[Congressional Record Volume 171, Number 126 (Wednesday, July 23, 2025)]
[Senate]
[Pages S4601-S4602]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
Housing
Mr. SCHATZ. Mr. President, when it comes to one of the most basic
necessities in life for people--housing--both political parties have
failed. Both political parties have failed.
Housing costs more than ever today, with the median home costing five
times as much as the median income for your average American. First-
time home buyers are fewer and older than ever. One in four renters is
being forced to spend more than half of their income on rent, and
homelessness is plaguing more people than ever before.
This crisis was not inevitable; it is a problem that the government
has created. There is not enough housing in this country because we
have made it virtually impossible to build housing. Ask anyone who has
tried to build anything--a shed, a patio, an accessory dwelling unit
for their in-laws. They will tell you that the moment you try to do
something, there are endless procedural hurdles and regulatory barriers
that immediately get in the way--exclusionary zoning; minimum lot
sizes; height restrictions; requirements for multiple staircases;
environmental reviews; dozens of public meetings, where the grouchiest
people in your neighborhood can stop the most virtuous project in your
neighborhood; extensive permitting paperwork; years-long battles with
community organizations and boards. And if you want to expedite your
permit, you can pay a permit expediter. If you have 10 grand, they will
put your thing on the top of the pile.
Nobody should like this system.
I cannot think of something so essential to American life--housing,
whether you rent or you want to own--so essential to American life
where the government has created the shortage on purpose, and then it
strokes its chin, confused as to why there is a shortage. There is a
shortage because of us. There is a shortage because of the government
itself making it hard to construct the thing we all say we want.
But the good news is this: If the government got us into this mess in
the first place, it can help to get us out. Mainly, that means getting
out of our own way and not preventing the very things we say we like.
A lot of progressives in my own party like to say ``We are for
housing. We are for clean energy. We are for transit and
infrastructure,'' but you can't be for something if you don't want it
near you. If you are for housing, you have to see the housing. If you
are for clean energy, you are going to see a windmill or wind farm or a
nuclear powerplant somewhere.
As we envision a just and sustainable and wealthy country, we have to
actually make the things that make us more sustainable and wealthy.
There is nothing progressive about preventing a nurse or a firefighter
or a teacher or a small business owner from actually living in the
community in which they work. There is nothing progressive about making
people drive an hour to work or, in Hawaii, forcing people to leave the
State.
Lawn sizes and building heights don't make neighborhoods; people do.
Yet you will often hear people who oppose new housing say things like:
We want to preserve the unique character of the neighborhood.
And this is something that I am embarrassed to say I didn't know
until I came to the U.S. Senate. I didn't understand what those words
mean and where they came from. They are echoing a dark time in American
history of the Jim Crow era. It was a time when communities
specifically codified into law language that prohibited Black people
and other racial minorities from moving into certain neighborhoods. The
racial covenants would literally say:
No lot covered by this indenture, or any part thereof,
shall ever be sold, resold, conveyed, granted, devised,
leased or rented to or occupied by, or in any other way used
by, any person or persons not of the Caucasian Race.
That is from a covenant in St. Louis from 1949. And there were
contracts just like that one in neighborhoods all across the country.
Then, racial covenants were outlawed, but their legacy continues today
because what happened was the racists, after this was outlawed, figured
out a proxy for race. They figured out a way to keep people separated,
figured out a way to keep people out of their neighborhoods, figured
out a way to make housing more constrained. And that is exclusionary
zoning. That is minimum lot sizes. That means you need interior
staircases. All of these things that sound virtuous--safety,
sanitation, environmental review, historic preservation--all of those
things actually matter, but understand that they are being weaponized
against the working class. They are being weaponized against the
working class.
I am not sure if this is permissible under the rules, but I am
looking at a bunch of Senate pages, all 16 years old, trying to figure
out: Where am I going to live when I get a job? Do I have to live with
my folks and for how long? Am I going to be able to move to a suburb or
a city or stay in my hometown? Where am I going to live?
So how do we fix it? First of all, government has a role that is not
just getting out of the way. On the financing
[[Page S4602]]
side, on the public housing stock side, on vouchers, on section 8, on
HUD-VASH, there are lots of programs that work--on the low-income
housing tax rate. There are a lot of government things that we do that
have helped and can help more.
But the truth is that the throughput capacity of the system is being
constrained by the government itself. We could allocate $3 trillion to
affordable housing, and if it is still hard to build a house in an
individual neighborhood, all that money would get stuck. Actually, the
State of California tried that. They allocated an enormous amount of
money to housing, and they didn't get very much built.
The county of Maui, many years ago, said: No new housing unless it is
affordable--which kind of lands on the ears in a wonderful way, right?
No new housing unless it is affordable. Do you know what happened?
There was no new housing at all for a full decade.
So we just have to embrace, on the left--the reason I care about this
is because I think it is the single most impactful economic policy that
we could implement, to make it easier to build housing for working
people, for students, for the disabled, for the elderly, for the
entrepreneurs, for cities, for towns, for rural neighborhoods. This is
important because I care about that.
Now, if you are a conservative, the basic principle is almost even
more simple, which is: It is your damn property. You should be
permitted to do what you want with your property within certain safety
boundaries and all the rest of it.
But if it is your property and you have a quarter of an acre and you
want to build an accessory dwelling unit for your kids because they are
adults and they just had a baby, you should be allowed to do pretty
much whatever you want with your property. But we have inverted the
presumption so that it is your neighbors that get to decide what you
get to do with your property.
So if you are a private property rights person, you should love the
idea of deregulating the housing market. If you are a progressive and
you see how much people are struggling right now, you should love the
idea of deregulating the housing market.
We need to reform land-use laws for upzoning to allow higher density,
reducing minimum lot sizes, deploying manufactured homes, enabling
single-room occupancy development wherever multifamily housing is
allowed. We know all this works because it is working in certain
places.
It is hard to keep any issue out of the partisan crossfire. It really
is. It is hard to keep anything out of the partisan crossfire. Everyone
retreats to their own corner and starts talking past each other and
trying to light the algorithm on fire.
Our ability to come together, use common sense, and find a way
forward will affect how people live and succeed for generations to
come.
Just this week, Senator Banks and I introduced legislation to
incentivize local governments to build more housing near federally
funded transit projects. Senator Young and I introduced the YIMBY Act,
the Yes in My Backyard Act, which encourages localities to cut onerous
regulations and adopt pro-housing policies.
We can and we do disagree about almost everything, but on this, we
should all be able to agree that in the richest country in the history
of the world, people should not have to worry about having a roof over
their heads. We can fix this, and we must.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Rhode Island.