[Congressional Record Volume 171, Number 95 (Wednesday, June 4, 2025)]
[House]
[Pages H2461-H2465]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                   SUPPORTING THE BIG, BEAUTIFUL BILL

  (Under the Speaker's announced policy of January 3, 2025, Mr. Moore 
of Utah was recognized for 60 minutes as the designee of the majority 
leader.)


                             General Leave

  Mr. MOORE of Utah. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all 
Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their 
remarks and include extraneous material on the topic of this Special 
Order.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Moore of North Carolina). Is there 
objection to the request of the gentleman from Utah?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. MOORE of Utah. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the opportunity to 
address the floor this evening and to give that opportunity to some of 
my colleagues also, if their schedule permits.
  We don't get enough opportunities to speak to the American people, 
and I don't get enough chances to speak to my constituents back home, 
particularly from the House floor. I think it is a unique opportunity 
that I will get to address a few things this evening.
  I want to take a minute just to walk through, big picture, what we 
are accomplishing with this reconciliation bill titled the One Big 
Beautiful Bill Act, and walk through some of the provisions.
  I actually tried my hardest back in my district to let facts rule the 
day and not be governed and manipulated by a lot of rhetoric about this 
particular type of work.
  I am going to take you back, Mr. Speaker, to my first election when I 
first decided to run for Congress. It was the end of January 2020. We 
had never heard of the term ``COVID'' before. We had seen a tax reform 
bill take place at the end of 2017 that people couldn't really wrap 
their heads around.
  I was working for a consulting firm, and I remember talking to some 
of the partners at the firm. I was a principal at the time--actually, I 
was probably an engagement manager at the time.
  I remember them saying: We are going to see a significant tax 
decrease. If this bill goes through, we are going to have a substantial 
amount of extra discretionary money. What are we going to do with it? 
This is going to be significant.
  More so, many of our clients that we served were going to all of a 
sudden see some discretionary income that they would now be able to use 
and had to figure out what they were going to do.
  This wasn't a client of ours, but in the aftermath of that bill, this 
is what I understand took place. When they had a corporate tax rate 
decrease, they have shown me their books, and the areas that they 
prioritized were to increase wages for their frontline workers. They 
said every single person at the firm got a pay increase. They grew real 
wage growth without massive inflation that takes place sometimes under 
a reconciliation bill.
  I will point to the American Rescue Plan that took place when 
Democrats took control of the White House, House, and Senate. We saw 
the worst inflation we have seen in my lifetime under the guise of a 
COVID relief package.
  That company, which had some tax pressure removed from their books, 
went straight to their employees. They created wage growth 
opportunities. The other thing was that they had extra discretionary 
income to take to their immediate community in which they worked and 
bought ambulances for the emergency response in the community.
  This is the type of stuff that happened across the country post-2017 
when you saw a significant economic boon in the U.S.
  Years prior to 2017, you saw a lot of companies decide there were 
favorable tax rates elsewhere. Oftentimes, in countries in Europe--
there was a tax provision that was done in 2017 that is called FDII, an 
intangible income piece.

  You can establish intellectual property overseas at a lower tax rate 
than what we were doing here in the U.S. We decided to make our rates 
in the U.S. competitive. That provision alone immediately stopped the 
term ``corporate inversion,'' where U.S. companies were taking their 
revenue to other countries. Instead, they decided that they have a more 
favorable rate here, so they will bring it back. Most multinational 
companies, most U.S.-based companies, a lot of times foreign companies, 
want to be based here.
  All we did with that rate was to say that we are going to make that 
rate competitive. With that, they repatriated their money back to the 
U.S.
  When I talk to townhall participants, regular constituent meetings, I 
highlight that when you make taxes competitive, you get companies to 
reinvest back in the United States, and we then can grow our revenue.
  Companies have told us since 2017, even though they got more 
favorable,

[[Page H2462]]

more fair, and competitive tax rates, they actually spend more money on 
their tax revenues to the U.S. Government.
  The whole concept behind Republican tax policy is to make taxes 
competitive against the OECD, against our allies or our adversaries, to 
make sure we repatriate and keep that money in the U.S. and grow our 
revenues. That is why, even with tax cuts, we don't see a dip in what 
we have gained from revenue.
  We can argue all day long, and you can even draw the graph: Should we 
be spending a higher percentage of our GDP? Should we be collecting a 
higher percentage of our GDP in tax revenues?
  Twenty-five years ago, approximately 17 percent of GDP was what we 
collected in tax revenues, and at that same time, 17 percent of GDP was 
spending. In those 25 years, our spending has gone from 17 percent of 
GDP to approximately 26 percent of GDP. That is what our spending has 
done.
  Our revenue has actually stayed at approximately 17 percent through 
Republican and Democratic administrations. That means our revenue has 
continued to grow, but it actually stays consistent as a percentage of 
our entire GDP. Our spending has grown, up to 26 percent.
  That is why you see in a Republican reconciliation bill like we 
passed a couple of weeks ago that a significant portion of that bill is 
spending cuts, offsets to spending, and revenue increases. Yes, there 
are actually tax increases in a Republican bill, but overall, we are 
creating a very competitive tax rate that exists.

                              {time}  1750

  Companies from 2017 on have reinvested in the U.S. and, at the same 
time, have reinvested in their communities, reinvested in their 
employees, and have grown their presence. Most of that is set to expire 
at the end of this year. If we don't get a tax bill done, then you are 
just going to see a significant tax increase across everything.
  Mr. Speaker, I will also talk briefly about some of the individual 
provisions because it is important to talk about the small business 
corporation, S corps, LLCs, all the various different types of 
businesses that we run here in the U.S., they all get a competitive tax 
rate, keeping them wanting to invest here in America and reinvesting in 
their business. If they can reinvest in their business, they can 
actually grow overall tax receipts because of the concept of economic 
growth.
  Mr. Speaker, on the individual side, this is something that my 
Democrat colleagues oftentimes overlook. They oftentimes talk about, 
oh, this is just some tax giveaway to the billionaires. I have never 
seen anybody actually pinpoint and show me where this is targeted 
toward giving the billionaires some type of tax relief.
  Probably the largest portion of this tax reconciliation bill is what 
is called the standard deduction. The standard deduction is taken 
advantage of by over 90 percent of Americans. This is what simplifies 
our tax code. When you show up to do your taxes for that year, you are 
automatically given a dollar figure that you can deduct from your 
taxable income.
  In 2017, that number was doubled. We said to middle-income filers, 
lower-income filers that we want to give you a significant deduction 
and we are going to double that standard deduction. It hasn't been done 
for a while. We need to increase this to a really healthy amount. That 
simply means that individual and married filing jointly can look at 
their tax bill and say, we are going to offset our taxable income by 
$30,000. In a lot of cases that is a significant benefit to them 
because that helps lower their overall tax liability and puts money 
directly back in their pocket.
  Guess what? It doesn't help the wealthy. The wealthy itemize their 
taxes. They will probably have more mortgage interest to write off than 
they will that $30,000 standard deduction, if you will. Then all of a 
sudden, we see that that makes sense. We can see how the standard 
deduction actually affects middle- and lower-income Americans.
  Okay. Why in the world do my Democrat colleagues keep repeating this 
constant--I think it might have just been something they saw in some 
polling that said: It works well if you say this is just tax cuts for 
the wealthy.
  Let's look at the child tax credit. If you have a child under the age 
of 17--prior to 2017, it was $1,000 that you were able to deduct from 
your taxable income. Republicans in 2017 doubled it and they set that 
amount for 8 years. That is what expires at the end of this year.
  If Republicans don't act, that number goes back to $1,000. Anybody 
that votes against this bill is saying: I am okay with that number 
going back to $1,000. We actually, in this bill, repeat that $2,000 
amount per child, but we did something unique. We are going to index it 
to inflation. It is something we should always be thinking about doing 
in any type of tax policy. We are indexing it to inflation. We actually 
added an enhancement to it, so you are able to, for the next 4 years, 
take a $2,500 deduction. If you are building a family, if you have 
young kids, this is a big expense. We are giving that tax relief to 
families so we can continue to grow our next generation.
  The unique part is, in 4 years or so when that extra $500 enhancement 
is up for renewal, we will have already grown the $2,000 to be at 
approximately that level. What we are doing is, we are really doing 
right by individuals that are doing the right thing by investing in our 
future and raising kids.
  Those two things are the biggest items of this entire bill. Then to 
go and say it is just some tax giveaway to the wealthy, it just flies 
in the face of reality. It might poll well, I guess, but it is 
disheartening to see something that I actually believe most, if not 
all, Members of Congress believe in a simplified, higher standard 
deduction, increased child tax credit, which covers the vast majority 
of the cost of this bill.
  Then you get to things that actually help individuals that we are 
doing with our research and development, helping small businesses be 
able to grow and have that discretionary income.
  There is just so much here, and I would love to be able to, in long 
form, talk a little bit about the specifics because too often these 
become one-liners or a tweet here or there that says this or that. We 
are being as responsible as you possibly can be by making this bill 
deficit neutral.

  We will see growth in our economy because of it. We will see historic 
decreases in our overall expenditure and spending, and at the same time 
have policies that will drive economic growth.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Arrington), my 
good friend and also the chairman of the Budget Committee, who 
tirelessly works on all of these issues, to share a few words with us 
this evening.
  I thank him for his dedication and time investing in me as a member 
of his committee, to help bring me up in the ways of doing the right 
thing for the right cause in all these things related to tax, spending, 
and such.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield to Mr. Arrington from the Permian Basin, the 
food, fuel, and fiber capital of the world.
  Mr. ARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Utah for 
yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, Mr. Moore is a dear friend not only to me but to my 
children. My children don't know him well. They have met him, but the 
reason he is a friend to my children and to your children and 
grandchildren is because he is fighting for their future.
  He cares about this Nation. He believes that we are on an 
unsustainable fiscal path and he believes that if we don't intervene, 
we will not only jeopardize our economic strength but our national 
security, our global leadership, and God forbid, a sovereign debt 
crisis certainly would rob our children of their freedom and 
opportunities in this great land.
  Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. Moore for his leadership on the committee. I 
thank him for his strong voice and vision and most of all for his 
courage to do the right thing not only for our citizens and our 
constituents of today but for generations of Americans, who, by the 
way, will inherit the whirlwind of our recklessness in terms of the 
unbridled spending and unsustainable debt if we don't step up in this 
historic moment.
  Let me comment on some of the things that Mr. Moore was mentioning in 
his remarks.

[[Page H2463]]

  Let's do a comparison and contrast with our Democrat colleagues when 
they had control of both Chambers and the White House. They, too, used 
the tool of budget reconciliation to advance what was their partisan 
Democrat agenda.
  Over the last 4 years under the Biden-Harris administration and 
Democrat control, they added $8 trillion to the national debt.
  They did it by expanding the Federal Government, offering ObamaCare 
to people making hundreds of thousands of dollars, price-fixing in the 
drug markets and having premiums go up on seniors.
  They did it by expanding the IRS by 80,000 IRS agents and by offering 
tax subsidies to green energy corporations to the tune of $850 billion.
  When they had the tool of budget reconciliation and unified Democrat 
leadership, that was what they offered to the American people: more 
spending, more debt, more government, and less freedom.

                              {time}  1800

  We have the tools and unified Republican control of both Chambers, 
and we are investing in border security and defense because we believe 
the safety and security of the American people is job number one, like 
providing the common defense is the first and most important job of the 
Federal Government.
  Secondly, we are spending money to allow hardworking American 
families to keep more of their money and to incentivize investment, 
growth, job creation, and wage increases. We have been sputtering along 
because of the failed economic policies of my Democratic colleagues in 
the Biden-Harris administration and their unbridled, reckless spending.
  There is your comparison. One gives you more government with more 
spending and debt, and the other has a complete offset with a modest 
reduction in deficit spending, a 10-point reduction in debt to GDP. We 
have the largest tax cut, the largest spending cut, the largest 
investment in border security and defense in the history of this 
country, and the most significant commitment to unlocking American 
energy resources in our Nation's history.
  Mr. Speaker, I am very proud of what we did in this bill. There is so 
much to talk about, but some of the myths and false claims that are 
propagated to suggest that this bill will somehow increase the debt are 
totally false and using a baseline, a CBO score, with a growth 
assumption based on the policies and laws of the last 4 years.
  I think 1.8 percent growth is actually generous considering the last 
4 years and the economic policies of our Democratic colleagues. What we 
did was we assumed a growth rate not based on CBO, JCT, or any other 
predictive modeling. We said the best way to predict future achievement 
is past performance.
  What did President Biden have as an annual average growth rate? What 
did President Trump achieve? On average, Biden was at 2.7 if you 
control for COVID. If you control for COVID, then Trump had a 2.8 
percent annual average. Since World War II, the annual average has been 
a little over 3 percent.
  We picked a conservative number, but we know we will outperform it 
with good energy policies, work incentives, deregulation, America First 
trade, and locking in low taxes from TCJA.
  That 2.6 annual average, that conservative growth assumption, will 
yield $2.5 trillion over the 10-year budget window. If you stack the 
spending reforms--which, by the way, are the deepest cuts by two times 
in our Nation's history. If you add the two, you totally offset the 
cost of border, defense, and any cost associated with reducing taxes.
  It is fiscally responsible. It will do the two things that you 
primarily need to do in order to restore the fiscal health of this 
country, put it on a stable path, and prevent or stave off a debt 
crisis of some magnitude. It grows the economy. It deals with economic 
growth, which brings revenue to the Treasury.
  Mr. Speaker, 1 percent growth over the projections of CBO is $3 
trillion against the deficit, and it starts to bend the curve on 
deficit spending.
  Now, is this going to save the country from a debt crisis in the 
future and address the $120 trillion unfunded liabilities in 30-year 
accumulative projected debt? No, but this is the first in my lifetime, 
probably since the post-World War II era--when we were coming out of 
this same level of indebtedness, with a debt to GDP of around 120 
percent--it is the first time since then and in my lifetime that we 
have taken a meaningful step with growth and spending reforms to start 
bending the debt-to-GDP curve and start turning this Titanic before it 
sinks and we do irreparable harm to our Nation and our kids' future.
  We have to rinse and repeat this process. There are no silver 
bullets. There is no one reconciliation bill. Even in generations past, 
coming out of comparable debt after World War II took two decades, and 
that was an easier exercise in reducing spending because it was mainly 
defense after a war.
  We are talking about entitlement spending. We are talking about a lot 
of promises made to a lot of people. We are talking about $2 trillion 
that we are borrowing now annually to pay for those promises, 50 cents 
on the dollar of which is just servicing the debt or our interest 
payments.
  Mr. Speaker, we have work to do. Nobody knows that better than Mr. 
Moore. No one also has called out the fact and reality that at some 
point, with some of the larger mandatory spending programs, we are 
going to need Democrats and Republicans to join forces to put the 
Nation first to solve the problems of sustainability and solvency of 
programs like Social Security and Medicare that our seniors depend on 
so that they can have peace of mind and so that our children can 
actually expect the same safety nets and the same opportunities in 
this country.

  It will take tremendous political courage. Nobody has that more than 
my friend, Blake Moore. He speaks the truth, and he has said this is 
his top priority since he was sworn in in his first term. He has made 
good on that pledge and promise.
  I believe that if we continue to do the things that we are doing in 
the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, and we join forces like Ronald Reagan 
did with Tip O'Neill, which was the last time that Social Security and 
the solvency were addressed, I think, quite frankly, it is an 
opportunity made for President Trump. He is the greatest dealmaker we 
have ever had in the Oval Office.
  When I was a freshman and he was recently elected, he did what nobody 
thought we could do. He revamped and restructured our biggest trade 
relationship and trade agreement with our two biggest partners, Canada 
and Mexico, which was known as NAFTA. Then, we had USMCA, and our trade 
activity and our jobs and wages in agriculture and manufacturing have 
gone up since, and we had overwhelming bipartisan support.
  I have seen President Trump in action. I believe this will be not 
just a tremendous legacy. I think it would be the biggest legacy. Let's 
reignite growth. Let's rein in some of the spending and root out the 
waste, fraud, and abuse in these programs. Let's reinvest in our sons 
and daughters in uniform who do the most difficult and dangerous jobs.
  Let's look not where the puck is but where the puck is going, as they 
say in hockey. Why would I know anything about hockey? I am from 
Plainview, Texas. We don't play hockey in west Texas, but I always 
loved that analogy. You have to skate to where the puck is going.
  While we are doing these things in the short run, in this budget 
window, in this decade, let's look out and be leaders. Let's address 
those things that we know are coming, and that debt crisis that looms 
large.
  Let's extend the hand of bipartisanship to our friends and Democratic 
colleagues, again, for the sake of this country, like my hero who 
inspired me to get involved in politics, Ronald Reagan, did back in the 
day.
  I said that I want to be like that guy, and it was for a lot of 
reasons. I just got back from the economic forum out there in 
California and saw the museum. I was reminded of what a statesman 
leader he was and how he was the right person to work with Tip O'Neill 
and our Democratic colleagues to do something really big that hasn't 
been done in 40-plus years.

[[Page H2464]]

  Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. Moore for the opportunity to address our 
colleagues. I thank him for his leadership, his Conference leadership 
and on the Budget Committee and the Ways and Means Committee. It is an 
honor to work with him.
  God bless our great country. Let's get that One Big Beautiful Bill 
Act and that America First vision that is wrapped in that 
reconciliation bill to the President's desk. Most importantly, let's 
make it a reality for the people we serve and for the country we love.

                              {time}  1810

  Mr. MOORE of Utah. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from the 
Permian Basin.
  Just to quickly recap, I love the concept that he juxtaposes to 
opportunities.
  It is interesting that in our political environment, from 2017 to 
2021 and 2025, we have seen the White House, House, and Senate flip 
completely three times. I think that is a little bit unprecedented. We 
mentioned there were times with Reagan where there was a sustained 
period of Democratic control of Congress but there were Republicans in 
the White House and vice versa.
  To flip the White House, House, and Senate three times in the last 8 
years is unprecedented. It gives us a unique opportunity, though.
  Look at TCJA and ARPA. Look at the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act and then go 
look at the American Rescue Plan Act. Created wage growth, no 
inflation. Those are consistent things that took place from TCJA when 
tax reform took place with Republicans.
  The American Rescue Plan was stimulus spending masquerading as COVID 
relief spending. It was massive amounts of monetary policy added to the 
system. There is only one equation, and that is inflation.
  Look at the difference between an inflationist and real wage growth. 
Those are the two things we have to compare.
  This bill basically takes 2017 and says we have seen this work. 
Democrats looked at the tax policy in 2017, when they had the White 
House, House, and Senate. They said: We like the standard deduction. We 
like the increased child tax credit. We like the approach to getting 
U.S. companies to reinvest in America. We are not going to touch it.
  They had an opportunity to change all the things that they say are so 
bad in this bill. They didn't touch any of the core tax policies from 
2017 to today. They expire at the end of this year.
  Republicans are going to go at it alone. We are going to make sure we 
extend this out. We are going to give companies and families some 
consistency. All we have to do is juxtapose those two bills--the TCJA 
and the American Rescue Plan--and make the decision based on that. That 
is as simple as it needs to be.
  The gentleman from Texas (Mr. Arrington) likes to say a lot of 
things. He talks a lot. He is very verbose. When he mentions my 
leadership, I very much appreciate the sentiment. I have been watching 
and following him. He is my committee chair and has an extremely strong 
leadership in the conference.
  I express my appreciation and downplay the fact that he is just 
blowing smoke there sometimes when he says it about me.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from North Dakota (Mrs. 
Fedorchak). I would like to get to some real substantive remarks now 
with my colleague.
  Mrs. FEDORCHAK. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the leadership of both Mr. 
Moore and Mr. Arrington. Both of them are great mentors to me as a new 
Member. I hope I can aspire to be as strong as they are someday.
  Working-class families, seniors on fixed incomes, farmers growing our 
food, restaurant waitresses working double shifts, law enforcement 
officers putting in overtime, manufacturers keeping the lights on, and 
border communities shouldering a burden Washington created are who the 
one big, beautiful bill is going to help.
  Who are these people? These aren't the millionaires and billionaires. 
These are everyday Americans. Despite what we hear from the Democrats 
and the media over and over again, this bill isn't tax cuts for the 
rich. It is not about eliminating healthcare for people who need it.
  This big, beautiful bill is pro-family, pro-business and workers, 
pro-American energy and agriculture, pro-border and national security. 
Above all, it is pro-growth and pro-common sense.
  Let me spend a few minutes talking about what that all means. Let's 
talk first about pro-family. My husband, Mike, and I have three 
children. Raising a family is one of life's greatest blessings and 
biggest responsibilities. Government should not make it even harder.
  That is why the tax relief is a top priority for Republicans in 
Washington and is the centerpiece of the one big, beautiful bill. This 
bill includes a commonsense tax package that extends existing tax 
policy, avoiding the highest tax increase in U.S. history. That is 
right. This bill just extends existing tax policy, improves it, and 
avoids the highest tax increase in history.
  It also enhances tax relief for working families. This one big, 
beautiful bill lets North Dakotans and Americans keep more of their 
hard-earned money.
  A few key provisions include increasing the child tax credit to 
$2,500 per child; raising the standard deduction for all filers; 
establishing savings accounts for newborns; and creating a new 
deduction on Social Security benefits for senior citizens.

  For the average family of four in North Dakota, this package will 
help save an estimated $1,600 in taxes. That buys about 8 weeks of 
groceries. This is American money staying with the American family, 
which is exactly where it belongs.
  This bill is also pro-business. The one big, beautiful bill also 
includes a long list of reforms and investments that will make America, 
including our small businesses, stronger and more competitive.
  Our goal is to reward entrepreneurship, to reward hard work, and to 
grow the economy. For small businesses, we permanently increased the 
small business deduction to 23 percent. This will impact 67,000 North 
Dakota businesses.
  This bill will allow 100 percent immediate expensing for equipment 
and facility upgrades and raise the death tax exemption, helping 
families pass down their farm or ranch to the next generation.
  For workers, the one big, beautiful bill significantly reduces taxes 
on tips and overtime. This lets servers, bartenders, and hourly workers 
keep more of their money. This means that waitresses working late and 
the factory worker picking up an extra shift will finally keep more of 
what they earned.
  It is time to bring common sense and competitiveness back to our 
economy, which is exactly what this bill does.
  I will talk a bit about energy and agriculture, big industries for my 
State in North Dakota. We are slamming the breaks on the Biden 
administration's radical energy agenda. The one big, beautiful bill 
repeals over $500 billion in the style of Green New Deal spending and 
boosts mineral development to reduce our reliance on China for critical 
materials.
  It ends electric vehicle mandates and subsidies funded by taxpayers 
for wind and solar. This is a provision I have been working hard on 
since I arrived in Congress.
  I am especially excited by the provisions in the one big, beautiful 
bill that support our North Dakota farmers and ranchers.
  In addition to the tax provisions in the bill, which are very 
important for our farmers and ranchers, this bill significantly 
improves the core safety net and risk management tools by increasing 
reference prices and improving crop insurance.
  It expands flexibility for family farms to reinvest in equipment, 
inputs, and labor. It renews 100 percent expensing for capital 
purchases so producers can write off the cost of new machinery, 
infrastructure improvements, or production facilities right away.
  The bill also delivers on President Trump's promise to secure the 
border and enhance national security.

                              {time}  1820

  This bill includes the largest investment in border security in over 
a generation. There is nearly $150 billion to secure the border and 
deport criminal illegal aliens. We are restoring order at the border 
and restocking our military.

[[Page H2465]]

We increase pay, housing, and healthcare for our servicemembers. We 
rebuild our naval fleet, modernize our air traffic control system, and 
restock the munitions America needs to defend itself.
  Finally, this bill is pro-common sense. There are no more student 
loan bailouts, no more tax dollars for abortions or transgender 
surgeries on minors, and no more benefits for illegal immigrants who 
break our laws.
  We are making universities pay more from their endowments, and we are 
taxing nonprofits that support terrorism.
  We even impose a small fee on electric vehicles because they use our 
roads, too, and should help fund the highway trust fund.
  It provides tax relief to Americans to exercise their Second 
Amendment rights for the first time in history.
  I was proud to help move this legislation forward because North 
Dakotans and all Americans are tired of waste and overreach, and they 
are ready for real results from Washington.
  This is about more than fixing broken policies. It is about turning 
the page on the last 4 years of dysfunction, division, and decline and 
writing a new chapter where government once again serves the people, 
where families can afford to grow, small businesses can afford to hire, 
and rural communities can thrive without interference from Washington.
  It is about restoring common sense, restoring accountability, and 
rebuilding an America where people aren't just getting by. They are 
getting ahead.
  This bill puts working families first. It reins in bureaucracy. It 
returns power to the people where it belongs.
  Most importantly, this bill is just the beginning.
  What an exciting time. I couldn't be happier to be here working with 
these great leaders and bringing forward important legislation just 
like this to make things better for America and the American people.
  Mr. MOORE of Utah. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from North 
Dakota for her remarks.
  I appreciate my colleagues for participating this evening. This is 
something historic, and it is something monumental.
  As I was talking about at the beginning of my remarks, when I first 
ran for Congress in January 2020, the entire conversation of every 
single candidate was: How do we go about extending and making permanent 
the tax reform that just took place in our country a few years prior 
and the juice that it created for our economy and the growth that it 
had that was raising the tide of all income levels?
  That was the concept, and 4\1/2\ years later, I am sitting here on 
the committee particularly regarding the tax policy to be able to bring 
it up.
  This is a unique and really special time. We are already engaging 
with the Senate to make sure this can adhere to and go through the Byrd 
rule, all the specifics of making this a reality.
  This is an exciting moment. It will be monumental, and it will do so 
much good.
  I have always said, as I have been involved in congressional 
policymaking, that we live in 2-year increments, but every CEO across 
the country has to live in 15-year increments. They have to see what is 
around the corner, and we are constantly putting people at an impasse 
because we just keep dealing with 2-year increments of what their 
policies are going to be.
  We have to signal what the future holds with respect to tax policy, 
and there is nothing that would do more for sustained economic growth 
than this bill.
  Again, Mr. Speaker, I am grateful for the time this evening and for 
my colleagues being here to share the message.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

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