[Congressional Record Volume 171, Number 118 (Wednesday, July 9, 2025)]
[Senate]
[Pages S4288-S4292]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
CLIMATE CHANGE
Mr. WHITEHOUSE. Mr. President, first of all, thank you, Senator
Murkowski.
I rise today for the 300th time with my trusty, increasingly battered
``Time to Wake Up'' chart to try to rouse this Chamber to the looming
dangers caused by fossil fuel pollution.
I am not sure whether this is a triumph of persistence or an
exposition of failure or a little bit of both. I will say that Speaker
Pelosi, whom I admire immensely, called out my persistent
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and relentless work on climate. But on the other hand, it is hard,
given our peril, not to feel a bitter sense of failure about where we
are.
The arc of these speeches has gone from climate science and warnings
through effects in oceans and specific localities, particularly red
State localities, to the political obstruction that went toxic in 2010,
and then from that political obstruction through to the climate denial
apparatus behind it, and behind that, to the dark money from the creepy
billionaires who have been driving the obstruction, and then an
exploration into essentially the covert op of climate denial and dark
money and Supreme Court capture.
The result is that we have been through some eras along the way. Era
No. 1 would be the science era which lasted quite a long time. By the
way, God bless the scientists. They got it right. Even the Exxon
scientists got it right. Then, that era ended, and the era of climate
politics began. That is what has been the bitter failure.
We have badly let down our people with the failure in Congress to do
anything significant about climate. As a result of that failure, we
have now entered the era of consequences, when the stuff that was so
predicted is now starting to actually happen in people's lives.
So I want to focus today on how and why we are where we are in this
era of well-predicted consequences and political failure, and that
takes us to this covert op that I briefly described.
It is entirely possible that history will show that the three most
consequential disasters for America in our lifetimes were the capture
of the Supreme Court by rightwing billionaires, the influx into our
elections of floods of corrupting special interest dark money, and the
success of the fossil fuel climate denial operation at blockading
solutions to the fossil fuel emissions crisis.
It is entirely possible that fossil fuel interests were the driving
force behind all three disasters. Indeed, it is likely.
What makes these disasters the three worst is that their damage will
be lasting, and perhaps even irrecoverable. Our common failure in all
three disasters as Democrats was showing up too late. Each of these
disasters was a victory for the insidious political forces behind the
Court's capture, behind the corrupting dark money operation, and behind
the climate denial fraud. Remember, those disasters didn't ``happen.''
They were done. And much of the work done by those insidious political
forces was covert and clandestine.
But there were plenty of signals of what was going on to anyone
paying attention. If you paid attention to the Court-capture scheme and
the dark money operation and the climate fraud, you would quickly
notice the overlap of the shadowy political forces behind all three.
You would notice the common thread: fossil fuel. Think of all three
special interest campaigns as a single covert operation. A covert op
run against America by forces within our country, an enemy within of
creepy billionaires, fossil fuel interests, and far-right foundations,
determined to impose on the country a blighted and unpopular vision
that they could never achieve democratically.
Up against a covert power-seizing plan like that, you need to move
fast; you need to engage early. If you wait too long, you will show up
too late. Why did we always show up too late? It wasn't because these
disasters were minor matters. A captured Supreme Court puts an entire
branch of government under hidden political control, with no electoral
remedy to its bad decisions thanks to lifetime appointments of the
captured Justices. Capture of our Supreme Court has caused lasting
damage already, deforming our constitutional order. The same interests
always winning is observable, as is the statistical improbability of
that, that it degrades faith in the Court.
Capture rocks the Court from within. A billionaire gift program to
reward the most amenable Justices with lifestyles of the rich and
famous twisted the Court into knots as it tried to prevent facts from
coming out, even potential tax cheating, and to defeat any real ethics
code.
That is all a devilish and rotten business in a great Republic. As to
dark money, well, dark money influence has corrupted Congress, and dark
money political spending denies citizens--American citizens--the basic
information they need to do their constitutional job of policing the
public square. Knowing who is out, doing what to whom is essential.
Well, the donors and the candidates and the party leadership, they
all know the players in the game. Donors don't spend billions without
making sure the politicians know. It is America's citizenry that is
left in ignorance. What citizens do see and feel is that they are not
being listened to. They don't matter so much anymore, not when tens of
millions of dollars of secret funds can be dumped into an election by a
billionaire.
Politicians are drawn to the money, inevitably. Remember the famous
saying:
Money is the mother's milk of politics.
Climate denial fraud may be the worst of the three. Climate denial
fraud success may have cost us our children's futures--the looming
physical catastrophes made inevitable by fossil fuel pollution,
damaging Earth's natural systems. They are first prefigured
economically in insurance markets, and it is happening. Insurance
markets are seeing what is coming.
Unlike fossil fuel, the insurance industry can't lie about our
future. Insurers are under a fiduciary obligation, reinforced by
trillions of dollars in bets, to predict future risk honestly and well,
and they are telling us that an economic storm is coming, driven by
climate upheaval. The leading edge of that economic storm is already
upon us in homeowners' property insurance markets melting down in
Florida and other coastal and wildfire risk areas. We are heading into
that storm unprepared while being lied to at industrial scale.
Three terrible things were done. Much of the scheme was covert, but
there was plenty to see. So what went wrong? I would say that my party
fell into a rut. We too often allowed pollsters to determine our
priorities. There are uses for pollsters in politics, but pollsters
should not set priorities.
Politicians worth their salt should set their own priorities, using
their own judgment based on their own interactions with their own
constituents and their own powers of foresight and anticipation. Those
capacities are important in politics. Depending on polls can make those
capacities flabby and weak.
Polling also depends on getting the questions right. When pollsters
aren't asking the right questions, it leaves massive blind spots. I
have seen polling presentations supposedly telling us what we should
care about that didn't even ask about climate change pollution or dark
money corruption.
Plus polling is inherently backward-looking, at least back to the
time the survey was taken, obviously, but truly well before that into
the lived experience of the polls' audience from previous months and
years that informed their answers to the polling.
So polling is ``reverse Gretzky.'' It tells you where the puck was.
How often have we been told in the Senate: That issue isn't very high
up in importance to voters. What a dumb and irresponsible way to think.
That way of thinking suffers from a huge readiness problem. By the time
a captured Supreme Court reveals its bad effects in voters' lives, it
is too late. The Court is captured.
By the time dark money influence invades elections, it is too late.
Dark money, the sin that makes possible all the sins dark money pays
for, is devilishly hard to root out.
And climate change, climate change is physics. Once that fossil fuel
pollution unleashes natural forces that will destroy our climate
safety, they are not always possible to call off. It is too late.
The lesson here, if you wait to fight until the polls tell you an
issue is important, the battle can be over before you show up.
Republicans' big donors want lower taxes for the rich, freedom for
polluters to pollute for free, less safety regulation of business.
None of those results is politically popular, so Republicans use
polling as a tool to manipulate and move public opinion. The purpose is
dynamic. Democrats think of polls like goalposts. Show me where the
goalposts are, and I will kick my policy football through those
goalposts. Static. Being static fails us.
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When danger looms, it is irresponsible to wait until everybody sees
the danger to give warning. If it was your house on fire, would you
wait around for your family to wake up and ask for your help? Of course
not.
And when you are up against strategy, particularly covert strategy,
you have to fight strategy with strategy. You have to prepare, not wait
around. And third, if you are always meeting voters where they already
are or were, they will begin to notice over time that you never have
anything new to say; that they never learn anything from you; that you
are not a leader but a follower of polls.
That sense of political listlessness quietly sinks in and informs the
political refrain: Republicans are shameless; Democrats are spineless.
Look now at the climate mess we are in. We are sailing toward
economic catastrophe, kicked off by collapsing insurance markets,
followed by physical catastrophe as Earth's natural systems collapse.
The fossil fuel polluters who caused this mess aren't penalized. They
float instead on an economic subsidy in the United States of $700
billion per year.
That subsidy comes from getting to pollute for free, a violation of
basic economic market principles. That $700 billion annual subsidy
roughly reflects the annual damage fossil fuels cause, a $700 billion
negative externality, as economists would say, that should be baked
into the price of the product.
But Republicans in Congress desperately protect that $700 billion
subsidy for their fossil fuel donors. Think of how that subsidy
motivates the fossil fuel industry in politics. To protect a $700
billion annual subsidy, would you spend, say, $7 billion a year in
politics defending the pollute-for-free subsidy? Seven billion dollars
a year to defend $700 billion a year?
At that rate, fossil fuel's political operation is likely the most
profitable facet of the entire industry. So they have an immense, well-
funded, covert, purposeful operation. And we wait until the pollsters
tell us the public is alert to it before we do battle? Ridiculous.
How do we recover? How do we recover from all the years we skated to
where the puck was and ignored the massive fossil fuel covert op
because the public hadn't seen it yet?
Well, first, we had better get on it. We have let a lot of sand run
through the hourglass as we dawdled, and we lost a lot of credibility
from missing those fights.
On climate, we have to face the facts. The facts are grim, and the
stakes are high.
The corporate consulting firm Deloitte has estimated a $220 trillion
difference in global GDP by 2070, depending on whether we succeed on
climate, thereby generating $40 trillion in global economic growth, or
continue failing and take a global $180 trillion economic hit. The
spread is $220 trillion, and Deloitte is not the lone voice.
The Potsdam Institute has warned of a $38 trillion annual hit to
global GDP by midcentury. Predictions of multitrillion dollar hits
abound.
And the international Financial Stability Board just warned the
global banking sector to buckle up.
The warnings focus on insurance, mortgage, and real estate markets.
The Economist magazine has reported a looming $25 trillion hit just to
the global real estate sector.
Fed Chair Powell testified earlier this year before the Senate
Banking Committee that climate change will make insurance and,
therefore, mortgages unavailable in entire regions of the United
States.
Voices at Allianz and Aon have warned that climate change threatened
to upend their entire industry.
The former chief economist of Freddie Mac told the Budget Committee
last Congress how insurance becomes unavailable, making mortgages
unavailable, driving down the value of your home. Similarly, when
insurance premiums--if you can get insurance. But if the premiums
double or triple, then property values fall as the carrying costs of
your home dramatically increase.
Average insurance costs in Florida--$14,000 a year--predicted to
double, triple, or quadruple. What does that do to the home price?
Together, the chief economist said, the crisis in insurance
availability and affordability can cascade into a 2008-style economic
meltdown that clobbers the entire economy.
Many of these warnings use the word ``systemic.'' Boring sounding
word but perhaps the most dangerous word in the economic lexicon. It
means the whole system gets hit, not just the particular sector--like
2008, or worse, 1929. Everyone suffers as the economy implodes.
The way out from this danger is clear and simple: It can't continue
to be free to pollute. There must be a global price or penalty on
carbon emissions. Nothing else works, not after the time we have
wasted. We have squandered every other option.
``Polluter pays'' is not just the right thing to do morally and
economically and environmentally, it is our last lifeboat. And it is a
lifeboat the fossil fuel industry is trying to sink, even after
pretending for years that that was the solution they wanted. Big
surprise. They lied. Hydrocarbons and lies are their twin products.
Our best prospect on carbon pollution right now is the European
Union's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism, called the CBAM. It is a
tariff on the emissions associated with carbon-intensive goods like
steel and aluminum that are imported into the EU.
Our scenario for success--if we still have one--is that the EU sticks
to its guns and doesn't chicken out; the UK honors its commitment to
join the CBAM--the two economies, by the way, just coordinated carbon
prices, a key step--and Australia and Canada and Mexico and other
economies follow suit.
There is actually even a sliver of Senate Republican interest in a
U.S. carbon border tariff.
A price on carbon pollution in international trade, at last, moves
things. It begins to offset fossil fuel's global multitrillion dollar
free-to-pollute subsidy. It aligns market incentives properly, and it
creates a revenue proposition--a revenue proposition for pollution
reduction and carbon-capture technologies, boosting an innovation
pathway to climate safety that presently does not exist.
Dark money corruption got us into this pickle, and the way out of
there is also clear and simple: Pass the damn DISCLOSE Act. Require
that donors over 10 grand into a political race show the public who
they are. No more front groups and shell corporations.
The dark money battle is a race against time to stop the dark money
influence operation before it gets its claws so deep into all three
branches of government that the whole system is too corrupted to care
how badly voters want transparency.
When that disclosure bill passes into law, the public will feel
immediate relief. People will notice the political class beginning to
turn its attention back to voters rather than to the billionaire donors
and the corporate polluter elite running the foul dark money operation.
And political ads, that tsunami of slime, will diminish as real
entities would have to own political messages. Many players behind the
tsunami of slime will actually back off. Because once voters understand
who is behind a message, sometimes, they get the joke, and you can't go
forward any longer. And even if they don't back off, at least someone
can be accountable for the slime and lies that permeate our politics.
Less special interest money, less slime and lies, less secrecy,
voters heard again--you might call it morning in America.
Fix dark money and you break the grip of fossil fuel. Look at what
fossil fuel dark money gets the Trump administration and Republicans in
Congress to do for them every day. Right out of the gate, day one of
his regime, Trump issued an Executive order that took wind and solar
power out of the definition of ``energy.''
Forget the politics; that doesn't even comport with the dictionary.
Trump's Interior Department set out to kill offshore wind, halting
the permitting process, even attempting to stop projects under
construction.
Trump's Energy Department choked off loans and funding for the
development and deployment of low-carbon technologies and proposed
slashing research budgets at our National Labs.
Trump's Environmental Protection Agency--now better called ``Polluter
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Protector Agency''--illegally terminated billions for clean energy
products around the country. It set up California's Clean Air Act
vehicle emissions standards to be killed by the Congressional Review
Act, a gambit first floated by fossil fuel industry lawyers in an op-ed
in the polluter-run Wall Street Journal's editorial page.
And to pull this off, my Republican colleagues even went nuclear:
overruled the Senate Parliamentarian.
The Trump EPA announces it will repeal rules limiting air pollution
from powerplants and vehicles, reverse the 2009 finding that greenhouse
gas emissions endanger humans, suspend the collection of emissions
data--they don't even want the data?--and eliminate the social cost of
carbon, the rule that quantifies that $700 billion in fossil fuel
emissions harm.
In Congress--because bad things happen here as well--here is my
favorite: Republicans undid our fee on excess methane emissions. You
have to know that this fee only applied to emissions exceeding the
industry's own industry standards. And half of those methane leaks
could be eliminated at no net cost since methane--natural gas--if not
leaked, can be sold. So Republicans in Congress took the side of the
industry's worst leakers to relieve them of having to pay for their
mess.
And just last week, Republicans passed Trump's megabill, a many-
headed hydra, turning the power of government to help fossil fuel
billionaires throttle their clean energy competition. This will kill
thousands of jobs, cede dominance of clean energy to China, drive
consumers' electric prices way higher, and turbocharge the carbon
pollution that is already making insurance, groceries, and electricity
more expensive.
There is one simple goal behind all of this: help Republicans' fossil
fuel donors to sell more oil, natural gas, gasoline, and diesel. Every
electric car that is never produced means one more internal combustion
engine that will spend years consuming their gasoline. Every solar
array or wind turbine that is never built will mean more of their
natural gas combusted to produce electricity.
It doesn't matter to the creepy billionaires that the ownership cost
of an EV are already less than those of a combustion engine or that
solar power is now the cheapest form of energy there is. All that
matters is the narrow self-interest of the polluting fossil fuel
industry that funds and controls the Republican Party.
Every indication is that the fossil fuel industry dark money
operation orchestrated the Republicans' energy agenda. Every indication
is that they have burrowed into the executive branch and are running it
from the inside.
Russell Vought, for instance, running OMB, has spent, essentially,
his entire career on fossil fuel's dark money payroll. His counsel
there is Mark Paoletta from that infamous painting of the Court fixer
Leonard Leo, billionaire donor Harlan Crow, and their pet Supreme Court
Justice Clarence Thomas from the Court capture operation.
Which brings us to the captured Court, the Court that dark money
built. Freeing the Supreme Court from its captured state will not be
easy. Too many Justices are willing participants in the capture scheme.
If the Supreme Court Justices wanted to redeem their Court, they
could have done it already. They could do it on their own any day. But
captured is as captured does; they don't want to.
It matters on climate. A rejuvenated Court would take the evidence of
climate harm seriously. Over and over, the Court that dark money built
has favored fossil fuel interests. For instance, it threw out the Clean
Power Plan, saving industry tens of billions in compliance costs and
allowing more than a dozen years of continued pollution.
Let's say that $700 billion fossil fuel subsidy number is close to
right. If the Clean Power Plan would only have shaved 10 percent off
the harm, that one decision cost Americans nearly $1 trillion in
pollution harm. That is worth capturing the Court for if you are the
fossil fuel industry.
The Court created the major questions doctrine to give the fossil
fuel industry a legal weapon to stop future climate regulations. The
Court withdrew the Chevron doctrine, taking away from experts in the
regulatory process the benefit of the doubt.
In all these cases, the fossil fuel industry got free legal services
from Republican attorneys general, undoubtedly grateful for their
fossil fuel political funding. What a rotten misuse of that badge of
office.
To reform the Court, Congress will have to act on two fronts. One is
to require a proper ethics code for the Court, including the essential
elements of proper legal process: actual factfinding and neutral
decision making. Not complicated stuff. Rule of law is based on those
two principles. The Justices shield themselves from both.
The present Court and its political defenders pretend that fixing
this is impossible, but it is not. Every State supreme court faces the
issue of administering a proper ethics code for itself, and every
single one has figured it out.
Forget impossible; it is not even hard.
The problem is that the Justices--or certain of them--enjoy being the
only nine people in government immune from proper ethics scrutiny. Look
at that billionaire gift program, and you might see why.
They violate an ancient principle so ancient it is in Latin: ``nemo
judex in causa sua''--no one should judge their own case. As an ethics
scholar recently put it, it is a conflict of interest to judge one's
only conflict of interest.
The public is ready for more than just real ethics, however. The
present Court's legacy of scandals, destruction of precedent, doctrinal
leaps, false factfinding in cases, and striking, striking patterns in
what interests always win is damning. Add the unhealthy secrets--around
who chose Justices and why, and around the billionaires' campaign of
gifts to amenable Justices, and around tax mischief related to those
gifts--and it is a mess. The public is ready for term limits and
turnover.
A Court rejuvenated with regular turnover, with its secrets disclosed
and a proper ethics procedure going forward, is a Court that can again
merit the confidence of the American people and perform the judicial
function honorably.
So can we win a pathway to climate safety, rid our politics of dark
money, and liberate a captured Court? Yes, we actually can, but it
won't be easy.
The successful fraud of climate denial, the insidious corruption of
our politics by dark money, and the special interest capture of the
Court all are political prizes that will be defended to the death by
the fossil fuel industry. The fossil fuel-funded infrastructure of
front groups that propagates the climate lies, that launders and
funnels the dark money, and that captured and now cossets and guides
the Justices will be fighting for its very survival. The front groups
are many, but like keys on a piano, they are part of a larger
instrument: a fossil fuel instrument of secret influence and corruption
now operating our government from within. That instrument must be
defanged to revive American popular democracy.
In this battle, yes, we have disadvantages. The infrastructure built
for Republicans by their fossil fuel billionaire backers is immense.
They can run media operations that drown us out. They have unlimited
money. They plan years in advance. They have whipped the Republican
Party into exceptional battle discipline.
Don't get me wrong; we have some super talent on the Democratic side.
But it is ballet dancers against centurions. Ballet dancers may be
better athletes than centurions, but 100 centurions against 100 ballet
dancers will end predictably. We don't have much muscle memory for
fighting either, as recent Democratic administrations have tended to be
conflict-averse. We have been less aggressive--lambs versus wolves. The
wolf doesn't much fear the bite of the lamb, and they don't much fear
us.
Imagine Winston Churchill trying to defend Britain without radar or
Spitfires or his war room under the streets of London. Proper defense
infrastructure can be outcome-determinative, and we haven't had that.
We do have one big advantage: The whole crooked apparatus of the
rightwing fossil fuel billionaires depends on secrecy to work its
evils. We don't have to match fossil fuel front group for front group,
propaganda mouthpiece
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for propaganda mouthpiece, lie for lie, even dollar for dollar. It
doesn't have to take $7 billion on our side. Our cause can win by
shining a bright light on their mischief and their motives.
Americans love solving mysteries, love to hear what Paul Harvey
called ``the end of the story.'' Fossil fuel has to lie and connive and
hide behind masks to win. We can be truth tellers and win. People don't
like being lied to. The truth--that is our superpower.
Even with that superpower, it is still not going to be easy. We have
to face that there is some real work ahead of us. I was a prosecutor.
You have seen the TV shows. Prosecutors investigating gangs build
careful diagrams of all the gang's members, showing who reports to
whom, who is connected to whom, what phone numbers and addresses we
have, what evidence we have got, where they get their guns, and where
they distribute the drugs. All of that goes up on the cork board.
You have to know your adversary. Intelligence Agencies do deep
research into the personnel of opposing services. Know your adversary.
We don't. Until recently, few Democrats even knew who Leonard Leo was--
the top operative of the billionaires' Court-capture scheme. Most
Democrats couldn't pass a basic test of what front groups are arrayed
against us. That is not the fault of individual Members of Congress. We
have just had no war room to organize the information, no offense
coordinator to plan strategy, no batters' book to tell us who can't hit
inside pitches, no cork board to pin up the gang's information.
Corporations do better research on rivals when prepping a corporate
takeover than we did trying to defend our country from this political
takeover.
The idea of a realtime, anti-fraud, climate cleanup operations center
calling out the lies, following the money, and spotlighting who is
behind the front groups may seem beyond our reach, but it is not. The
military has had op centers for years. You have seen the Hollywood
versions with the TV screens up on the walls and the satellite feeds
and the drone feeds coming in. The RAF, back in World War II, had a
simpler one during the Battle of Britain, with those little ships and
plane models being pushed around with the long sticks on the big map
table. Radar told the RAF war room when to scramble the Spitfires,
where to send them, and what enemy to expect when they got there. We
haven't built that--no radar, no Spitfires, no war room under London--
but we can.
Remember those three evils: the fossil fuel industry's climate denial
fraud, the capture of the Supreme Court, that dark money infiltration
of our politics. They didn't ``happen.'' They were all done very
deliberately, using an armada of front groups and carefully scripted
fakery. It is best to think of it all as a single beast--a beast that
has now burrowed in and is running the government for Trump. It is a
takeover by a shadow government, working for rightwing extremists and
fossil fuel polluters.
If we don't see it for what it is and call it out for what it is, how
can we warn people of what is happening? And if we don't warn people of
what is happening, how can we possibly believe we have done our duty in
this moment of peril?
Climate change makes this a battle with a ratchet. There are some
things you just can't come back from. The ratchet has clicked, and
there is no return. So it is urgent. It is time for us all to wake up
and fight.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from California.
____________________