 
response--to the President's speech that the BBC edited.
  One problem, the footage that they aired of the Proud Boys, it didn't 
happen after the President's speech. It happened--the footage of the 
Proud Boys marching along was way before he ever gave the speech. And 
they packaged this junk together and ran it on television.
  And this consultant called them out, and the BBC ignored it.
  Do you know what else the consultant found? The consultant found that 
one of their news--he pointed out that a reporter on one of the BBC 
News channels reported this to the world. I am going to quote this news 
reporter from the BBC:

       Trump is out there on the campaign trail saying he wants 
     people to shoot Liz Cheney in the face. Is that the sort of 
     thing that women react well to?

  This is a reporter for the BBC. The President of the United States 
never said that. He never said it. They just made it up. They were 
either lying or they need to put down the crack pipe.
  Another reporter for World News America, which is part of the BBC, 
reported, and I quote again, that Trump ``appeared to suggest that Liz 
Cheney should face a firing squad for her stance on foreign policy.''
  They attributed that to the President. He never said that. The 
consultant for the BBC sent this report to the BBC and said: What 
planet are you living on? You are supposed to be a news reporter. You 
can't just go make news up.
  The consultant's report for the BBC also talked about the BBC's 
coverage of the Israel-Hamas war. And the consultant pointed out that 
the reporting by the BBC was heavily, heavily biased in favor of Hamas. 
It wasn't balanced. It wasn't presenting two points of view. It was 
heavily weighted in favor of Hamas.
  For example, in February, the BBC produced a documentary on Gaza, and 
it was narrated by a young man, a 13-year-old man. What the BBC forgot 
to tell its audience is that the 13-year-old's dad was a Hamas senior 
official.
  Balanced reporting? Gag me with a spoon.
  In June of that same year--you probably read about this--the BBC 
broadcast a live music performance featuring calls for the deaths of 
Israeli soldiers. The consultant pointed this out to the BBC. They 
totally ignored him.
  The consultant also pointed this out. He said: Your coverage, BBC, of 
transgender issues is controlled--it is completely biased, and it is 
controlled by a certain group within BBC. And that group within BBC is 
a group of reporters called the LGBTQ Desk. They are reporters within 
the newsroom. They have their own--their own--what is the term I am 
looking for? Their own caucus. It is called the LGBTQ caucus--these 
reporters.
  And the consultant said: Look, your own reporters, the members of the 
LGBTQ caucus, are not reporting anything contrary about transgenderism 
to what you say. You are not being balanced. In fact, the United 
Kingdom--Great Britain--they have outlawed transgender surgery and 
transgender treatments for minors. The BBC never bothered to mention 
that.
  Now, look, you might be thinking: You know, what is the big deal? 
This is another country.
  But it is not all right. We may not be brothers and sisters, but we 
are certainly first cousins with the United Kingdom, and the BBC 
broadcasts worldwide. And this is simply not right when the good people 
of our cousin country are having to pay 200 bucks a year.
  Now, President Trump has said he is going to sue the BBC. Do you know 
what? I hope he does. I hope he does.
  This is a disgrace, and it is why I said that it makes me want to 
stick my head in an oven.
  I yield the floor.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Husted). The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. SULLIVAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The Senator from Alaska.


                       Unanimous Consent Requests

  Mr. SULLIVAN. Mr. President, I am coming down to the Senate floor for 
the second time in about a month to try to pass a really important bill 
for some really heroic constituents of mine, Alaskan Native Vietnam 
veterans, and I am going to explain this bill a little bit.

[[Page S8229]]

  Hopefully, the Senate is going to work well, because when I tried to 
pass this a month ago, Senator Padilla said: Hey, I am going to object, 
but if you work with us on some bills that you can move in a pairing, 
then we will pass this.
  So I have done that, and I will talk about that. I am actually going 
to try to pass two bills.
  I see that the senior Senator from New Mexico is on the floor, which 
doesn't bode well for the passage of this bill, which is disappointing, 
and I am going to get to why it is disappointing. It is remarkable that 
this bill would be blocked, again, by Democrats. But let me give you a 
little bit about the background.
  So Alaska Native people in my State serve at higher rates in the 
military than any other ethnic group in the country--what I refer to as 
special patriotism. You go into Alaska Native villages, you ask how 
many veterans are there, and almost everybody raises their hand. It is 
remarkable. It is patriotic. It is incredible. If the rest of the 
country were like Alaska Native people in terms of service to our 
military, we would have a better America.
  They underwent an incredible injustice because so many Alaska Natives 
went to Vietnam to serve in the war when a lot of Americans--let's face 
it--were avoiding service in Vietnam. So these great men and women went 
to serve their country in Vietnam. When they got drafted, they would 
say: Hey, it is my time. My dad fought in World War II. My uncle fought 
in Korea. I am just going.
  So they all went. And what happened--every Alaska Native had the 
ability to get, under a 1906 law, a Native allotment. You could go and 
say: Hey, I grew up in this area. I hunted and fished here. I want to 
get 160 acres for an allotment.
  The Federal Government would say: Here, you get that allotment.
  That was in the law.
  When these guys were over serving in Vietnam, Congress changed that 
law. It is complicated, but they passed what was called the Alaska 
Native Claims Settlement Act--a very important bill--and it 
extinguished the ability for Alaska Natives to get their Native 
allotment.
  Well, guess what. A lot of these guys and a few women were overseas 
serving their country in Vietnam. They didn't know. There was no 
internet, no cellphones, right? So they got home. They weren't treated 
well because they were Vietnam vets. Let's face that. They weren't 
treated well because there is still a lot of discrimination with regard 
to Native people, indigenous people. And then they were told: Oh, by 
the way, that Native allotment that you wanted? Sorry. When you were 
fighting for your country, we passed a law saying you can't get it 
anymore.
  Well, look, I thought that was a huge injustice, so I worked on a 
bill during President Trump's first term to say: Now, wait a minute, if 
you were overseas serving your country, and you missed your ability to 
apply for a Native allotment, you should get your ability to do that.
  That law passed. I was in the Oval Office when the President of the 
United States signed it. He said: This is an injustice. I am going to 
fix this for the Alaska Native Vietnam vets.
  I mean, what is more bipartisan than that? Why would you come down to 
the Senate floor and block this bill?
  So anyway, when Secretary Haaland, Secretary of the Interior--when 
she went through her confirmation process, I talked to her about a 
number of things. She was a Congresswoman at the time. I said: The No. 
1 issue I care about more than anything--more than oil and gas, more 
than resource development--the No. 1 issue I care about that you need 
to commit to me, Congresswoman Deb Haaland, is to rapidly implement 
this bill, OK? These are Vietnam vets. A lot of them are dying, OK? 
Make this a priority.
  I met with her twice, and she committed to me twice to do that. Guess 
what. Secretary Haaland did not keep her commitment at all. As a matter 
of fact, one of the first things she did when she got into office, the 
Secretary of the Interior under Joe Biden, she delayed implementation 
of this bill for 2 years, just put a moratorium on it.
  I was like, whoa, you certainly lied to me there, Madam Secretary. 
OK. Two years. She just did nothing.
  Overall, the program is a 5-year program. She shamefully did 40 
allotments in 4 years. Forty Alaska Native Vietnam vets got this. There 
are 2,000--over 2,000 who are eligible. They just didn't do it because 
they didn't want people to get land--even Alaska Native Vietnam 
veterans.
  So anyway, this bill has a 5-year window. It expires in December. All 
I am trying to do is extend it for 5 more years. That is it. This is a 
one-sentence bill. It changes the words ``5 years'' to ``10 years.''
  Guess what. Last year in December, I came down to the Senate floor, 
and I passed this unanimously. It passed. So the Senate passed it last 
year. The House has already passed it. If this bill passes tonight, it 
is going to go to the President, and he is going to sign it.
  Why would anyone block this?
  So I tried to do this a month ago, and Senator Padilla was on the 
floor, and he said: Hey, I am going to block it because we kind of 
don't think it is fair if we just get one Republican bill over the goal 
line.
  So he and I talked on the floor and said: Let us work with you, Dan, 
because we know this is important to you. We know this is important to 
your heroic constituents. Let us work with you. If you pair this with a 
Democrat bill that is important, we will work to pass it.
  So Senator Padilla objected when I tried to pass it last time. 
Democrats even suggested to me what bill to pair it with. It is called 
H.R. 1034 or S. 909. It is the La Paz County Solar Energy and Job 
Creation Act. It is a pretty good bill. It is a land exchange. This is 
Senator Gallego's bill.
  So the Democrats told me: If you can pair your bill for Vietnam vets 
with the Gallego bill, H.R. 1034, then that is fair because we are 
moving a Democrat bill and we are moving a Republican bill. They are 
paired together. By the way, they are both ready to go to be signed by 
the President. That would be fair.
  So my team worked really hard to clear all the Republican holds on 
the Senator Gallego bill. We worked on it for the last 3 or 4 weeks. 
There were a number of holds, and I went to my Republican colleagues: 
Hey, guys, can you lift the hold, right? This is a pretty good bill 
from Senator Gallego. It is important to him in Arizona, and this is 
really important to me.
  I explained the Alaska Native Vietnam vet bill. So we lifted the 
holds. Republicans cleared the hotline.
  So that is what has happened.
  Now, I guess, unless he is here to talk about how he supports my 
bill--so 2 hours ago, we thought this was going to clear. Gallego's 
bill. Sullivan's bill. Good for Arizona, Democrats. Good for Alaska 
Native Vietnam vets. We get a call an hour ago saying: Nope, the Dems 
are going to move the goalpost, and they are going to object.
  Why? I am really looking forward to hearing from my good friend from 
New Mexico on why they are going to object, but I am pretty sure I know 
why. He is going to tell me: Hey, we want to move more bills.

  Well, wait. You guys just told me 2 weeks ago: Pair the Gallego bill 
with the Alaska Native Vietnam vet bill, and we will pass it.
  Normally, the Senate works on trust, right? So I did that. But I 
guess now the Democrats are going to move the goalpost, and they want 
to leverage--leverage--Alaska Native Vietnam vets, heroes, to get more 
stuff. I don't know. I want to hear from Senator Heinrich.
  You know, the Dems are starting to get really good--it is a pattern--
at leveraging really good Americans--air traffic controllers for the 
last 40 days--to get other stuff. Now it looks like they are going to 
leverage Alaska Native Vietnam vets who got hosed by their own 
government. All they want is to get their allotment that they missed 
the opportunity to get when they were serving their country in Vietnam. 
Like, how hard is that?
  So, again, we have two good bills right now. One is a Dem bill, and 
one is a Republican bill. If we pass the H.R. bill, they are going to 
go right to the President's desk.
  Now, the other objection I heard from my Democratic colleagues is 
that, well, they don't want to pass House bills. So I am like, all 
right. Well, if you don't want to pass House bills, let's pass the 
Sullivan Senate

[[Page S8230]]

version of this and the Gallego Senate version.
  Again, I am down here on the floor trying to help Senator Gallego, a 
Democrat from Arizona. He is a marine. I like marines. He has a good 
bill here. It seems like it is going to help his constituents. So I am 
ready to go.
  All right. If you guys want to object to the House bill, I get that. 
We are objecting--some of our Senators are objecting to House bills 
even though those go right to the President's desk. We will move 
forward on the Senate bill. Now, that means it will have to go back 
over to the House, so it won't get signed by the President right away. 
So I am ready to do that too.
  I just want to help the people I represent, and these are very 
special people. If any of you or Senator Heinrich met some of these 
Alaska Native Vietnam vets, you would cry when you hear their stories. 
So heroic. And all I am trying to do is help them. And we got this 
done.
  By the way, the program expires in December. The program that I got 
done with President Trump's signature on it expires in a month. 
Secretary Haaland slow-walked it. I got it passed last year to extend 
it, and now my Democrat colleagues are going to slow-walk it. It is 
going to expire next month.
  I came here a month ago. They told me: All right, Dan. We know it is 
important to you. Go pair it.
  They said: Go pair Gallego's bill with this, and we will sign off on 
it.
  I got all the Republicans to sign off on my bill and Gallego's, and 
just an hour ago: Nope. We are going to leverage these Vietnam vets 
against you, Dan Sullivan, to get more.
  Now, look, the Senator from New Mexico is probably going to say: Hey, 
I want to move more bills.
  All right. I will help you move more bills. You just saw I worked 
Gallego's bill. But these two bills are ready to go to the President's 
desk--a Democrat bill which is a pretty good bill for Arizona and a 
Republican bill which is a really good bill for my constituents, heroic 
constituents.
  So I am going to try, and maybe Senator Heinrich is going to get up 
and say: Gosh darn it, Dan Sullivan. This is a great bill, and I just 
want to come here and speak out on behalf of it.
  You know, a lot of the Democrats talk about indigenous people, people 
of color, how much they care about minority communities. When it comes 
to my State, these guys target Alaska Natives. I have seen it my whole 
career. I mean, geez, the minority leader--the guy goes after Alaska 
Natives like they are some kind of criminals. It is outrageous.
  This is a bill for indigenous people of America, and all the 
Democrats: Oh, we care about--no, you don't. If you did--maybe Senator 
Heinrich tonight is going to talk about how much he cares about 
indigenous people in Alaska. I have seen him talk about it before. If 
he does, then he should prove it right now.
  So, Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on 
Energy and Natural Resources be discharged and the Senate proceed to 
the immediate consideration of the following bills en bloc; further, 
that the bills be considered read a third time and passed en bloc and 
that the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the 
table, all en bloc: H.R. 410, the Alaska Native Vietnam Era Veterans 
Land Allotment Extension Act of 2025, and H.R. 1043, the La Paz County 
Solar Energy and Job Creation Act.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
  The Senator from New Mexico.
  Mr. HEINRICH. Mr. President, reserving the right to object. I rise 
today to object on behalf of my colleague from California Senator 
Padilla and my colleague from Colorado Senator Bennet.
  The Energy and Natural Resources Committee does have a long tradition 
of bipartisanship and cooperation when it comes to passing very local 
and oftentimes very parochial land bills. Typically, this is negotiated 
in a package rather than the piecemeal approach that we are seeing 
today--for many reasons but in part because we have literally hundreds 
of bills within our committee's jurisdiction that need action, 
including the ones that my colleague is talking about today, with most 
representing very important local priorities in our States.
  Unfortunately, attempting to pass individual bills through unanimous 
consent in this manner tends to favor one party or one Chamber's 
priorities and is often ineffective at actually getting legislation 
signed into law.
  Senator Padilla, Senator Bennet, and I are happy to sit down with my 
colleague from Alaska and with the chairman to make sure that both our 
Chambers--both our parties' priorities can be put together in a way 
that we see them reach the finish line. Therefore, in support of my 
colleague from California and my colleague from Colorado, I must object 
at this time.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The objection is heard.
  The Senator from Alaska.
  Mr. SULLIVAN. Mr. President, I am disappointed in this. Now, I was 
trying to pass the H.R. bills from the House because those bills have 
already passed--the Gallego bill, the Sullivan bill, the lands transfer 
bill for Arizona, the Alaska Native Vietnam vets bill for my brave 
Alaska Native veterans. I was informed--and you heard it from the 
Senator from New Mexico--that maybe they don't want to pass House 
bills. He kind of said that. He did mention that he is objecting 
because he doesn't want to favor one party over the other. That 
argument is irrelevant because I am passing a Democrat bill and a 
Republican bill. So this is even stephen when it comes to the parties.

  I am very surprised that he is objecting on behalf of Senator Padilla 
because, when Senator Padilla objected to my bill a month ago, he 
literally said: Hey, Dan, work with us. Pair it with the Democrat bill. 
Then Senator Padilla's team even suggested which Democrat bill to pair 
it with, which was the Gallego bill, which I am trying to pass right 
now.
  So, as to what my colleague from New Mexico just said, none of it 
makes sense unless people are going back on their word, which is a 
little bit frustrating because the Senate operates on trust here. Maybe 
it is because my colleague doesn't like a House bill.
  So what I am going to try and do now--again, for Senator Gallego, a 
Democrat from Arizona, and for me, a Republican from Alaska--is try and 
pass by unanimous consent the Senate version of these bills. What I 
did--because I told the other side that I would do it--is I told 
Senator Gallego and Senator Padilla that I will clear Senator Gallego's 
bill; that I will clear it on the Republican side. It took a lot of 
work, but we got that done. So let's see if we can pass the Senate 
version of these bills.
  Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Energy 
and Natural Resources be discharged and the Senate proceed to the 
immediate consideration of the following bills en bloc; further, that 
the bills be considered read a third time and passed en bloc and that 
the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table, 
all en bloc: Senator Gallego's bill, S. 909; the La Paz County Solar 
Energy and Job Creation Act; and my bill, S. 785, the Alaska Native 
Vietnam Era Veterans Land Allotment Extension Act.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there an objection?
  The Senator from New Mexico.
  Mr. HEINRICH. Mr. President, I object.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The objection is heard.
  The Senator from Alaska.
  Mr. SULLIVAN. Mr. President, I am just going to end by saying I am 
very disappointed. I tried to do this a month ago. This bill of mine is 
really for some great heroes in America, and the program is going to 
expire in a month. This bill passed unanimously in December. My 
colleague from New Mexico came down and talked in process terms about 
why he is objecting. It is a little hard to understand, but I actually 
think there is probably something else going on here as I have been 
around this place long enough.
  This is a chart that I have called the last frontier lockup. It lists 
the 70 Executive orders and Executive actions all throughout the State 
of Alaska to lock up my State--70 Executive orders and Executive 
actions issued by the Biden administration to shut down Alaska, to stop 
getting access to Federal lands in Alaska, to stop any kind of resource 
development in Alaska--and 1 of those 70 was to delay and stop the 
Alaska Native Vietnam Era Veterans Land Allotment Extension Act

[[Page S8231]]

that Secretary Haaland committed me to implement.
  This is what my Democrat colleagues do. This is what they do to 
Alaska. They have groups--far-left groups--that tell them, when they 
get in power, to shut down Alaska.
  But wait a minute. We have bills that help Alaska Native indigenous 
people.
  They are like: Hey, we don't care about them. Shut down Alaska. Shut 
down indigenous people's opportunities.
  I saw, for 4 years with the Biden administration, this whole area of 
the National Petroleum Reserve of Alaska, which is meant for oil and 
gas development--that they shut down the whole thing, OK? Guess who 
wanted that to be open. All the indigenous leaders of the North Slope: 
the Tribe, the Alaska Native Corporations, the Borough Leadership. They 
came down here eight times to DC--eight times--to try to meet with the 
Secretary of the Interior, saying: Don't lock up my lands. Don't lock 
up my lands. She never met with them. She never met with them.
  My colleague from New Mexico has been the leader in locking up 
Alaska. I mean, I have come down to the floor and raised a little bit 
of heck on all of the actions he has taken to lock up my State.
  So, look, the Democrats really don't want anyone, including heroic 
Alaska Native Vietnam vets, to have access to land even though that is 
the law. It is really, really ironic that they always say they want to 
help indigenous people, but in my State, their actions are very 
different, and this is a great example of what they are doing.
  You know, it is really ironic, too, that during the 4 years of the 
Biden administration, when this was going on, it was ``drill, baby, 
drill'' in New Mexico. New Mexico, with the Secretary of the Interior's 
help, increased oil production from 1 million barrels to 2 million 
barrels a day on Federal lands. Yet the Senator from New Mexico and the 
Secretary of the Interior and Joe Biden said: We are going to shut this 
place down.
  Now they are saying: We are going to make sure the Native Vietnam 
vets--they have had a real injustice. We fixed it under law. Then it 
was delayed by the Biden administration's Secretary of the Interior.
  All I am trying to do is get a two-word change so this program can 
continue. These guys are dying every day, these great heroes. I came to 
the floor a month ago and tried to get it done.
  The Democrat Senator said: Do this, Dan.
  I did it.
  Do this, Dan.
  I did it.
  Pair it with the Democrat bill.
  I did it. It was ready to go.
  Then, an hour ago, they said: Nope. We are going to block it again.
  It is an outrage--it is an outrage--and it is not because of process. 
It is because they want to keep my State shut down. I see it every time 
here, and it is wrong. It is wrong.
  I will keep working. If you guys want to pass more bills, I will keep 
trying, but I am starting to lose a little trust. A month ago, I was on 
the floor, and you guys told me what to do to move this. I did it and 
none of you kept your word and that is not how this place operates.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Alaska.

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