Congressional Record, Volume 171 Issue 64 (Wednesday, April 9, 2025)

[Congressional Record Volume 171, Number 64 (Wednesday, April 9, 2025)]
[House]
[Pages H1533-H1550]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]

{time} 1630
CONCURRENT RESOLUTION ON THE BUDGET FOR FISCAL YEAR 2025

Mr. ARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 313, I call
up the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 14) establishing the
congressional budget for the United States Government for fiscal year
2025 and setting forth the appropriate budgetary levels for fiscal
years 2026 through 2034, with the Senate amendment thereto, and ask for
its immediate consideration.
The Clerk read the title of the concurrent resolution.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Rogers of Alabama). The Clerk will
designate the Senate amendment.
Senate amendment:
Strike all after the resolving clause and insert the following:

SECTION 1. CONCURRENT RESOLUTION ON THE BUDGET FOR FISCAL
YEAR 2025.

(a) Declaration.--Congress declares that this resolution is
the concurrent resolution on the budget for fiscal year 2025
and that this resolution sets forth the appropriate budgetary
levels for fiscal years 2026 through 2034.
(b) Table of Contents.--The table of contents for this
concurrent resolution is as follows:

Sec. 1. Concurrent resolution on the budget for fiscal year 2025.

TITLE I--RECOMMENDED LEVELS AND AMOUNTS

Subtitle A--Budgetary Levels in Both Houses

Sec. 1101. Recommended levels and amounts.
Sec. 1102. Major functional categories.

[[Page H1534]]

Subtitle B--Levels and Amounts in the Senate

Sec. 1201. Social Security in the Senate.
Sec. 1202. Postal Service discretionary administrative expenses in the
Senate.

TITLE II--RECONCILIATION

Sec. 2001. Reconciliation in the House of Representatives.
Sec. 2002. Reconciliation in the Senate.

TITLE III--RESERVE FUNDS

Sec. 3001. Reserve fund for reconciliation legislation.
Sec. 3002. Deficit-neutral reserve fund relating to government
deregulation.
Sec. 3003. Spending reduction reserve fund to save more than
$2,000,000,000,000.
Sec. 3004. Spending-neutral reserve fund related to current tax policy
baseline.
Sec. 3005. Deficit-neutral reserve fund relating to protecting Medicare
and Medicaid.

TITLE IV--OTHER MATTERS

Sec. 4001. Adjustment for spending cuts of at least $2 trillion.
Sec. 4002. Enforcement filing.
Sec. 4003. Budgetary treatment of administrative expenses.
Sec. 4004. Application and effect of changes in allocations,
aggregates, and other budgetary levels.
Sec. 4005. Adjustments to reflect changes in concepts and definitions.
Sec. 4006. Adjustment for changes in the baseline.
Sec. 4007. Exercise of rulemaking powers.

TITLE V--POLICY STATEMENTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Sec. 5001. Policy statement on economic growth.
Sec. 5002. Policy statement on mandatory spending reduction.
Sec. 5003. Policy statement on Government deregulation.

TITLE I--RECOMMENDED LEVELS AND AMOUNTS

Subtitle A--Budgetary Levels in Both Houses

SEC. 1101. RECOMMENDED LEVELS AND AMOUNTS.

The following budgetary levels are appropriate for each of
fiscal years 2025 through 2034:
(1) Federal revenues.--For purposes of the enforcement of
this resolution:
(A) The recommended levels of Federal revenues are as
follows:
Fiscal year 2025: $3,699,743,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026: $3,850,222,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027: $3,935,426,000,000.
Fiscal year 2028: $4,064,380,000,000.
Fiscal year 2029: $4,187,266,000,000.
Fiscal year 2030: $4,388,684,000,000.
Fiscal year 2031: $4,600,466,000,000.
Fiscal year 2032: $4,800,588,000,000.
Fiscal year 2033: $5,020,540,000,000.
Fiscal year 2034: $5,242,537,000,000.
(B) The amounts by which the aggregate levels of Federal
revenues should be changed are as follows:
Fiscal year 2025: -$150,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026: -$150,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027: -$150,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2028: -$150,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2029: -$150,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2030: -$150,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2031: -$150,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2032: -$150,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2033: -$150,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2034: -$150,000,000,000.
(2) New budget authority.--For purposes of the enforcement
of this resolution, the appropriate levels of total new
budget authority are as follows:
Fiscal year 2025: $4,663,769,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026: $4,795,798,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027: $4,933,048,000,000.
Fiscal year 2028: $5,216,255,000,000.
Fiscal year 2029: $5,375,045,000,000.
Fiscal year 2030: $5,667,195,000,000.
Fiscal year 2031: $5,915,714,000,000.
Fiscal year 2032: $6,191,839,000,000.
Fiscal year 2033: $6,530,356,000,000.
Fiscal year 2034: $6,736,948,000,000.
(3) Budget outlays.--For purposes of the enforcement of
this resolution, the appropriate levels of total budget
outlays are as follows:
Fiscal year 2025: $4,636,008,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026: $4,811,854,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027: $5,009,263,000,000.
Fiscal year 2028: $5,304,033,000,000.
Fiscal year 2029: $5,364,632,000,000.
Fiscal year 2030: $5,654,106,000,000.
Fiscal year 2031: $5,882,786,000,000.
Fiscal year 2032: $6,121,866,000,000.
Fiscal year 2033: $6,487,182,000,000.
Fiscal year 2034: $6,647,428,000,000.
(4) Deficits.--For purposes of the enforcement of this
resolution, the amounts of the deficits are as follows:
Fiscal year 2025: $936,265,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026: $961,632,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027: $1,073,837,000,000.
Fiscal year 2028: $1,239,653,000,000.
Fiscal year 2029: $1,177,366,000,000.
Fiscal year 2030: $1,265,422,000,000.
Fiscal year 2031: $1,282,320,000,000.
Fiscal year 2032: $1,321,278,000,000.
Fiscal year 2033: $1,466,642,000,000.
Fiscal year 2034: $1,404,891,000,000.
(5) Public debt.--Pursuant to section 301(a)(5) of the
Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 632(a)(5)), the
appropriate levels of the public debt are as follows:
Fiscal year 2025: $36,525,094,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026: $37,838,733,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027: $39,140,384,000,000.
Fiscal year 2028: $40,566,455,000,000.
Fiscal year 2029: $42,102,586,000,000.
Fiscal year 2030: $43,583,333,000,000.
Fiscal year 2031: $45,068,345,000,000.
Fiscal year 2032: $46,595,036,000,000.
Fiscal year 2033: $48,382,716,000,000.
Fiscal year 2034: $50,481,979,000,000.
(6) Debt held by the public.--The appropriate levels of
debt held by the public are as follows:
Fiscal year 2025: $29,294,843,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026: $30,468,366,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027: $31,782,489,000,000.
Fiscal year 2028: $33,298,095,000,000.
Fiscal year 2029: $34,781,086,000,000.
Fiscal year 2030: $36,380,984,000,000.
Fiscal year 2031: $38,027,730,000,000.
Fiscal year 2032: $39,759,791,000,000.
Fiscal year 2033: $41,652,745,000,000.
Fiscal year 2034: $43,515,483,000,000.

SEC. 1102. MAJOR FUNCTIONAL CATEGORIES.

Congress determines and declares that the appropriate
levels of new budget authority and outlays for fiscal years
2025 through 2034 for each major functional category are:
(1) National Defense (050):
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $933,484,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $909,629,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $901,220,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $904,412,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $923,020,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $911,956,000,000.
Fiscal year 2028:
(A) New budget authority, $944,111,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $934,660,000,000.
Fiscal year 2029:
(A) New budget authority, $966,203,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $942,419,000,000.
Fiscal year 2030:
(A) New budget authority, $989,212,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $966,361,000,000.
Fiscal year 2031:
(A) New budget authority, $1,012,715,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $984,795,000,000.
Fiscal year 2032:
(A) New budget authority, $1,036,723,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,003,888,000,000.
Fiscal year 2033:
(A) New budget authority, $1,062,319,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,037,888,000,000.
Fiscal year 2034:
(A) New budget authority, $1,087,382,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,054,430,000,000.
(2) International Affairs (150):
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $65,962,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $69,206,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $61,716,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $67,669,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $62,249,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $66,456,000,000.
Fiscal year 2028:
(A) New budget authority, $63,512,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $62,391,000,000.
Fiscal year 2029:
(A) New budget authority, $64,944,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $62,832,000,000.
Fiscal year 2030:
(A) New budget authority, $66,408,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $63,077,000,000.
Fiscal year 2031:
(A) New budget authority, $67,878,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $64,002,000,000.
Fiscal year 2032:
(A) New budget authority, $69,343,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $65,176,000,000.
Fiscal year 2033:
(A) New budget authority, $70,874,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $66,517,000,000.
Fiscal year 2034:
(A) New budget authority, $72,435,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $67,889,000,000.
(3) General Science, Space, and Technology (250):
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $42,084,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $41,734,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $41,345,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $41,844,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $42,264,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $41,923,000,000.
Fiscal year 2028:
(A) New budget authority, $43,099,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $42,198,000,000.
Fiscal year 2029:
(A) New budget authority, $44,017,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $42,887,000,000.
Fiscal year 2030:
(A) New budget authority, $44,980,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $43,633,000,000.
Fiscal year 2031:
(A) New budget authority, $45,946,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $44,551,000,000.
Fiscal year 2032:
(A) New budget authority, $46,922,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $45,486,000,000.
Fiscal year 2033:
(A) New budget authority, $47,936,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $46,460,000,000.
Fiscal year 2034:
(A) New budget authority, $48,985,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $47,466,000,000.
(4) Energy (270):
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $39,842,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $37,587,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $39,958,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $44,514,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $34,098,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $52,768,000,000.
Fiscal year 2028:
(A) New budget authority, $34,825,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $51,623,000,000.
Fiscal year 2029:
(A) New budget authority, $35,770,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $48,582,000,000.
Fiscal year 2030:
(A) New budget authority, $33,946,000,000.

[[Page H1535]]

(B) Outlays, $42,596,000,000.
Fiscal year 2031:
(A) New budget authority, $35,188,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $40,366,000,000.
Fiscal year 2032:
(A) New budget authority, $39,697,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $41,611,000,000.
Fiscal year 2033:
(A) New budget authority, $24,489,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $25,941,000,000.
Fiscal year 2034:
(A) New budget authority, $16,203,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $17,040,000,000.
(5) Natural Resources and Environment (300):
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $88,319,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $89,764,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $67,633,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $80,552,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $45,140,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $75,844,000,000.
Fiscal year 2028:
(A) New budget authority, $45,985,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $71,673,000,000.
Fiscal year 2029:
(A) New budget authority, $46,956,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $67,691,000,000.
Fiscal year 2030:
(A) New budget authority, $47,707,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $63,948,000,000.
Fiscal year 2031:
(A) New budget authority, $48,854,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $60,580,000,000.
Fiscal year 2032:
(A) New budget authority, $49,918,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $56,444,000,000.
Fiscal year 2033:
(A) New budget authority, $51,246,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $55,797,000,000.
Fiscal year 2034:
(A) New budget authority, $52,225,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $55,480,000,000.
(6) Agriculture (350):
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $58,457,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $41,846,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $28,163,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $46,212,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $31,716,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $33,686,000,000.
Fiscal year 2028:
(A) New budget authority, $33,008,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $34,426,000,000.
Fiscal year 2029:
(A) New budget authority, $33,334,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $32,441,000,000.
Fiscal year 2030:
(A) New budget authority, $30,857,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $30,098,000,000.
Fiscal year 2031:
(A) New budget authority, $30,468,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $29,609,000,000.
Fiscal year 2032:
(A) New budget authority, $31,239,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $30,163,000,000.
Fiscal year 2033:
(A) New budget authority, $32,276,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $30,893,000,000.
Fiscal year 2034:
(A) New budget authority, $32,912,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $31,721,000,000.
(7) Commerce and Housing Credit (370):
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $12,477,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$18,175,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $32,747,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$626,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $28,145,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $7,710,000,000.
Fiscal year 2028:
(A) New budget authority, -$56,796,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$65,194,000,000.
Fiscal year 2029:
(A) New budget authority, $25,562,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $15,976,000,000.
Fiscal year 2030:
(A) New budget authority, $25,712,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $12,680,000,000.
Fiscal year 2031:
(A) New budget authority, $25,941,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $7,932,000,000.
Fiscal year 2032:
(A) New budget authority, $26,354,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $5,060,000,000.
Fiscal year 2033:
(A) New budget authority, $20,192,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$4,224,000,000.
Fiscal year 2034:
(A) New budget authority, $29,862,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $2,451,000,000.
(8) Transportation (400):
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $173,158,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $144,771,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $167,673,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $152,541,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $132,085,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $158,068,000,000.
Fiscal year 2028:
(A) New budget authority, $133,386,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $162,528,000,000.
Fiscal year 2029:
(A) New budget authority, $134,447,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $160,846,000,000.
Fiscal year 2030:
(A) New budget authority, $129,994,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $150,790,000,000.
Fiscal year 2031:
(A) New budget authority, $130,964,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $147,539,000,000.
Fiscal year 2032:
(A) New budget authority, $138,846,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $150,163,000,000.
Fiscal year 2033:
(A) New budget authority, $140,544,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $149,247,000,000.
Fiscal year 2034:
(A) New budget authority, $142,271,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $149,454,000,000.
(9) Community and Regional Development (450):
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $90,242,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $78,592,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $20,135,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $64,267,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $19,259,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $56,506,000,000.
Fiscal year 2028:
(A) New budget authority, $19,462,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $45,101,000,000.
Fiscal year 2029:
(A) New budget authority, $19,888,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $35,976,000,000.
Fiscal year 2030:
(A) New budget authority, $20,326,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $31,026,000,000.
Fiscal year 2031:
(A) New budget authority, $20,727,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $27,543,000,000.
Fiscal year 2032:
(A) New budget authority, $21,007,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $24,658,000,000.
Fiscal year 2033:
(A) New budget authority, $21,462,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $22,754,000,000.
Fiscal year 2034:
(A) New budget authority, $21,864,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $21,733,000,000.
(10) Education, Training, Employment, and Social Services
(500):
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $149,379,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $171,920,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $152,714,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $151,639,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $155,152,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $151,206,000,000.
Fiscal year 2028:
(A) New budget authority, $157,970,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $152,914,000,000.
Fiscal year 2029:
(A) New budget authority, $160,942,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $155,518,000,000.
Fiscal year 2030:
(A) New budget authority, $163,842,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $158,366,000,000.
Fiscal year 2031:
(A) New budget authority, $166,812,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $161,277,000,000.
Fiscal year 2032:
(A) New budget authority, $170,169,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $164,438,000,000.
Fiscal year 2033:
(A) New budget authority, $173,711,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $167,726,000,000.
Fiscal year 2034:
(A) New budget authority, $176,750,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $170,798,000,000.
(11) Health (550):
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $948,957,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $963,482,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $992,092,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $977,707,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $1,020,326,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,021,663,000,000.
Fiscal year 2028:
(A) New budget authority, $1,054,949,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,051,917,000,000.
Fiscal year 2029:
(A) New budget authority, $1,098,389,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,093,560,000,000.
Fiscal year 2030:
(A) New budget authority, $1,142,669,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,132,096,000,000.
Fiscal year 2031:
(A) New budget authority, $1,176,497,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,175,451,000,000.
Fiscal year 2032:
(A) New budget authority, $1,226,824,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,216,998,000,000.
Fiscal year 2033:
(A) New budget authority, $1,276,881,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,266,068,000,000.
Fiscal year 2034:
(A) New budget authority, $1,310,000,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,298,975,000,000.
(12) Medicare (570):
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $952,239,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $951,989,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $1,007,093,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,008,459,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $1,066,571,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,066,331,000,000.
Fiscal year 2028:
(A) New budget authority, $1,209,735,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,208,675,000,000.
Fiscal year 2029:
(A) New budget authority, $1,125,645,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,125,301,000,000.
Fiscal year 2030:
(A) New budget authority, $1,275,864,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,275,627,000,000.
Fiscal year 2031:
(A) New budget authority, $1,357,791,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,357,726,000,000.
Fiscal year 2032:
(A) New budget authority, $1,445,195,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,445,191,000,000.
Fiscal year 2033:
(A) New budget authority, $1,659,329,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,659,346,000,000.
Fiscal year 2034:
(A) New budget authority, $1,666,492,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,666,497,000,000.
(13) Income Security (600):

[[Page H1536]]

Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $712,538,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $709,200,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $691,755,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $690,914,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $708,645,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $703,648,000,000.
Fiscal year 2028:
(A) New budget authority, $727,434,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $727,234,000,000.
Fiscal year 2029:
(A) New budget authority, $728,925,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $714,850,000,000.
Fiscal year 2030:
(A) New budget authority, $748,162,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $739,465,000,000.
Fiscal year 2031:
(A) New budget authority, $760,737,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $751,498,000,000.
Fiscal year 2032:
(A) New budget authority, $778,878,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $768,898,000,000.
Fiscal year 2033:
(A) New budget authority, $800,142,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $796,835,000,000.
Fiscal year 2034:
(A) New budget authority, $808,455,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $798,159,000,000.
(14) Social Security (650):
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $67,259,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $67,259,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $81,690,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $81,690,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $89,447,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $89,447,000,000.
Fiscal year 2028:
(A) New budget authority, $94,419,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $94,419,000,000.
Fiscal year 2029:
(A) New budget authority, $100,138,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $100,138,000,000.
Fiscal year 2030:
(A) New budget authority, $106,208,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $106,208,000,000.
Fiscal year 2031:
(A) New budget authority, $112,114,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $112,114,000,000.
Fiscal year 2032:
(A) New budget authority, $118,485,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $118,485,000,000.
Fiscal year 2033:
(A) New budget authority, $125,325,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $125,325,000,000.
Fiscal year 2034:
(A) New budget authority, $132,539,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $132,539,000,000.
(15) Veterans Benefits and Services (700):
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $361,349,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $357,760,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $382,555,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $378,814,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $404,594,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $401,319,000,000.
Fiscal year 2028:
(A) New budget authority, $427,329,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $444,241,000,000.
Fiscal year 2029:
(A) New budget authority, $447,757,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $422,317,000,000.
Fiscal year 2030:
(A) New budget authority, $466,616,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $461,720,000,000.
Fiscal year 2031:
(A) New budget authority, $486,716,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $481,638,000,000.
Fiscal year 2032:
(A) New budget authority, $507,187,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $502,655,000,000.
Fiscal year 2033:
(A) New budget authority, $528,733,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $548,734,000,000.
Fiscal year 2034:
(A) New budget authority, $550,662,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $547,796,000,000.
(16) Administration of Justice (750):
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $83,111,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $85,235,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $88,992,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $87,024,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $87,701,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $86,420,000,000.
Fiscal year 2028:
(A) New budget authority, $89,687,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $88,514,000,000.
Fiscal year 2029:
(A) New budget authority, $92,142,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $90,690,000,000.
Fiscal year 2030:
(A) New budget authority, $94,574,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $92,986,000,000.
Fiscal year 2031:
(A) New budget authority, $96,848,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $94,869,000,000.
Fiscal year 2032:
(A) New budget authority, $104,463,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $101,844,000,000.
Fiscal year 2033:
(A) New budget authority, $107,160,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $104,339,000,000.
Fiscal year 2034:
(A) New budget authority, $109,431,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $106,934,000,000.
(17) General Government (800):
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $10,089,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $37,960,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $30,666,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $38,285,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $32,065,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $38,261,000,000.
Fiscal year 2028:
(A) New budget authority, $32,994,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $37,957,000,000.
Fiscal year 2029:
(A) New budget authority, $33,770,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $37,793,000,000.
Fiscal year 2030:
(A) New budget authority, $34,614,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $37,985,000,000.
Fiscal year 2031:
(A) New budget authority, $35,247,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $37,024,000,000.
Fiscal year 2032:
(A) New budget authority, $36,189,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $36,307,000,000.
Fiscal year 2033:
(A) New budget authority, $36,960,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $36,758,000,000.
Fiscal year 2034:
(A) New budget authority, $37,681,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $37,266,000,000.
(18) Net Interest (900):
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $1,011,643,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,011,643,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $1,031,561,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,031,561,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $1,078,839,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,078,839,000,000.
Fiscal year 2028:
(A) New budget authority, $1,150,343,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,150,343,000,000.
Fiscal year 2029:
(A) New budget authority, $1,213,150,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,213,150,000,000.
Fiscal year 2030:
(A) New budget authority, $1,269,439,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,269,439,000,000.
Fiscal year 2031:
(A) New budget authority, $1,332,808,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,332,808,000,000.
Fiscal year 2032:
(A) New budget authority, $1,398,649,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,398,649,000,000.
Fiscal year 2033:
(A) New budget authority, $1,457,676,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,457,676,000,000.
Fiscal year 2034:
(A) New budget authority, $1,525,604,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,525,604,000,000.
(19) Allowances (920):
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, -$1,009,217,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$987,791,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, -$888,800,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$900,514,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, -$890,385,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$894,905,000,000.
Fiscal year 2028:
(A) New budget authority, -$848,052,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$850,422,000,000.
Fiscal year 2029:
(A) New budget authority, -$851,534,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$852,928,000,000.
Fiscal year 2030:
(A) New budget authority, -$874,353,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$874,414,000,000.
Fiscal year 2031:
(A) New budget authority, -$874,523,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$874,523,000,000.
Fiscal year 2032:
(A) New budget authority, -$894,135,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$894,135,000,000.
Fiscal year 2033:
(A) New budget authority, -$940,797,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$940,797,000,000.
Fiscal year 2034:
(A) New budget authority, -$913,790,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$913,790,000,000.
(20) Undistributed Offsetting Receipts (950):
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, -$127,603,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$127,603,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, -$135,110,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$135,110,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, -$137,883,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$137,883,000,000.
Fiscal year 2028:
(A) New budget authority, -$141,145,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$141,165,000,000.
Fiscal year 2029:
(A) New budget authority, -$145,400,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$145,407,000,000.
Fiscal year 2030:
(A) New budget authority, -$149,582,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$149,581,000,000.
Fiscal year 2031:
(A) New budget authority, -$154,014,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$154,013,000,000.
Fiscal year 2032:
(A) New budget authority, -$160,114,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$160,113,000,000.
Fiscal year 2033:
(A) New budget authority, -$166,102,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$166,101,000,000.
Fiscal year 2034:
(A) New budget authority, -$171,015,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$171,014,000,000.

Subtitle B--Levels and Amounts in the Senate

SEC. 1201. SOCIAL SECURITY IN THE SENATE.

(a) Social Security Revenues.--For purposes of Senate
enforcement under sections 302 and 311 of the Congressional
Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633 and 642), the amounts of
revenues of the Federal Old-Age and Survivors Insurance Trust
Fund and the Federal Disability Insurance Trust Fund are as
follows:
Fiscal year 2025: $1,303,924,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026: $1,363,772,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027: $1,418,548,000,000.
Fiscal year 2028: $1,471,664,000,000.
Fiscal year 2029: $1,530,214,000,000.
Fiscal year 2030: $1,591,009,000,000.
Fiscal year 2031: $1,654,023,000,000.

[[Page H1537]]

Fiscal year 2032: $1,717,802,000,000.
Fiscal year 2033: $1,782,045,000,000.
Fiscal year 2034: $1,848,436,000,000.
(b) Social Security Outlays.--For purposes of Senate
enforcement under sections 302 and 311 of the Congressional
Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633 and 642), the amounts of
outlays of the Federal Old-Age and Survivors Insurance Trust
Fund and the Federal Disability Insurance Trust Fund are as
follows:
Fiscal year 2025: $1,413,704,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026: $1,496,321,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027: $1,585,393,000,000.
Fiscal year 2028: $1,686,625,000,000.
Fiscal year 2029: $1,786,673,000,000.
Fiscal year 2030: $1,890,273,000,000.
Fiscal year 2031: $1,998,509,000,000.
Fiscal year 2032: $2,111,591,000,000.
Fiscal year 2033: $2,224,104,000,000.
Fiscal year 2034: $2,324,902,000,000.
(c) Social Security Administrative Expenses.--In the
Senate, the amounts of new budget authority and budget
outlays of the Federal Old-Age and Survivors Insurance Trust
Fund and the Federal Disability Insurance Trust Fund for
administrative expenses are as follows:
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $6,400,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $6,332,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $6,268,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $6,287,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $6,455,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $6,422,000,000.
Fiscal year 2028:
(A) New budget authority, $6,644,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $6,584,000,000.
Fiscal year 2029:
(A) New budget authority, $6,832,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $6,765,000,000.
Fiscal year 2030:
(A) New budget authority, $7,033,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $6,963,000,000.
Fiscal year 2031:
(A) New budget authority, $7,233,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $7,162,000,000.
Fiscal year 2032:
(A) New budget authority, $7,437,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $7,365,000,000.
Fiscal year 2033:
(A) New budget authority, $7,651,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $7,576,000,000.
Fiscal year 2034:
(A) New budget authority, $7,869,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $7,792,000,000.

SEC. 1202. POSTAL SERVICE DISCRETIONARY ADMINISTRATIVE
EXPENSES IN THE SENATE.

In the Senate, the amounts of new budget authority and
budget outlays of the Postal Service for discretionary
administrative expenses are as follows:
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $268,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $268,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $279,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $279,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $289,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $289,000,000.
Fiscal year 2028:
(A) New budget authority, $299,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $299,000,000.
Fiscal year 2029:
(A) New budget authority, $309,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $309,000,000.
Fiscal year 2030:
(A) New budget authority, $319,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $319,000,000.
Fiscal year 2031:
(A) New budget authority, $330,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $330,000,000.
Fiscal year 2032:
(A) New budget authority, $341,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $341,000,000.
Fiscal year 2033:
(A) New budget authority, $352,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $352,000,000.
Fiscal year 2034:
(A) New budget authority, $364,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $364,000,000.

TITLE II--RECONCILIATION

SEC. 2001. RECONCILIATION IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

(a) Submissions.--In the House of Representatives, not
later than May 9, 2025, the committees named in subsection
(b) and subsection (c) shall submit their recommendations on
changes in laws within their jurisdictions to the Committee
on the Budget of the House of Representatives to carry out
this section.
(b) Instructions.--
(1) Committee on agriculture.--The Committee on Agriculture
shall submit changes in laws within its jurisdiction to
reduce the deficit by not less than $230,000,000,000 for the
period of fiscal years 2025 through 2034.
(2) Committee on armed services.--The Committee on Armed
Services shall submit changes in laws within its jurisdiction
that increase the deficit by not more than $100,000,000,000
for the period of fiscal years 2025 through 2034.
(3) Committee on education and workforce.--The Committee on
Education and Workforce shall submit changes in laws within
its jurisdiction to reduce the deficit by not less than
$330,000,000,000 for the period of fiscal years 2025 through
2034.
(4) Committee on energy and commerce.--The Committee on
Energy and Commerce shall submit changes in laws within its
jurisdiction to reduce the deficit by not less than
$880,000,000,000 for the period of fiscal years 2025 through
2034.
(5) Committee on financial services.--The Committee on
Financial Services shall submit changes in laws within its
jurisdiction to reduce the deficit by not less than
$1,000,000,000 for the period of fiscal years 2025 through
2034.
(6) Committee on homeland security.--The Committee on
Homeland Security shall submit changes in laws within its
jurisdiction that increase the deficit by not more than
$90,000,000,000 for the period of fiscal years 2025 through
2034.
(7) Committee on the judiciary.--The Committee on the
Judiciary shall submit changes in laws within its
jurisdiction that increase the deficit by not more than
$110,000,000,000 for the period of fiscal years 2025 through
2034.
(8) Committee on natural resources.--The Committee on
Natural Resources shall submit changes in laws within its
jurisdiction to reduce the deficit by not less than
$1,000,000,000 for the period of fiscal years 2025 through
2034.
(9) Committee on oversight and government reform.--The
Committee on Oversight and Government Reform shall submit
changes in laws within its jurisdiction to reduce the deficit
by not less than $50,000,000,000 for the period of fiscal
years 2025 through 2034.
(10) Committee on transportation and infrastructure.--The
Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure shall submit
changes in laws within its jurisdiction to reduce the deficit
by not less than $10,000,000,000 for the period of fiscal
years 2025 through 2034.
(11) Committee on ways and means.--The Committee on Ways
and Means shall submit changes in laws within its
jurisdiction that increase the deficit by not more than
$4,500,000,000,000 for the period of fiscal years 2025
through 2034.
(c) Increase in Statutory Debt Limit.--The Committee on
Ways and Means shall submit changes in laws within its
jurisdiction that increase the statutory debt limit by
$4,000,000,000,000.

SEC. 2002. RECONCILIATION IN THE SENATE.

(a) In General.--
(1) Submissions.--In the Senate, not later than May 9,
2025, the committees named in paragraph (2) shall submit
their recommendations to the Committee on the Budget of the
Senate. Upon receiving all such recommendations, the
Committee on the Budget of the Senate shall report to the
Senate a reconciliation bill carrying out all such
recommendations without any substantive revision.
(2) Instructions.--
(A) Committee on agriculture, nutrition, and forestry.--The
Committee on Agriculture, Nutrition, and Forestry of the
Senate shall report changes in laws within its jurisdiction
that reduce the deficit by not less than $1,000,000,000 for
the period of fiscal years 2025 through 2034.
(B) Committee on armed services.--The Committee on Armed
Services of the Senate shall report changes in laws within
its jurisdiction that increase the deficit by not more than
$150,000,000,000 for the period of fiscal years 2025 through
2034.
(C) Committee on banking, housing, and urban affairs.--The
Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs of the
Senate shall report changes in laws within its jurisdiction
that reduce the deficit by not less than $1,000,000,000 for
the period of fiscal years 2025 through 2034.
(D) Committee on commerce, science, and transportation.--
The Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation of the
Senate shall report changes in laws within its jurisdiction
that increase the deficit by not more than $20,000,000,000
for the period of fiscal years 2025 through 2034.
(E) Committee on energy and natural resources.--The
Committee on Energy and Natural Resources of the Senate shall
report changes in laws within its jurisdiction that reduce
the deficit by not less than $1,000,000,000 for the period of
fiscal years 2025 through 2034.
(F) Committee on environment and public works.--The
Committee on Environment and Public Works of the Senate shall
report changes in laws within its jurisdiction that increase
the deficit by not more than $1,000,000,000 for the period of
fiscal years 2025 through 2034.
(G) Committee on finance.--The Committee on Finance of the
Senate shall report changes in laws within its jurisdiction
that increase the deficit by not more than $1,500,000,000,000
for the period of fiscal years 2025 through 2034.
(H) Committee on health, education, labor, and pensions.--
The Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions of
the Senate shall report changes in laws within its
jurisdiction that reduce the deficit by not less than
$1,000,000,000 for the period of fiscal years 2025 through
2034.
(I) Committee on homeland security and governmental
affairs.--The Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental
Affairs of the Senate shall report changes in laws within its
jurisdiction that increase the deficit by not more than
$175,000,000,000 for the period of fiscal years 2025 through
2034.
(J) Committee on the judiciary.--The Committee on the
Judiciary of the Senate shall report changes in laws within
its jurisdiction that increase the deficit by not more than
$175,000,000,000 for the period of fiscal years 2025 through
2034.
(b) Increase in Statutory Debt Limit.--In the Senate, not
later than May 16, 2025, the Committee on Finance of the
Senate shall report changes in laws within its jurisdiction
that increase the statutory debt limit by not more than
$5,000,000,000,000.

TITLE III--RESERVE FUNDS

SEC. 3001. RESERVE FUND FOR RECONCILIATION LEGISLATION.

(a) House of Representatives.--
(1) In general.--In the House of Representatives, the chair
of the Committee on the Budget may revise the allocations of
a committee or committees, aggregates, and other appropriate
levels in this resolution for any bill or joint resolution
considered pursuant to section 2001 containing the
recommendations of one or more

[[Page H1538]]

committees, or for one or more amendments to, a conference
report on, or an amendment between the Houses in relation to
such a bill or joint resolution, by the amounts necessary to
accommodate the budgetary effects of the legislation, if the
budgetary effects of the legislation comply with the
reconciliation instructions under this concurrent resolution.
(2) Determination of compliance.--For purposes of this
subsection, compliance with the reconciliation instructions
under this concurrent resolution shall be determined by the
chair of the Committee on the Budget of the House of
Representatives.
(b) Senate.--
(1) In general.--In the Senate, the Chairman of the
Committee on the Budget of the Senate may revise the
allocations of a committee or committees, aggregates, and
other appropriate levels in this resolution, and make
adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for any bill or
joint resolution considered pursuant to section 2002
containing the recommendations of one or more committees, or
for one or more amendments to, a conference report on, or an
amendment between the Houses in relation to such a bill or
joint resolution, by the amounts necessary to accommodate the
budgetary effects of the legislation, if the budgetary
effects of the legislation comply with the reconciliation
instructions under this concurrent resolution.
(2) Determination of compliance.--For purposes of this
section, compliance with the reconciliation instructions
under this concurrent resolution shall be determined by the
Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate.
(3) Exceptions for legislation.--
(A) Short-term.--Section 404 of S. Con. Res. 13 (111th
Congress), the concurrent resolution on the budget for fiscal
year 2010, as amended by section 3201(b)(2) of S. Con. Res.
11 (114th Congress), the concurrent resolution on the budget
for fiscal year 2016, shall not apply to legislation for
which the Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the
Senate has exercised the authority under paragraph (1).
(B) Long-term.--Section 3101 of S. Con. Res. 11 (114th
Congress), the concurrent resolution on the budget for fiscal
year 2016, shall not apply to legislation for which the
Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate has
exercised the authority under paragraph (1).

SEC. 3002. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND RELATING TO
GOVERNMENT DEREGULATION.

The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate
may revise the allocations of a committee or committees,
aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution,
and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or
more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between
the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to
reducing burdensome and costly Federal Government regulations
by passing legislation focused on government deregulation
that will decrease new spending arising from such regulations
and reassert the proper constitutional role of Congress in
the law-making process by the amounts provided in such
legislation for those purposes, provided that such
legislation would not increase the deficit over either the
period of the total of fiscal years 2025 through 2029 or the
period of the total of fiscal years 2025 through 2034.

SEC. 3003. SPENDING REDUCTION RESERVE FUND TO SAVE MORE THAN
$2,000,000,000,000.

The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate
may revise the allocations of a committee or committees,
aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution
for one or more bills, joint resolutions, amendments,
amendments between the Houses, motions, or conference reports
relating to spending reforms that will--
(1) scrutinize line item expenditures, especially non-
defense spending that did not exist prior to or has grown
significantly since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic;
(2) fulfill the President's promise to protect the old-age,
survivors, and disability insurance benefits program under
title II of the Social Security Act (42 U.S.C. 401 et seq.),
the Medicare program under title XVIII of the Social Security
Act (42 U.S.C. 1395 et seq.), or the Medicaid program under
title XIX of the Social Security Act (42 U.S.C. 1396 et
seq.), including from waste, fraud, and abuse; and
(3) include policy changes that reduce the deficit through
reconciliation, executive action, or rescissions by Congress
and the President by more than $2,000,000,000,000 over 10
years,
by the amounts provided in such legislation for those
purposes, provided that such legislation would reduce outlays
and the deficit over the period of the total of fiscal years
2025 through 2034.

SEC. 3004. SPENDING-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND RELATED TO CURRENT
TAX POLICY BASELINE.

SEC. 3005. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND RELATING TO
PROTECTING MEDICARE AND MEDICAID.

The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate
may revise the allocations of a committee or committees,
aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution,
and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or
more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between
the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to
protecting the Medicaid program under title XIX of the Social
Security Act (42 U.S.C. 1396 et seq.), which may include
strengthening and improving Medicaid for the most vulnerable
populations, and extending the life of the Federal Hospital
Insurance Trust Fund, by the amounts provided in such
legislation for those purposes, provided that such
legislation would not increase the deficit over the period of
the total of fiscal years 2025 through 2034.

TITLE IV--OTHER MATTERS

SEC. 4001. ADJUSTMENT FOR SPENDING CUTS OF AT LEAST $2
TRILLION.

(a) Adjustment if Deficit Reduction Target Not Achieved.--
In the House of Representatives, if one or more committees of
the House of Representatives submit reconciliation
recommendations pursuant to paragraphs (1), (3), (4), (5),
(8), (9), or (10) of section 2001(b) and such recommendations
do not, in total, achieve at least $2,000,000,000,000 in net
deficit reduction over the period of fiscal years 2025
through 2034, the chair of the Committee on the Budget of the
House shall reduce--
(1) the $4,500,000,000,000 reconciliation instruction for
the Committee on Ways and Means under section 2001(b)(11);
(2) the allocations to the Committee on Ways and Means
under section 302(a) of the Congressional Budget and
Impoundment Control Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633(a));
(3) the aggregates of budget authority, outlays, and
revenues; and
(4) any other appropriate level in this concurrent
resolution,
by an amount equal to the difference between
$2,000,000,000,000 and the total dollar amount of such
recommendations.
(b) Adjustment if Deficit Reduction Target Exceeded.--In
the House of Representatives, if one or more committees of
the House of Representatives submit reconciliation
recommendations pursuant to paragraphs (1), (3), (4), (5),
(8), (9), or (10) of section 2001(b) and such
recommendations, in total, achieve at least
$2,000,000,000,000 in net deficit reduction over the period
of fiscal years 2025 through 2034, the chair of the Committee
on the Budget of the House shall increase the levels
described in paragraphs (1) through (4) of subsection (a) by
an amount equal to the difference between the total dollar
amount of such recommendations and $2,000,000,000,000.
(c) Certification Required for Adjustment.--No adjustment
may be made under subsection (a) or subsection (b) unless the
chair of the Committee on the Budget of the House, using cost
estimates provided by the Congressional Budget Office and the
Joint Committee on Taxation (as appropriate), certifies in
writing that the applicable reconciliation recommendations--
(1) with respect to subsection (a), do not achieve net
deficit reduction of at least $2,000,000,000,000 over the
period of fiscal years 2025 through 2034; or
(2) with respect to subsection (b), achieve net deficit
reduction of at least $2,000,000,000,000 over the period of
such fiscal years.
(d) Reconciliation Instruction for Ways and Means.--In the
House of Representatives, the dollar amount resulting from
any adjustment made under this section to the reconciliation
instruction for the Committee on Ways and Means under
paragraph (11) of section 2001(b) shall be substituted for
``$4,500,000,000,000'' in such section and shall be deemed
the reconciliation instructions for such Committee under such
section. Any recommendations on changes in law within the
jurisdiction of the Committee shall be consistent with the
goals of this concurrent resolution, including with respect
to spending reduction, tax policy changes, reforms, or other
measures deemed appropriate by the chair of the Committee on
the Budget of the House.
(e) Consistency With the Resolution.--Any reconciliation
recommendations receiving an allocation adjustment under this
section shall not be considered in violation of the budgetary
levels established by this concurrent resolution.

SEC. 4002. ENFORCEMENT FILING.

(a) In the House of Representatives.--In the House of
Representatives, if a concurrent resolution on the budget for
fiscal year 2025 is adopted without the appointment of a
committee of conference on the disagreeing votes of the two
Houses with respect to this concurrent resolution on the
budget, for the purpose of enforcing the Congressional Budget
Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 621 et seq.) and applicable rules and
requirements set forth in the concurrent resolution on the
budget, the allocations provided for in this subsection shall
apply in the House of Representatives in the same manner as
if such allocations were in a joint explanatory statement
accompanying a conference report on the budget for fiscal
year 2025. The chair of the Committee on the Budget of the
House of Representatives shall submit a statement for
publication in the Congressional Record containing--
(1) for the Committee on Appropriations, committee
allocations for fiscal year 2025 consistent with title I for
the purpose of enforcing section 302 of the Congressional
Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633); and
(2) for all committees other than the Committee on
Appropriations, committee allocations consistent with title I
for fiscal year 2025 and for the period of fiscal years 2025
through 2034 for the purpose of enforcing section 302 of the
Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633).

[[Page H1539]]

(b) In the Senate.--If this concurrent resolution on the
budget is agreed to by the Senate and House of
Representatives without the appointment of a committee of
conference on the disagreeing votes of the two Houses, the
Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate may
submit a statement for publication in the Congressional
Record containing--
(1) for the Committee on Appropriations, committee
allocations for fiscal year 2025 consistent with the levels
in title I for the purpose of enforcing section 302 of the
Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633); and
(2) for all committees other than the Committee on
Appropriations, committee allocations for fiscal years 2025,
2025 through 2029, and 2025 through 2034 consistent with the
levels in title I for the purpose of enforcing section 302 of
the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633).

SEC. 4003. BUDGETARY TREATMENT OF ADMINISTRATIVE EXPENSES.

(a) Senate.--
(1) In general.--In the Senate, notwithstanding section
302(a)(1) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C.
633(a)(1)), section 13301 of the Budget Enforcement Act of
1990 (2 U.S.C. 632 note), and section 2009a of title 39,
United States Code, the report or the joint explanatory
statement accompanying this concurrent resolution on the
budget or the statement filed pursuant to section 4002(b), as
applicable, shall include in an allocation under section
302(a) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C.
633(a)) to the Committee on Appropriations of the Senate of
amounts for the discretionary administrative expenses of the
Social Security Administration and the United States Postal
Service.
(2) Special rule.--In the Senate, for purposes of enforcing
section 302(f) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2
U.S.C. 633(f)), estimates of the level of total new budget
authority and total outlays provided by a measure shall
include any discretionary amounts described in paragraph (1).
(b) House of Representatives.--
(1) In general.--In the House of Representatives,
notwithstanding section 302(a)(1) of the Congressional Budget
Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633(a)(1)), section 13301 of the Budget
Enforcement Act of 1990 (2 U.S.C. 632 note), and section
2009a of title 39, United States Code, the report or the
joint explanatory statement accompanying this concurrent
resolution on the budget or the statement filed pursuant to
section 4002(a), as applicable, shall include in an
allocation under section 302(a) of the Congressional Budget
Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633(a)) to the Committee on
Appropriations of the House of Representatives of amounts for
the discretionary administrative expenses of the Social
Security Administration and the United States Postal Service.
(2) Special rule.--In the House of Representatives, for
purposes of enforcing section 302(f) of the Congressional
Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633(f)), estimates of the level
of total new budget authority and total outlays provided by a
measure shall include any discretionary amounts described in
paragraph (1).

SEC. 4004. APPLICATION AND EFFECT OF CHANGES IN ALLOCATIONS,
AGGREGATES, AND OTHER BUDGETARY LEVELS.

(a) Application.--Any adjustments of allocations,
aggregates, and other budgetary levels made pursuant to this
concurrent resolution shall--
(1) apply while that measure is under consideration;
(2) take effect upon the enactment of that measure; and
(3) be published in the Congressional Record as soon as
practicable.
(b) Effect of Changed Allocations, Aggregates, and Other
Budgetary Levels.--Revised allocations, aggregates, and other
budgetary levels resulting from these adjustments shall be
considered for the purposes of the Congressional Budget Act
of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 621 et seq.) as the allocations,
aggregates, and other budgetary levels contained in this
concurrent resolution.
(c) Budget Committee Determinations.--For purposes of this
concurrent resolution, the levels of new budget authority,
outlays, direct spending, new entitlement authority,
revenues, deficits, and surpluses for a fiscal year or period
of fiscal years shall be determined on the basis of estimates
made by the chair of the Committee on the Budget of the
applicable House of Congress.
(d) Aggregates, Allocations and Application.--In the House
of Representatives, for purposes of this concurrent
resolution and budget enforcement, the consideration of any
bill or joint resolution, or amendment thereto or conference
report thereon, for which the chair of the Committee on the
Budget makes adjustments or revisions in the allocations,
aggregates, and other budgetary levels of this concurrent
resolution shall not be subject to the point of order set
forth in clause 10 of rule XXI of the Rules of the House of
Representatives.

SEC. 4005. ADJUSTMENTS TO REFLECT CHANGES IN CONCEPTS AND
DEFINITIONS.

(a) House of Representatives.--In the House of
Representatives, the chair of the Committee on the Budget may
adjust the appropriate aggregates, allocations, and other
budgetary levels in this concurrent resolution for any change
in budgetary concepts and definitions consistent with section
251(b)(1) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit
Control Act of 1985 (2 U.S.C. 901(b)(1)).
(b) Senate.--In the Senate, upon the enactment of a bill or
joint resolution providing for a change in concepts or
definitions, the Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of
the Senate may make adjustments to the levels and allocations
in this concurrent resolution in accordance with section
251(b) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control
Act of 1985 (2 U.S.C. 901(b)).

SEC. 4006. ADJUSTMENT FOR CHANGES IN THE BASELINE.

The chair of the Committee on the Budget of the House of
Representatives and the Chairman of the Committee on the
Budget of the Senate may adjust the allocations, aggregates,
and other appropriate budgetary levels in this concurrent
resolution to reflect changes resulting from the
Congressional Budget Office's updates to its baseline for
fiscal years 2025 through 2034, including the effects of
legislation enacted before the date on which this concurrent
resolution is agreed to.

SEC. 4007. EXERCISE OF RULEMAKING POWERS.

Congress adopts the provisions of this title--
(1) as an exercise of the rulemaking power of the Senate
and the House of Representatives, respectively, and as such
they shall be considered as part of the rules of each House
or of that House to which they specifically apply, and such
rules shall supersede other rules only to the extent that
they are inconsistent with such other rules; and
(2) with full recognition of the constitutional right of
either the Senate or the House of Representatives to change
those rules (insofar as they relate to that House) at any
time, in the same manner, and to the same extent as is the
case of any other rule of the Senate or House of
Representatives.

TITLE V--POLICY STATEMENTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

SEC. 5001. POLICY STATEMENT ON ECONOMIC GROWTH.

(a) Findings.--The House finds the following:
(1) The rate of economic growth has a significant impact on
budget deficits. When the rate of gross domestic product
(GDP) increases, projected revenue grows with it and deficits
decline. Conversely, slower GDP growth can lead to lagging
revenues and mounting deficits.
(2) Federal policies affect the economy's potential to grow
and impact economic performance, influencing budgetary
outcomes. Consequently, fiscally responsible policies that
improve the economy's long-term growth prospects help reduce
the size of budget deficits over a given period.
(3) The free market, where individuals pursue their own
self-interests, has been responsible for greater advancements
in quality of life and generation of wealth than any other
form of economic system. Federal policies designed to grow
the economy should thus allow market forces to operate
unhindered rather than pick ``winners'' and ``losers''.
(b) Policy on Economic Growth.--In the House of
Representatives, it is the policy of this concurrent
resolution to pursue policies that embrace the free market
and promote economic growth policies that--
(1) reduce Federal spending;
(2) expand American energy production;
(3) lower taxes that discourage work, savings, and
investment;
(4) deregulate the economy and enact reforms to diminish
bureaucratic red tape; and
(5) eliminate barriers to work so more Americans enter (or
reenter) the job market.

SEC. 5002. POLICY STATEMENT ON MANDATORY SPENDING REDUCTION.

(a) Findings.--The House finds the following:
(1) The United States faces a significant debt crisis, with
the national debt currently exceeding $36 trillion, or 123
percent of GDP.
(2) Since 2019, mandatory spending has increased by 59
percent.
(3) This debt poses a significant risk to the country's
long-term fiscal sustainability, with implications for future
generations.
(4) Mandatory spending currently accounts for over 70
percent of the entire Federal budget.
(5) The deficit for fiscal year 2025 is projected to be
$1.9 trillion, or 6.2 percent of GDP.
(6) This fiscal year, net interest will total $952 billion,
or 3.2 percent of GDP.
(b) Policy on Mandatory Spending Reduction.--In the House
of Representatives, the goal of this concurrent resolution is
to reduce mandatory spending by $2 trillion over the budget
window. If the combined deficit reduction provided by
authorizing committees is below this target, it is the policy
of the Committee on the Budget of the House that the
instruction provided to the Committee on Ways and Means of
the House should be reduced by a commensurate amount to
offset the difference.

SEC. 5003. POLICY STATEMENT ON GOVERNMENT DEREGULATION.

(a) Findings.--The House finds the following:
(1) Regulations throughout the Federal Government have been
a major issue for decades, continuously growing while
negatively impacting the nation's economic and fiscal
standing.
(2) Overregulation has consistently hurt small businesses,
strangled domestic energy production, weakened labor market
conditions, and expanded government overreach and costs on
taxpayers.
(3) Real (inflation-adjusted) spending on regulatory
agencies has increased exponentially since 1960. The total
number of pages in the Code of Federal Regulations (CFR) has
increased from 22,877 pages in 1960 to nearly 200,000 today.
When compared to 1950, the CFR contained only 9,745 pages in
1950, making the size of the CFR today 95% larger than it was
in 1950.
(b) Policy Statement on Government Deregulation.--In this
House of Representatives, it is the policy of this concurrent
resolution--
(1) that Congress continues to examine ways to relieve the
burdens of overregulation throughout the Federal Government;
(2) that Congress is ready to promote initiatives that will
reduce government bureaucracy, enhance Federalism, and
increase economic prosperity through deregulation;

[[Page H1540]]

(3) to not only reduce burdensome, costly regulations, but
to also reassert the role of Congress; and
(4) to enact legislation through reconciliation that
strengthens Congress, scales back Federal regulations, limits
future bureaucratic red tape, and unleashes economic growth,
such as the Regulations from the Executive in Need of
Scrutiny (REINS) Act.

Motion to Concur

Mr. ARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, I have a motion at the desk.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Clerk will designate the motion.
The text of the motion is as follows:

Mr. Arrington of Texas moves that the House concur in the
Senate amendment to House Concurrent Resolution 14.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 313, the motion
shall be debatable for 1 hour equally divided and controlled by the
chair and ranking minority member of the Committee on the Budget.
The gentleman from Texas (Mr. Arrington) and the gentleman from
Pennsylvania (Mr. Boyle) each will control 30 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Texas.

General Leave

Mr. ARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members
may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to
include extraneous material on Senate amendment to H. Con. Res. 14.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Texas?
There was no objection.
Mr. ARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Mr. Speaker, in the most historic election of our lifetime, Americans
resoundingly elected President Trump and a Republican-led Congress to
reverse course on the failed policies and the string of self-inflicted
disasters of the past 4 years.
Unbridled spending and bad economic policies have weakened our
economy, created a cost-of-living disaster for working families, and
pushed our Nation ever closer to the precipice of the sovereign debt
crisis.
Today, our national debt is at wartime levels, Mr. Speaker. Our
deficit is $2 trillion more than our annual appropriations budget. Half
of that is interest. Interest on the debt is greater than we spend, Mr.
Speaker, on all of Defense and, respectively, it is more than we spend
on all of Medicare services to our seniors.
It is completely and utterly unsustainable. We are at a critical
inflection point. We have a generational opportunity to rein in
wasteful spending, reignite growth, and put our Nation on a responsible
and sustainable path.
Members of this Chamber did just that. The Republicans of the House
fashioned a fiscal framework that was responsible, that put pro-growth
policies in place to incent growth and job creation, move our country
forward, strengthen our economic base, which is our power base that
gives us our global leadership influence.
We also give tools and resources to our Commander in Chief to provide
for a common defense. We bend the curve on mandatory spending, which is
75 percent of the budget, 90 percent of the increase in spending, and
it is the spending that is bankrupting the United States of America.
For the next hour, the Democrats will have rhetorical arguments that
are tired, old, and completely false. They will prey on the fears of
our most vulnerable Americans and they will try to intimidate my
Republican colleagues into inaction.
They will try to convince our seniors and those families and
individuals who struggle that we will somehow steal their safety net or
cut their program, which couldn't be further from the truth.
Mr. Speaker, my Democrat colleagues in the Rules Committee said,
listen, if you are just talking about cutting waste, you know we are
there. You know we will meet you half way. We want to ensure that the
taxpayer dollars are stewarded, and yet they take out their baseball
bat when we talk about the hundreds of billions of dollars in waste,
fraud, and abuse, and they politicize it.
However, when they had full control of the House and Senate and the
White House, they jammed through their Inflation Reduction Act or the
American Rescue Plan, there wasn't a jot or tittle, not a single
measure of fiscal control or a measure of rooting out waste and fraud,
but they say they are with us.
Mr. Speaker, instead, there was $2 trillion in wasted tax dollars
opening up healthcare and welfare to illegals, waived work requirements
to able-bodied Americans, trapping more people in dependence on the
government. Of course, they also had bailouts for student loans and
expansion of the IRS by $80 billion, mandating electric vehicles for
every American, tax breaks for green energy corporations, and the list
goes on and on.
They will also dust off an old playbook where they say that the Tax
Cuts and Jobs Act was simply a tax cut for the rich.
Just to dispel that with a few points, The Washington Post gave four
Pinocchios to their claim that it went to the rich and to the
corporations. Mr. Speaker, $3 out of $4 went to individuals, and the
lower 10 percent of our income brackets received the highest tax break.
The top 1 percent actually had to pay a higher share of taxes.
In addition, we saw 25-year wage increases for American families with
a median household income able to put $5,000 back into their pockets
and 6 million people were raised out of poverty, so all boats rose on
the tide of prosperity.
Yet, my Democrat colleagues are trying to stop us from simply
extending the tax relief to our small businesses and tax breaks to our
families after a 21 percent inflation tax that they suffered through
for the last few years.
If they were successful in opposing the extension of the Tax Cuts and
Jobs Act, an average American will have a tax hike of 22 percent,
$1,700 would be the extra expense for families of four, 26 million
small businesses would lose their comparable tax break through the 20
percent 199A deduction, child tax credit would be cut in half for 40
million families, the standard deduction for 91 percent of all
Americans would be cut in half.
Mr. Speaker, as we unlock the reconciliation process, I am
encouraging my colleagues to hold fast to the principles established in
the House's budget resolution. If we do that, we will preserve the
blessings of liberty and prosperity for our children and grandchildren
for generations to come. If we don't, if we shrink back in this
monumental moment and this historic opportunity, then we will be the
first generation of Americans who have left our country worse than we
found it.
If we are to usher in that golden age of America that President Trump
is fond of talking about, we must advance a budget resolution bill that
doesn't just include tax cuts or deregulation or good energy policies.
All that is good, but also, admittedly, the most difficult part but the
most necessary, is reining in the runaway spending that is driving the
greatest country in human history off of a fiscal cliff.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to reverse the curse, and I reserve
the balance of my time.
Mr. BOYLE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I
may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I have to say it is like deja vu all over again because
we were on the House floor about a month ago to have a debate about the
House Republican budget reconciliation resolution, which included
trillions of dollars in big giveaways that mostly benefit the top 1
percent, paid for, in part, by the biggest Medicaid cuts in American
history, combined with trillions of dollars in new debt.
Here we are again a month later and after the Senate Republicans made
their changes, we have even more in tax-cut giveaways. Instead of $4.5
trillion, it is now $7 trillion, most of which one penny doesn't even
pay for it, except, again, for cuts to Medicaid, as well as cuts to
other programs.
Now, there is a little bit of confusion here on a couple aspects, and
I will quickly address them.
First, on tax cuts, there is no question that there will not be a tax
increase on working Americans. There is widespread agreement, on both
sides of the aisle, when it comes to tax cuts on those making under a
million dollars a year.
In fact, in the Rules Committee a few weeks ago, a Democratic Member
offered an amendment to say we agree.

[[Page H1541]]

Where the disagreement lies is in those who make more than a million
dollars a year. The top 1 percent, in fact, the top one-half of 1
percent.
Every Democratic Member voted in favor of that amendment that would
make clear we would be extending the tax cuts for everyone who makes up
to $1 million. That is a massive amount of money. Every Democrat voted
for it. Every Republican voted against it.
Don't be confused and don't be scared by this scare tactic. If you
are a middle-class American, if you are in the 99 percent, you will not
see your taxes go up next year. There is no question about that. What
is at issue is the tax cuts for multimillionaires, billionaires, and
big corporations.
Now, there is another part that has gotten confused or obscured, and
that is with respect to the Medicaid cuts. As CBO confirmed in a letter
they sent to Mr. Pallone and to me, there is no question that this
piece of legislation before us calls for hundreds of billions of
dollars in Medicaid cuts, the largest in American history.
There are some on the other side who have said the word ``Medicaid''
technically doesn't exist in the bill, therefore, these cuts don't
exist. Give me a break.
The instruction in this piece of legislation directs the Energy and
Commerce Committee to identify at least $880 billion of cuts in those
programs where they have jurisdiction.
Guess what. Mr. Speaker, 93 percent of their jurisdiction is Medicare
and Medicaid. You can literally cut everything else that they have
jurisdiction over and that only gets you about $380 billion, so at
least $500 billion, by definition, in order to follow and carry out
these instructions, have to come from Medicaid.
Now, finally, because I know we have a lot of speakers on this side,
there is something additional in this new version of the reconciliation
resolution. It is called current policy baseline. It is a fraud, and to
House Republicans' credit, actually, in their proposal, they didn't
rely on this fraud.
Current policy baseline, with a straight face, wants you to believe
that permanent extension of the tax cuts won't cost one dime. This
would establish a dangerous new precedent here.
For 51 years, we have operated under the Budget and Impoundment
Control Act. For 51 years, we have had the Congressional Budget Office
and we have had these rules, as imperfect as they may be, that we have
to follow, that things have to be paid for within a 10-year window.
Current policy baseline means that rule goes out the window. If we
think that, in establishing this new precedent, this will be the only
time it is ever used, that is crazy. If we think that we have a
national debt issue right now, which we both agree on, it will get far,
far worse if the new standard becomes this phony fraud of current
policy baseline.
Mr. Speaker, I look forward to the rest of the debate, and I reserve
the balance of my time.

{time} 1645

Mr. ARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Pennsylvania (Mr. Smucker), a dear friend from the Keystone State and
vice chair of the Budget Committee.
Mr. SMUCKER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for yielding.
I would first say it has been a great pleasure of mine to work with
the chairman over the past few months. He has done an incredible job
leading the Budget Committee and leading our Conference to a resolution
passed out of the House that not only extended the tax cuts but secured
the border. It unleashes American energy. It funds our military. All
the priorities, all the mandates that the American people have given us
and have given the President in this past election, it makes good on.
I will say first that it is, I think, important to every Member of
the Republican Conference in the House and, I believe, every Republican
Member in the Senate, as well, to extend those tax cuts, drive an
economy that is working for Americans, and drive additional growth in
the economy.
That is what came out of the House, and so I was very disappointed to
see very different instructions to the Senate that I think are not
serious.
I believe that we have to do these tax cuts. What I think is also
important to every Member of the House--we know the fiscal trajectory
that we are on, and we know this won't end well if we don't restrain
our runaway spending. I think this is our opportunity to do it.
The $4 billion floor in spending savings in that Senate resolution
just simply is not acceptable. There are those who argue that we will
be working on this and will still come up with a good resolution, but
to me, it is important we have the guardrails in the initial
resolution.
I think there is a reason for the initial resolution. It is to set up
the framework for what this reconciliation will look like.
Unfortunately, today--unusual for me--I will not be able to support
this resolution on the floor. I will be voting ``no'' on this
resolution.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. ARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 15 seconds to the
gentleman from Pennsylvania.
Mr. SMUCKER. Mr. Speaker, again, with what I started with, it is very
important we get this resolution done. There is a better path forward.
We have an amendment that could be passed in this resolution that would
satisfy where the Senate is, where the House is. As I said, I can't
vote for this resolution as it is, but there is a pathway forward here
that is very important.
Mr. BOYLE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from New York (Mr. Jeffries), the Democratic leader.
Mr. JEFFRIES. Mr. Speaker, let me also thank the distinguished
gentleman from the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, Representative Boyle,
who is doing a tremendous job leading House Democrats on the Budget
Committee.
Yesterday, I urged the Speaker to join me on the House floor to
debate this reckless budget one-on-one so we would have an opportunity
to fully air, in a transparent way before the American people,
Democratic values and Republican values, the Democratic perspective on
this budget and the Republican perspective.
I am on the House floor right now. I am ready to debate one-on-one,
prepared to yield to the Speaker for colloquy at any time so we can
discuss the Democratic vision for building an affordable economy that
lowers costs and makes life better for the American people and the
Republican budget proposal that would enact the largest Medicaid cut in
American history in order to pass massive tax breaks for Republicans'
billionaire donors like Elon Musk.
Mr. Speaker, I am ready to yield. I am ready to debate one-on-one on
this House floor. I promise not to rebuke him in the name of Jesus.
Here in America, we were told by Donald Trump and House Republicans,
that they were going to lower the high cost of living for everyday
Americans. In fact, we were told that Republicans were going to do it
on day one, and it hasn't happened.
President Trump and House Republicans told us that they were going to
deliver the golden age of America. Over the last several months, we
haven't witnessed the golden age of America. We have witnessed a rotten
age.
They are crashing the economy in real time, driving us toward a
Republican recession that is going to hurt children, hurt families,
hurt seniors, hurt everyday Americans, hurt veterans, and hurt people
across the land.
Republicans haven't done anything to address the high cost of living.
As Democrats, we recognize that America is too expensive. The cost of
living in this great country is far too high. Housing costs are too
high. Grocery costs are too high. Insurance costs are too high. Utility
costs are too high. Childcare costs are too high. America is too
expensive. We should be working to lower the high cost of living.
Far too many people in this country can't get ahead, and they can
barely get by, struggling to make ends meet, living paycheck to
paycheck. We should be acting decisively to address the high cost of
living.
President Trump promised costs would go down on day one. Costs aren't
going down. They are going up. Inflation is going up. Consumer
confidence is coming down.
These reckless policies, including the Trump tariffs, are driving us
toward a

[[Page H1542]]

recession. On top of it all, Republicans are presenting a budget that
is going to make things worse.

I stand here today in strong opposition to this reckless Republican
budget. It is a cruel budget. It is a budget that will have
catastrophic consequences on everyday Americans.
It is an assault on the economy. It is an assault on Medicaid, an
assault on healthcare, and an assault on nutritional assistance to
children and families. It is an assault on older Americans and an
assault on hospitals, nursing homes, and community health centers. It
is an assault on veterans. That is why we reject it, because we are
going to stand on the side of the American people.
Now, there are so many different problems with this budget
resolution, but let's begin with the fact that Republicans are setting
in motion the largest Medicaid cut in American history. That is going
to hurt people all across this country. In small-town America, in urban
America, in rural America, in the heartland of America, in Appalachia,
all across this country, people will be hurt.
Healthcare will be taken away from children, pregnant women, everyday
Americans with disabilities, older Americans, people in nursing homes,
and people who are receiving long-term care. Nursing homes will close.
That will impact everybody in a given community. Hospitals will shut
down in rural America and small-town America all across America. The
largest Medicaid cut in American history is completely and totally
unacceptable.
In the same period of time, targeting nutritional assistance for
children, infants, women, families, veterans, and older Americans,
literally taking food out of the mouths of babies in the United States
of America, the wealthiest country in the history of the world, this is
why we say it is a cruel budget. It is a callous budget. It is a budget
that will have catastrophic consequences.
Veterans will be hurt, people who have served this country admirably.
They stood up for us. We should always stand up for them, not target
them, as will be the case in this reckless Republican budget.
Democrats are here to make it clear: Hands off Medicaid. Hands off
the healthcare of the United States of America. Hands off nutritional
assistance. Hands off veterans. Hands off everyday Americans struggling
to make ends meet.
Republicans do nothing to lower the high cost of living. In fact,
they are making the affordability crisis in America worse, not better.
Then, they target earned benefits and things that are important to the
American people, like Medicaid, to visit upon it such an extreme cut.
What are they doing it for? What is it in service of? All to pass
massive tax breaks for their billionaire donors like Elon Musk. The
President himself has made that clear. At the end of the day, that is
what this is all about. How extraordinary is that?
As Democrats, we support tax cuts for everyday Americans, tax cuts
for small businesses, tax cuts for family farmers, and tax cuts for
those who need relief, not tax cuts for the wealthy, the well-off, and
the well-connected.
I stand in strong opposition to this GOP tax scam. The reason why,
Mr. Speaker, I have said let's debate this on the House floor directly
through a colloquy, transparently, is to make it clear to the American
people where we stand and where Republicans stand at such a fragile
moment with so many people in this country struggling to make ends
meet.
House Democrats are going to continue to stand on the side of the
American people. We are going to stand on the side of our children, of
our families, of our veterans, of older Americans, of everyone aspiring
to achieve the American Dream, stand up in defense of Medicaid, stand
up in defense of veterans' benefits, stand up in defense of nutritional
assistance, stand up in defense of economic opportunity and a fair tax
code that is designed to build an economy that actually works for
everyday Americans as opposed to an economy of the billionaires, by the
billionaires, and for the billionaires.
That is why Democrats strongly oppose this reckless Republican budget
resolution and will not rest until we bury it in the ground, never to
rise again.
Mr. ARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, after the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, the
wages for the bottom 10 percent grew at twice the amount of the top 10
percent and wealth three times the top 1 percent. If Leader Jeffries is
successful at killing the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act extension, he will
raise taxes by $1,739 for families in his district.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr.
McClintock), my good friend.

{time} 1700

Mr. McCLINTOCK. Mr. Speaker, Benjamin Franklin told of a French woman
who once confided to her sister: ``I don't know how it happens, sister,
but I meet with nobody but myself that is always in the right.'' He was
reminding his colleagues that democracies were never designed to make
perfect decisions, only the most acceptable ones to the most people.
My disappointment in the Senate version before us is vast, but it has
one redeeming quality: It is within reach. No, it doesn't begin to
address the dangerous debt that threatens our Nation's solvency, but it
does open up a process that is absolutely critical if we are going to
stop a $4.5 trillion tax increase that would devastate our economy,
provide the funds to secure our borders, and provide for our defense in
a dangerous world.
I am frustrated with the Senate numbers, but in DOGE we trust. I
think we can achieve a trillion dollars of savings as a result of its
work. The mass repatriation of millions of illegal aliens should save
another $150 billion. Restoring the work requirement for able-bodied
welfare recipients will save hundreds of billions of dollars more
without touching a single service for the truly needy. The economic
rebound from the regulatory and fiscal reforms and from the bilateral
free trade agreements the President intends to negotiate are
potentially explosive.
None of these reforms are in this resolution, but all of them depend
on this resolution. If anybody has a better alternative, they need to
bring it to a vote in both Houses this week. Otherwise, let us take a
little of Benjamin Franklin's advice, doubt a little of our own
infallibility, and get on with the work we were elected to do and upon
which the prosperity of our people and the future of our Nation
depends.
Mr. BOYLE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chair, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Pallone), the ranking member of the
Energy and Commerce Committee.
Mr. PALLONE. Mr. Speaker, I have heard my Republican colleagues today
admit that they were extending the tax cut for the rich and the large
corporations. I have heard them say they are worried about the debt.
Certainly, this resolution would also increase the debt.
What I have not heard the majority admit is that they are cutting
Medicaid to pay for all this. They will not admit that. This is the
second time now the budget resolution passed the House, and the budget
resolution came over from the Senate. They are going to vote today on
instructing my committee, the Energy and Commerce Committee, to cut
$880 billion at least.
Mr. Boyle, our ranking member, pointed out that the CBO got back to
us and said that most, if not all, of that has to come from Medicaid
cuts.
My Republican colleagues should please admit that they are voting
today on Medicaid cuts. Do not deny it. Do not try to put it aside.
That is what this is all about.
What does that mean? It means there is less money to the States, so
they are going to cut back on nursing home care and on the money that
goes to hospitals. Hospitals and nursing homes will close, or they will
have such terrible quality of service or, in the case of the hospitals,
will pass on those extra costs to other people who have insurance, and
their insurance premiums go up.
What about people with disabilities? Most of them are dependent on
Medicaid. Their services will be eliminated or cut back, as well.
Please, understand that a vote for this by the Republicans today is a
vote to cut people's healthcare, to reduce their services, to kick
people out of nursing homes, and to make hospitals unavailable.

[[Page H1543]]

Mr. ARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, interestingly enough, the Democrats'
expansion of ObamaCare actually put 90 cents on the dollar for able-
bodied adults. They robbed our most vulnerable--our disabled, blind,
and pregnant fellow Americans--of having access to healthcare, reducing
the quality of outcomes over the years. That was a policy of the
Democrats, and there are many others that need to be reversed.
Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Oklahoma (Mr. Hern), my
friend.
Mr. HERN of Oklahoma. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this
legislation that will unlock the critical work the American people
elected us to do.
Let's not forget that the only reason we are in this position to be
working on such important legislation is because of President Donald
Trump. President Trump's message resonated with the American people,
and they elected him in historic numbers. They delivered Republican
majorities in the House and the Senate because they want Congress to
deliver on the promises we made.
Today, it is time for us to act so that we can get on with the real
work in our committees. In passing this budget framework, we are
unlocking the process to deliver on unleashing American energy
production, permanently securing our southern and northern borders, and
making tax cuts permanent for small businesses and working families.
If we fail, every American will see the largest tax increase in
American history. Just days away from tax day, this is as important a
time as any to put the American people first. We cannot fail the
hardworking Americans who are trusting us to get this done or the small
businesses that rely on consistency in our tax code.
President Trump has fully secured our border and eliminated over $100
billion in government spending on waste, fraud, and abuse.
My Democratic colleagues speak of confusion, as we have heard today.
Let me remove some of that confusion. President Trump's new proposal on
tax cuts is for those making tips, not the wealthy; those on overtime,
not the wealthy; and reducing the tax burden on those receiving Social
Security, our seniors, not the wealthy.
The President has talked about giving tax credits or deductibility
for interest on automobiles made in America so our great union workers
in America can have better jobs and continue to see jobs grow in
America, not the wealthy.

My Democratic colleagues want to talk about fear over facts, as we
have heard from their leaders today. Let me remind them of what
happened. They inherited a government in January 2021 with 1.4 percent
inflation, and they delivered 9.1 percent inflation just 5 months
later. That was almost a sevenfold, 700 percent, increase in inflation
on the American people.
When they talk about being good stewards of the American taxpayers'
tax dollars, this is an outright abuse of the facts. The facts are they
are the ones who increased inflation, as my colleague said, over 20
percent over a 4-year period.
The reason the American people are suffering today is not because of
the 70 days that President Trump has been in office. It is because of
the 4 years of the Biden administration and the Democratic Party.
Mr. Speaker, I am proud to support this budget, and I am proud to
fight for President Trump's legislative agenda. I urge every one of my
colleagues here to vote so we can get on to the debate that the leader
on the other side of the aisle talked about.
Mr. BOYLE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the
gentlewoman from Minnesota (Ms. Craig), the ranking member of the
Agriculture Committee.
Ms. CRAIG. Mr. Speaker, I am actually stunned as we stand here today
because, as my colleagues talk about their plan, what they are doing,
in reality, is giving billionaires the national credit card and telling
them to go hog wild, racking up $14 trillion in national debt over the
next 10 years so that large corporations can pay less in taxes. That
doesn't lower costs for middle-class families in this country.
If this were a bill that we were talking about that would lower taxes
for the middle class, I would be all for it.
To make matters worse, part of how they want to pay for this
resolution is to cut the supplemental nutrition assistance program, or
SNAP, by $230 billion. This cut would force the average SNAP household
of four to spend over $2,000 more on food.
Who are the majority of SNAP recipients? They are seniors living on
fixed incomes, children, and disabled people. SNAP helps American
families buy American-grown food. This cut takes a chunk out of the
farm economy as well when they can least afford it because of the
whiplash of this administration and Donald Trump's tariffs. This
resolution would mean that farmers growing our food would make $30
billion less than anticipated in farm income, placing family farmers at
risk.
This Republican budget only stands to make America hungrier and
poorer so the rich can get richer. It is shameful, and I urge my
colleagues to vote ``no.''
Mr. ARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, the inflation tax that my colleague put
on her constituents with unbridled spending and failed economic
policies actually took $1,100 out of the pockets of our fellow
Americans, but the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act put $5,000 back into the
pockets of our fellow Americans in every district.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Kansas (Mr.
Estes), my friend and a fellow Budget Committee member.
Mr. ESTES. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of advancing
President Trump's America First agenda.
It was less than 2 months ago that I stood on this House floor as
Republicans passed our budget resolution, putting a marker in the
ground to restore and secure our country both physically and
financially.
While I don't think this resolution goes far enough, the resolution
that we are about to pass today is a positive step forward, and it is
what Americans demanded 5 months ago.
Yesterday, I had the opportunity to talk directly with President
Trump in the West Wing. He is asking Republicans to support this budget
resolution to move the process forward. This resolution is only one
more step in the process to obtain these positive results.
Voting ``yes'' means voting for a secure border and economic growth.
By voting ``yes,'' we are voting for a path to make the Tax Cuts and
Jobs Act permanent. It means making economic growth provisions like
research and development, the small business passthrough, interest
deductibility, and immediate expensing permanent parts of our tax code.
A ``yes'' vote prevents the largest tax increase for Americans in
history.
As a fiscal hawk who will continue to work with the administration to
rein in reckless spending, I am voting ``yes'' for the American people.
Mr. BOYLE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from California (Mr. Peters), a distinguished member of the
Budget Committee.
Mr. PETERS. Mr. Speaker, there are a lot of difficult things about
this, but one thing I want to say is that the Republicans are actually
trying to change the rules of the game to say that this tax cut doesn't
cost any money. The Senate is ignoring the rules we have observed for
decades, ruling out the Parliamentarian, just declaring that extending
these tax cuts doesn't cost any money, and that is a falsehood. We are
just changing our accounting rules to do this.

The other fault with this is the chairman, Mr. Arrington, rightly
pointed out we are borrowing $2 trillion every year, but this does
nothing about that. All this does is take money from important programs
to fund the extension of tax cuts, many of which are for the wealthy.
Some may be for the nonwealthy, but much of it is for the wealthy. It
is the wrong thing to do.
Every independent analysis says this will not lower the budget
deficit but will increase it. Mr. Speaker, if you don't believe me,
look at when we vote for the debt ceiling increase; $5 trillion to $18
trillion. What are we going to vote for? This is the wrong direction.
Mr. ARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, after the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, the top
1 percent of earners in this country, who pay 40 percent of the light
bills and the expenses of this growing, massive Federal Government,
paid more of a share of taxes than they did less. The code got more
progressive.

[[Page H1544]]

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Carey),
my friend.
Mr. CAREY. Mr. Speaker, today's vote really marks an essential step
toward fulfilling the promise to the American people to extend the 2017
Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, to enshrine border security into law, and to
move forward toward American energy independence.
After enduring years of high inflation, American families and small
businesses urgently need tax relief in order to thrive. We must pass
our budget resolution today to start the budget reconciliation process
and advance the policies that our American families expect from us.
It includes much-needed deficit reduction, as was mentioned earlier,
which will secure a healthy financial future for our children and
grandchildren. It will allow us to extend the successful tax cuts from
2017 that produced the unprecedented job growth and higher wages for
American workers. I urge everyone to support the resolution.
Mr. BOYLE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from California (Mr. Panetta), a distinguished member of the
Budget Committee.
Mr. PANETTA. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to this disastrous,
debt-inflating budget resolution. Despite what the majority is saying
today, it is a resolution that inflates our debt and deficit. It will
hide the cost of tax cuts for billionaires, and it threatens our
economy.

{time} 1715

Mr. Speaker, it is a resolution that gives the majority a green light
to selectively choose the score of a Republican tax cuts bill. It is a
resolution that pretends that tax costs nothing. It is a resolution
that would do damage to our Nation's finances and add $4.6 trillion to
our Nation's debt.
Experts across this political spectrum have called this dishonest,
fabricated scorekeeping, and it undermines the point of budget rules.
That is why I introduced an amendment to this resolution so that the
Senate uses real estimates to determine its cost.
Instead, they are going to write themselves a blank check to be paid
by the American people and to be paid by our children. That is why I
oppose this and I ask my colleagues to oppose this resolution, as well.
Mr. ARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, I say to Mr. Panetta that if we do
current policy and don't offset the impact of the deficit, that would
be a dangerous precedent.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr.
Bergman).
Mr. BERGMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this Senate amendment
to the fiscal year 2025 budget resolution.
Let's be clear about what we are voting on today. We are not voting
on the budget. We are not voting on the numbers. We are voting on the
framework, a starting point for building a budget that delivers on
President Trump's priorities.
Those priorities are securing our border, strengthening national
security, energy independence, and preventing a tax hike of $4 trillion
set to hit at the end of the year if we don't act.
Think of the reconciliation process as a baseball scrimmage. The
House and Senate can't take the field and start crafting the budget
until we step out of the dugout. Approving this framework gets us into
the game.
Yes, there are concerns about how we achieve the spending cuts and
reduce the deficit. That is a critical conversation, but it starts
here.
In the last 100 years, Republicans have had just four chances to do a
reconciliation bill. We were given a mandate by the American people.
Let's not waste it. I urge my colleagues to support it.
Mr. BOYLE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentlewoman from New Jersey (Mrs. Watson Coleman), a distinguished
member of the House Committee on the Budget.
Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN. Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for yielding
time.
Mr. Speaker, this budget is a bad deal. It takes billions of dollars
from programs that working families rely on and gives that money to the
very wealthiest Americans in the form of $7 trillion in tax breaks.
It slashes funding for programs like Medicaid. Nearly 2 million
people in my State of New Jersey rely on Medicaid for healthcare. It
raises the healthcare costs for folks who get their coverage through
the Affordable Care Act. In my district, folks could see their premiums
go up by $1,400 per year under this budget.
Though I know my colleagues across the aisle are very concerned with
the Federal debt, this budget adds more than $5 trillion to the
deficit. This is a rip-off for working families, and I strongly
encourage my colleagues to oppose this measure.
Mr. ARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Arkansas (Mr. Hill), the chairman of the House Financial Services
Committee.
Mr. HILL of Arkansas. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for kindly
yielding to me.
Mr. Speaker, the policies of the Biden-Harris administration crushed
the spirit of the American people under the weight of rising costs from
a 40-year high inflation, open borders, uncertain futures, and spending
an avalanche on Biden's Big Government spending priorities that have
saddled us with an annual deficit of $2 trillion.
The resolution before us today offers a path forward to rein in
wasteful spending and put our Nation on a responsible and sustainable
fiscal path. It reflects the commitment to the American people that
would secure a better future for all of us.
This resolution secures the opportunity for tax cuts for hardworking
American families and small businesses. It reins in the regulatory
overreach that has long stifled our economic growth. It roots out
waste, fraud, and abuse in the Federal budget.
It is simply common sense that we focus on fiscal responsibility and
rein in wasteful spending to which Washington has become so addicted.
Mr. Speaker, I look forward to working with my House colleagues,
Chairman Arrington, and the Members of this body to accomplish the
President's goals by way of this reconciliation measure.
Mr. BOYLE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentlewoman from the Virgin Islands (Ms. Plaskett), a distinguished
member of the House Committee on the Budget.
Ms. PLASKETT. Mr. Speaker, I stand here appalled and terribly
disappointed at the actions of the Republican majority and the brazen
cruelty and flagrant deceit with which Republicans in Congress and the
Trump-Musk administration are trying to shove this fallacy down the
throats of everyday American people.
Nearly one in three Americans count on Medicaid. Yet Republicans are
pushing a cut of at least $880 billion in Medicaid. What is the
purpose?
This is the purpose. As I sit on the Committee on Ways and Means, I
know that they must add $7 trillion, trillion with a t, in giveaways to
billionaire donors and big corporations, while ripping healthcare and
food away from veterans, seniors, and children.
Mr. Speaker, yes, Americans are fed up with the chaos. They are also
fed up with the cruelty, the lack of humanity, and the willingness to
help everyday Americans who are being exploited by this.
They are exposed.
Mr. ARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, I take that it we don't have the support
of our Democrat colleague for the hundreds of billions of dollars in
waste, fraud, and abuse in Medicaid.

Quite frankly, it is pervasive throughout the Federal Government and
threatens that program, threatens the benefits to our most vulnerable,
and threatens the sustainability of that program for future Americans.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Louisiana (Mr.
Scalise), my dear friend and our fearless majority leader.
Mr. SCALISE. Mr. Speaker, I thank my dear friend from the great State
of Texas, the chairman of the House Committee on the Budget, for
yielding.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution and in
moving this process forward. Let's keep in mind that we worked
incredibly hard, especially here in the House, for months to negotiate
all the details of what needs to happen in this budget reconciliation.
It is all laid out in this House budget.

[[Page H1545]]

We also need to get started with the reconciliation process.
The process is where eleven of our committees in the House will go to
work to start making improvements in so many areas to get America back
on track. Ultimately, Mr. Speaker, that is why we all come here. We
come here to solve big problems.
We deal with small issues, too. It is not often, but every now and
then we deal with a big issue that can actually improve the lives of
families all across this country. We can solve problems that have been
going unanswered for years and decades. Mr. Speaker, we can address
that in this resolution.
Let's go through some of the things that this resolution allows us to
do because this resolution doesn't do any of those things, it just
opens the door to start that reconciliation process.
The product front and center that most people talk about and that is
a big piece, but surely not the only piece, is to make sure that
Americans don't face a massive tax increase.
Mr. Speaker, if we listen to our friends on the other side of the
aisle, they brag that they want these tax rates to go up. They want the
2017 tax cuts we passed with President Trump to expire. They don't
mince any words about that. In fact, it was even talked about during
the campaign.
The voters surely had a say on what they wanted when President Trump
said he wanted to keep tax rates low on hardworking families and his
opponent said she wanted those cuts to expire so those tax rates would
go up on those hardworking families.
The hardworking families of America said where they wanted to go. In
fact, the majority of all Americans said they don't want their taxes to
go up.
Think about which tax rates will go up. On the other side of the
aisle, Mr. Speaker, my colleagues love to talk about class warfare as
if that is something Americans should celebrate. I think it is
insulting to any American who believes in the promise of the American
Dream to try to insult and separate our country based on how much money
they make.
Whatever a person makes today, the greatest thing about America, the
greatest country in the history of the world, is that whatever someone
is today, however much they make today, wherever they came from today,
they can be anything they want to be if they work hard, play by the
rules, and follow their dreams, whatever that dream is, even if that
person wants to be a billionaire
Mr. Speaker, frankly, talk to most billionaires. They didn't start
off chasing wealth because that is not what gets them there. They
chased the idea of something bigger than themselves. It usually
involves bringing a lot of other people along with them. It involves
creating a lot of wealth for a lot of other people along the way, too.
I guess the people on the other side of the aisle want to crush that
ability. Mr. Speaker, go to Marxist countries, which is the utopia of
some of the people on the left. Those Marxist countries don't have any
billionaires to beat up on because they don't allow anyone to have that
opportunity. They tell people what they can do, how much they can make,
what kind of job they can have, and what their potential is. That is
not America, and that never should be America.
Mr. Speaker, Americans can be whatever they want to be because of
what is great about this country. If a person happens to get success,
however it is defined--and it doesn't even have to be financial--if
someone gets success, why should the government want to punish them for
achieving it?
Again, there are great examples all over the world of how failed that
approach is and every one of those countries has experimented with
that, and it has been a dismal failure. I don't see any of the people,
that want to change America to that, going to those other countries,
because those other countries are so failed.
Let's start with that. Look at the individual income tax rates. We
want to keep them where they are. We would like to make them lower, but
we surely don't want them to go up as the other side of the aisle wants
to do.
If these tax cuts are allowed to expire, which a ``no'' vote today
would ensure, if the tax rates expire, it is not millionaires and the
billionaires they keep talking about; it is 95 percent of all families
in America who would see their taxes go up.
Unless a person makes $70,000 a year and thinks they are a
billionaire, their taxes are going to go up. If they make $50,000 a
year, their taxes will go up. The alternative minimum tax comes back. A
lot of people don't know what that is because we got rid of it in 2017.
Every member of the Democratic Party voted ``no'' because they didn't
want those taxes to go away, but, luckily, we got the votes without
them and passed it.
For the middle class of this country, that was a kick to the gut. We
got rid of that. That would come back 100 percent, and all of those
people in the middle class would see a massive tax hike.
Think about small businesses. People love to come here and talk about
small businesses. We should do everything we can to help the creation
of more small businesses and to help the growth of our existing small
businesses.

Mr. Speaker, what happens if there is a ``no'' vote on this
resolution?
There is a tax provision called 199A. Very few people might be able
to explain it if they were asked to explain it.
Let me tell you what it is. 199A, that would expire if we keep going
with this resolution, is the equalizer for small businesses to be able
to compete on the same level playing field as a large business, a
massive, multinational corporation.
The massive, multinational corporations already have their tax rates
set at 21 percent. Think of the small business down the street, the
mom-and-pop store, the business that is hiring three people, that is
allowing that person to maybe be the next billionaire. They are not
there today, but they might want to get there. If 199A goes away, all
of a sudden that small business and every small business in America
goes from paying a 21 percent equivalent to almost 43 percent.
Mr. Speaker, the small businesses will get crushed because they won't
be able to compete with the big, multinational corporations.

{time} 1730

I don't know why the Democrats who oppose this resolution want
multinational corporations to get a two-times advantage over every
small business in America, but that is what a ``no'' vote means.
The Democrats can hide behind billionaires all day long. The
billionaires will benefit from that. We want to allow those small
businesses to keep thriving. Yes, maybe some of them will become
billionaires, and I am not going to attack them if they do. We ought to
celebrate it if they do.
Some of them actually don't make it. A lot of them won't make it if
this resolution fails, Mr. Speaker. We protect that as well so they can
have their shot at the American Dream; so the single mom who has maybe
never had a family that was able to afford their own house can go own
their own business and one day buy their own house, maybe get a nice
car, and maybe get the nice things in life. They don't have that
opportunity if this resolution fails. That is what is at stake.
We do a lot of other things that we will open up the door to go do in
reconciliation by passing this resolution. We secure America's border.
Now, again, this was a major issue on the campaign, and I know the
folks on the other side want an open border. Thank God President Trump
won and followed through on his promise to secure the border. We now
have a 95-percent reduction in illegal crossings at our border.
However, that doesn't solve the problem, Mr. Speaker.
President Trump wants to continue to give our Border Patrol agents
the tools they need to do their job effectively. Why the previous
administration denied them these tools we can all debate, but the
voters of this country made a decision in November. They said: We don't
want our Border Patrol agents to be at a disadvantage with the drug
cartels in Mexico, which they are.
Drug cartels have better technology today than America's Border
Patrol agents. That is a disgrace. Mr. Speaker, you can see drones, and
you can see night vision goggles not with our Border Patrol agents. Do
you know who has got them? It is the Mexican drug cartels. Our Border
Patrol agents who risk their lives to keep our families safe don't have
that same ability. Shame on anybody who wants to deny

[[Page H1546]]

them that ability to have at minimum the same technology, if not more
and better, than the drug cartels. We give them that better technology
in this resolution.
We also do something, Mr. Speaker, that we used to all agree on in
this Chamber, and now, unfortunately, it has become a partisan issue.
We still believe in strengthening America's defense. Believe it or not,
the bad guys are still out there. There are not necessarily more of
them, but it is the same people who have been bad for generations, and
if we sit back and stay complacent and don't keep up, go look at
China's military right now, how much they are advancing their naval
fleet that we are not.
We can look at all the other countries, Iran and Russia, those
countries still intend bad things on our friends, but one day they want
to have those bad things apply to us too, Mr. Speaker.
How do we stop it? It is by having a strong national defense. We
bolster our national defense in this resolution.
Why does President Trump call it one big, beautiful bill? It is
because it does a lot of critically important things all in one
resolution that helps get this country back on a strong footing.
What else it does is it produces incredibly needed savings, Mr.
Speaker, savings that the American taxpayers want, as well. They want
their tax dollars being spent better. They want to see this Congress
find a way to get back to balanced Federal budgets.
Why don't we all work together to do that? We are here working
together to do that. Unfortunately, the other side of the aisle doesn't
want to achieve that. They want to vote against any attempt to save
money. They criticize DOGE when they identify hundreds of billions of
dollars of tax dollars being wasted in foreign countries and here on
American soil wasted.
People who work two and three jobs and are working their tails off to
help provide for their family are incensed when they hear about this
waste.
They say: When is somebody going to do something about it? President
Trump said: I am going to do something about it. He actually campaigned
about that too, Mr. Speaker. He said what he would do, and he is doing
it. There should be a parade applauding a President who actually ran on
saying I am going to do things and then he is actually following
through on the promises.
The other side can still be upset that they lost the election, and
they will keep losing elections as long as they stay in denial about
what this country wants, but this country, the American people, 77
million of them, went to the polls and said: These are the things we
want our President to do, and their President whom they voted for is
doing those things. He needs help from this Congress to continue to
follow through on that.
That is what passing this resolution today does. It starts that
process. There will be more time to debate every one of these items I
talked about, and the people who are against all the things I laid out
can still talk about why they are against them. They can make up fake
bogeymen: Oh, it is the billionaires, it is this, it is that the
disabled people are going to lose benefits.
Do you know what we do, Mr. Speaker? We strengthen benefits for
people that are truly needed, Mr. Speaker, because so many of these
programs that once used to be so great and talked about and lofty have
been abused.
How many illegals are here, people who are here in this country
illegally, are on some of these programs that are going bust? Yes, they
are going bankrupt. Those aren't my numbers, Mr. Speaker. You can go
look at Biden's own actuaries on those programs. Biden's actuaries said
that those programs are going bankrupt, and the other side just wants
to demagogue and say: Leave them alone; leave them be.
To let them go bankrupt would be irresponsible. We can make them work
better for the people who are actually here in America who pay into
those programs and who have earned those programs or who had something
bad happen in their life where they have to be on one of those
programs, instead of people who are stealing from those programs. As
far as the waste, fraud, and abuse alone, government agencies have
given reports on $60 billion a year in waste just in Medicaid, and they
want that waste to continue on the other side.

That is what a ``no'' gets us. It is allowing the $60 billion a year
in waste in Medicaid and fraud in Medicaid to continue. That is the
theft of hardworking taxpayers' money. That is taking healthcare away
from the disabled who need it.
Let's actually get back to having these programs work for the people
who funded them, who paid into them, who deserve to be on them, and who
need to be on them. That is what we do with this resolution.
Let the other side keep demagoguing and keep making up stories, false
stories, and personality fights with a person they don't like who won
an election and they are still angry about that result.
They should look in the mirror, and maybe one day they will say: Why?
Why did all those people, 77 million of them, go to the polls and say:
We want President Trump to be in the White House to go do those things
he said he would do?
He is doing them. Let's help him do it. Everybody should be
supporting this. Whoever is not can still try to be roadblocks. We are
going to keep moving forward, Mr. Speaker, because the future direction
of this country demands it. The people in this country demand that we
keep moving forward and fixing the problems that are holding them back
and holding more greatness for this country back.
Mr. Speaker, I urge everybody to vote ``no,'' but anybody who doesn't
want to vote ``no'' needs to understand what they are blocking and
understand what they are voting ``no'' on.
The rest of us are going to keep going to work for those hardworking
people who are tired of struggling, Mr. Speaker. They are tired of
waiting for the right kind of things to happen in Washington. We can
finally make those right things happen. We do it by voting for this
resolution.
Mr. Speaker, I urge approval of the resolution.
Mr. BOYLE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, the majority leader just said
something absolutely remarkable. He said that there should be a parade
for President Trump.
I have very good news for him. There is going to be a parade for
President Trump thrown by Donald Trump in honor of himself paid for by
taxpayers to the tune of $92 million.
Oh, but to the 72 million Americans watching at home and are on
Medicaid: You are still going to get your Medicaid cut.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas (Mr.
Doggett), who is a distinguished member of the Budget Committee.
Mr. DOGGETT. Mr. Speaker, Speaker Johnson calls our soaring national
debt the ``number one threat'' to our Nation. The Republican Senate
leader says that it is a ``ticking time bomb'' just before he lights
the fuse with this sorry resolution that hikes the debt by $6 trillion.
The independent Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget urges us
to reject this ``unprecedented level of fiscal recklessness.''
Republicans are borrowing trillions more so Elon and his billionaire
buddies can get more.
Already a wrecking ball to our democracy, Trump, the self-described
``king of debt,'' is king today with his schemes to spike the debt as
the Musk DOGE charade wrecks public services and Trump's ``beautiful''
tariff wrecks our economy and heads us straight toward a recession.
With soaring debt, plummeting markets, and a measles outbreak, I have
to give the Republicans credit for turning America red, but not the way
we expected.
Mr. ARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. BOYLE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Escobar), who is a distinguished member of
the Budget Committee
Ms. ESCOBAR. Mr. Speaker, Republicans spent the last 4 years telling
Americans to trust them on the economy, and Donald Trump promised to
lower costs for Americans on day one.
Months into this administration, with Republicans in complete
control, prices are up, inflation is up, joblessness is up, the stock
market is all over the place with American retirees losing

[[Page H1547]]

trillions of dollars in just 72 hours, and a recession is looming.
Let's be clear: Republicans have no plan to prioritize hardworking
Americans, but they have a $7 trillion plan to help billionaires. They
will do that by cutting Medicaid and nutrition programs and
exploding the national debt by $6 trillion.

This budget resolution makes Americans sicker and poorer, and it will
make the rich richer.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to have some common sense and work
with Democratic colleagues. Together we can address all of this. I will
be voting ``no'' on this resolution.
Mr. ARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. BOYLE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentlewoman from Ohio (Ms. Kaptur), who is a distinguished member of
the Budget Committee.
Ms. KAPTUR. Mr. Speaker, I thank Ranking Member Boyle for yielding.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today to stand against the GOP's billionaire
bonanza. It cashes out precious healthcare dollars and enriches
ultrawealthy billionaires and leaves ordinary Americans to pick up the
tab.
My colleagues across the aisle proposed to add an astounding $14
trillion more to our debt over the next decade.
Why? It is to fund more tax cuts for billionaires.
How? Speaker Johnson cuts hundreds of billions of dollars from
Medicaid, a lifeline for millions of our citizens, including more than
200,000 in the district I represent. Every hospital I represent
sustains itself with Medicaid and Medicare.
This debate isn't just about the numbers on a balance sheet. It is
about the health of the American people. How will we keep our hospitals
open and our nursing homes open? How do we take care of the American
people's health?
This Republican resolution is totally irresponsible. It is an
abdication of our duty to serve all the American people, not just those
at the top.
Mr. Speaker, the top 1 percent of earners in this Nation control more
wealth than the bottom 50 percent. It is time for economic fairness.
Vote ``no'' on this resolution.
Mr. ARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Arkansas (Mr. Westerman), who is chairman of the Natural Resources
Committee.
Mr. WESTERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of the Senate
amendment. The American people gave Congress a clear mandate to lower
costs, reduce burdensome regulations, and unlock American resources.
Passing the resolution before us will allow committees to
thoughtfully craft and debate legislation to extend the 2017 Trump tax
cuts, averting a $4 trillion to $5 trillion tax increase on the
American people, and to use our resources to generate more revenue and
to cut wasteful spending.
The resolution in itself is not the solution, but it unleashes
committees to put pen to paper and craft reconciliation legislation
that fully delivers on the promises the President and House Republicans
have made the American people.
Mr. Speaker, if we look in this beautiful Chamber, I have only
located one quote from our past that is displayed here, and it is up
above you up close to the ceiling. We are getting close to celebrating
the 200-year anniversary of those words that Daniel Webster spoke in
1825 when he said: ``Let us develop the resources of our land, call
forth our powers, build up its institutions, promote all its great
interests, and see whether we also, in our day and generation, may not
perform something worthy to be remembered.''
Mr. Speaker, the House Committee on Natural Resources looks forward
to taking action to develop our Nation's resources and to do that
responsibly. Our resources are among our Nation's greatest assets and
revenue generators.
This resolution starts the process to do something worthy to be
remembered in our day and generation, a process to keep taxes low for
working Americans, to unlock the full potential of our natural
resources, and to deliver on Speaker Johnson's directive to have the
resolution on the President's desk by Memorial Day.
Mr. Speaker, I support it, and I urge my colleagues to do the same.

{time} 1745

Mr. BOYLE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the
gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Scott), the distinguished ranking member
of the Education and Workforce Committee and also a member of the
Budget Committee.
Mr. SCOTT of Virginia. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to this
resolution, yet again.
I hear speech after speech from the other side about the deficit and
debt, and here I see this resolution, which increases the deficit.
Let's start with some facts. Every single Democratic Presidential
administration since Kennedy has left for their Republican successor a
better deficit situation than they inherited, and every Republican
President since Nixon has left for the Democrats a worse deficit
situation than they inherited, all without exception.
Here we are again. A Republican President following a Democratic
President and, once again, a budget that would explode the deficit and
national debt, just like clockwork, with their tax cuts for
corporations and the top 1 percent.
Trump's first term added over $7 trillion to the national debt, and
he wants to double down and do it all over again.
As the ranking member of the Committee on Education and Workforce, I
am particularly outraged that Republicans want to partially fund these
tax cuts for corporations and billionaires by making cuts to education
programs and child nutrition programs. This resolution will direct them
to cut Medicaid, ripping healthcare away from millions of Americans.
There is nothing fiscally responsible about this budget. It will add
to the deficit, and the resolution wants to further inflict pain on
working families and the middle class.
Mr. Speaker, I ask my colleagues to oppose this resolution for the
damage it will do to the economy and to the deficit.
Mr. ARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Pennsylvania (Mr. Meuser), my friend.
Mr. MEUSER. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend from Texas for his
leadership.
Mr. Speaker, in order for us to deliver one big, beautiful
reconciliation bill, one that extends the provisions of the Tax Cuts
and Jobs Act, reins in regulations of wasteful spending, unleashes
American energy, secures the border, curbs inflation, and restores
American growth and competitiveness, we first must pass the budget
resolution.
This resolution, Mr. Speaker, is no more than a bridge to
reconciliation and to the golden era of the American economy. Frankly,
what that bridge is made of really makes no difference, so long as we
cross it. Delaying this vote in a symbolic protest only weakens our
ability to act.
Every day we wait, we put our economy, our national security, and our
momentum at risk.
The American people voted for bold action, Mr. Speaker, and President
Trump and we in Congress intend to deliver.
The reconciliation process begins with this resolution. Let's not
protest the bridge that gets us there. Let's cross it and achieve the
results the American people expect from the Republican majority.
Let's pass this and deliver a new golden age in America.
Mr. BOYLE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the
gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Neal), the ranking member of the Ways
and Means Committee.
(Mr. NEAL asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. NEAL. Mr. Speaker, the proposal that we are hearing from the
other side is reckless and irresponsible.
What they are saying is what they usually say: Let's complain about
the size of the national debt and then borrow the money for tax cuts to
go to people at the very top.
I defy anybody on this side to say right now that that is not what
happened in 2017. They borrowed $2.3 trillion, gave a tax cut to the
wealthiest amongst us, and then complained about Biden running up the
national debt.

[[Page H1548]]

The arithmetic doesn't work on this. The messaging might remain
consistent, but what I have just said is entirely accurate. The money
was borrowed in 2017. Then, when you look at tax distribution tables,
just take a look at who got the money. The tax cut for the person at
the top was 288 times what it was for the person making less than
$50,000 a year.
These are the numbers. They don't lie. The messaging that comes from
the other side would have you believe that they are on top of defending
Medicare, Social Security, and Medicaid. They are threatening all three
with these proposals.
I have not seen anything in my time like this, making massive cuts to
Medicaid, closing Social Security offices, threatening Medicare, laying
off veterans at veteran services offices, and then providing a tax cut
to those in billionaire heaven down in the Cabinet.
Let's have an honest discussion between the two parties about fiscal
policy.
Mr. ARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Texas (Mr. Roy), a fellow Budget Committee member.
Mr. ROY. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend from Texas for yielding. I
appreciate the able job that he has done in ushering through a
responsible budget on the House side of the Capitol. Unfortunately, we
are here debating an irresponsible budget sent over to us from the
Senate.
First, before my colleagues on the other side of the aisle applaud me
for my opposition to the Senate bill, my colleagues on the other side
of the aisle refuse to acknowledge any program that they don't think
they can just continue to shovel money out from, despite the fact it
has terrible outcomes.
Medicaid is debilitating the vulnerable, not helping them. We are
shoveling money out to the able-bodied on the back of expansion of
ObamaCare. We are crippling the very program they say they want to
uphold while we allow money laundering to California, which they brag
about openly, to give money to those who are here illegally and to
destroy the program with an FMAP rate that is higher than the
vulnerable, giving out more money than we even give to Medicare.

To my friends on this side of the aisle: When are we going to get
serious about spending?
The House budget actually does a job of trying to get to budget
neutrality, balancing tax policy and spending policy. The Senate sent
over a joke, and we are going to capitulate to the Senate, knowing full
well that the Senate instructions carry the day.
We are going to be sitting there in a reconciliation debate where we
are going to end up on the short end of the stick. Worse, the American
people are going to end up on the short end of the stick because it
absolutely increases deficits. No one can deny it.
Anyone who wants to get in a room and come debate me with a
whiteboard, show me the math. At some point, if you are in Congress,
pass a math test because the Senate bill doesn't add up. It will
destroy this country with more deficits and the inflation tax that is
crippling the average American family.
Mr. Speaker, I will not vote for the Senate bill.
Mr. BOYLE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentlewoman from California (Ms. Chu), a distinguished member of the
Budget Committee.
Ms. CHU. Mr. Speaker, I once again rise in opposition to the
Republican rip-off.
Let's be crystal clear about what Senate Republicans did to this
budget resolution. They made a terrible bill that rips off middle-class
Americans even worse.
They are telling you that two plus two equals zero in this budget
resolution to obfuscate the truth. It will explode our national debt.
It will make the Trump tax scam permanent. It will make devastating and
inhumane cuts to lifesaving services for working Americans to fund tax
giveaways to the ultrarich.
Instead of standing up for their constituents, Republicans bend the
knee to their wannabe emperor and his court of jesters and lackeys in
the White House.
This budget resolution tells us exactly who the Republicans are
working for and who they want to help, and it is not the American
people.
Mr. Speaker, it is a betrayal, and I won't stand for it.
Mr. ARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. BOYLE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. McGarvey), a distinguished member of the
Budget Committee.
Mr. McGARVEY. Mr. Speaker, I can tell you exactly what is going on in
Louisville, Kentucky, right now. Grocery prices are up, and retirement
savings are in chaos.
Republicans could put an end to this crisis, but instead, they are
going to make things worse.
Republicans are about to hand billionaires like Elon Musk $5.3
trillion in tax cuts, the biggest billionaire tax cut in American
history. To pay for it, Republicans are cutting health insurance for
families; ripping away food from kids, seniors, and veterans; and
cutting public education, all while increasing the national debt by $5
trillion.
I don't ever want to hear a Republican complain about the debt again
because no matter how they try to cook the books--believe me, they are
doing that, too--they cannot hide from the negative impact this budget
will have.
Seniors will lose healthcare coverage. Veterans will lose coverage
for the medications they need. Kids will go hungry. For what? So Elon
Musk pays even less in taxes? It is reckless and it is wrong.
Mr. ARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. BOYLE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from Rhode Island (Mr. Amo), a distinguished member of the
Budget Committee.
Mr. AMO. Mr. Speaker, Republicans refuse to listen. They refused in
February when they spiked my amendments to support Medicaid and SNAP,
and they refused again today. This is despite the pleas of Americans
protesting Donald Trump and Republicans' plan to steal their healthcare
and let kids go hungry and despite the overwhelming majority crying out
for everyday Americans over the whims of billionaires.
Clearly, Republicans don't care about the facts or figures. Maybe
they will listen to my constituent Al. Al is a 74-year-old resident of
an assisted living facility in East Providence. He is petrified of
Republican cuts that will force him onto the street. Al needs Medicare
and Medicaid to make ends meet. Even with assistance, he lives on $120
a month. That is $30 a week.
It is not fear-mongering to say that Republicans' plans would hurt Al
to prop up billionaires.
I will be voting ``no'' for the middle class, for families, for
seniors, and for folks like Al.
Mr. ARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. BOYLE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentlewoman from Minnesota (Ms. Omar), a distinguished member of the
Budget Committee.
Ms. OMAR. Mr. Speaker, this budget resolution isn't about fiscal
responsibility. It is about enriching the ultrawealthy and betraying
working people. It is about gutting Medicaid and SNAP so that the rich
can continue to hoard more tax breaks.
These cuts do not make our country stronger. They make it sicker,
hungrier, and more unfair.
This time, Republicans are not even pretending to pay for it. Senate
Republicans are rewriting the rules and inventing fake budget math to
claim that these tax cuts will not cost us anything.
In truth, they cost the American people $7 trillion in total. All of
this is being done to pave the way for a Trump term built on fear,
lawlessness, and vengeance.
President Trump is firing public servants, slashing critical
programs, and enacting chaotic tariffs that will raise costs. This
chaotic administration is trying to drag us into a recession. Instead
of stopping it, congressional Republicans are acting as willing
accomplices.
Mr. ARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. BOYLE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentlewoman from Vermont (Ms. Balint), a distinguished member of the
Budget Committee.

[[Page H1549]]

Ms. BALINT. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to the
Republican budget.
Let's lay out where we are. Republicans control the House, the
Senate, and the White House, and they could be passing legislation
right now to actually lower costs for families on groceries,
prescription drugs, and housing.
Instead, they are attacking the very programs that working people and
middle-class people across this country rely on. They have proposed a
budget that gives massive tax cuts to the wealthiest and the
corporations.
How will they pay for it? They will pay for it by making cuts to
Medicaid to the tune of $880 billion and deep cuts to SNAP benefits,
food assistance to families. On top of that, they will add to the
deficit.

{time} 1800

When I vote against this Republican budget, I will be thinking about
all of the working families back in Vermont, thinking of the families
who aren't going to be able to drop their kids off at a Head Start
program, and thinking about the small businesses who tell me that the
Trump on-again, off-again global tariffs are crushing them.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to reject this reckless budget.
Mr. ARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. BOYLE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentlewoman from Washington (Ms. Jayapal), a distinguished member of
the Budget Committee.
Ms. JAYAPAL. Mr. Speaker, the Republican majority leader said: You
can be what you want in America.
That is what he said, but you can't be what you want in Republicans'
America. Factually, the top 1 percent of billionaires and millionaires
in America are worth more than 291 million Americans, 90 percent of the
country, because we are rigging the economy against them. That is what
Republicans are doing.
There are 801 U.S. billionaires who have $6 trillion of wealth, and
Republicans now want to give a $4.5 trillion tax cut to the wealthiest
billionaires.
That is what Donald Trump said: ``You're rich as hell.'' ``We're
going to give you tax cuts.'' This is on the backs of working Americans
because voting ``yes'' for this resolution is voting for a minimum of
$880 billion in cuts to Medicaid.
That is healthcare taken away from 72 million Americans. That is
nursing homes taken away for five out of eight seniors, and that is
healthcare taken away for 38 million kids. Vote ``no'' on this
disastrous Republican resolution.
Mr. ARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, I wonder how my colleagues justified the
$800 billion tax break for multibillion dollar, multinational green
energy corporations.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from North Carolina
(Mr. Moore), my friend and former speaker of the house from the Tar
Heel State.
Mr. MOORE of North Carolina. Mr. Speaker, this is an opportunity this
evening to vote for a budget resolution that extends tax relief for
working families.
If Members want to support working families in America, vote for
this. It makes the Trump tax cuts permanent. It also provides security
for our southern border. It unleashes American energy, and it sets the
stage for generational spending reform. This is an opportunity today to
move this resolution forward.
There is a lot of fear-mongering on the other side. As has been said
before, the words ``Medicaid'' and ``Medicare'' are not in there. It is
simply wrong. ``Medicaid'' is not in there.
It keeps getting said, and I guess if you don't have the facts on
your side, sometimes you make up facts, and that is what is happening
from the other side. Yet, the American people know, which is why they
elected Donald Trump this year. They know what a responsible budget
means, and that is why we need to pass this.
Mr. BOYLE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from the Commonwealth of Virginia (Mr. Beyer), the
distinguished senior Democrat on the Joint Economic Committee.
Mr. BEYER. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong opposition to this
budget resolution, which is a recipe for economic disaster for our
country.
Americans have been clear. They want lower prices and an economy that
works for them. Yet, at every turn, this administration and my
Republican colleagues are doubling down on policies that raise prices,
undermine our economy, and make our wealth inequality even worse.
Mr. Speaker, I spent much of today with U.S. Trade Ambassador Greer,
and it is clear that the administration's myth that tariffs will
reshape the economy by bullying our closest allies is nothing more than
a fantasy.
The Trump tariffs represent the largest tax hike in American history.
They have caused chaos in the markets and stripped millions from
Americans' retirement plans. Consumer confidence is plummeting,
reaching its lowest level in 12 years, and economists are increasingly
convinced that we are heading for a recession.
This budget will balloon our deficit, leading to higher interest
rates. It will slash critical investments and will decimate essential
programs that support the people who we represent, all of this to help
billionaires and corporations get tax cuts that they do not need and
that our country cannot afford.
Mr. ARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. BOYLE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, may I inquire as to how much
time is remaining.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Rutherford). The gentleman from
Pennsylvania has 3\1/2\ minutes remaining. The gentleman from Texas has
2 minutes remaining.
Mr. BOYLE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentlewoman from New Mexico (Ms. Stansbury), distinguished member of
the Committee on Oversight and Government Reform.
Ms. STANSBURY. Mr. Speaker, the amount of gaslighting in this Chamber
this afternoon has been absolutely stunning, truly, as I sat here this
afternoon.
What the GOP is doing is they are introducing a budget resolution
that takes the worst of the House and the worst of the Senate and puts
it in one big, beautiful bill that is going to blow a hole through the
national debt. It will do that by raising the debt ceiling by $4
trillion, cutting $1.5 trillion in vital programs, giving $7 trillion
in permanent tax breaks to billionaires, and raising the debt by $37
trillion over the next 30 years.
How are Republicans going to pay for it? On the backs of the American
people with cuts to Medicaid, food assistance, housing, school meals,
clean energy, and selling your public lands.
Mr. Speaker, the craziest thing is the majority said that Republicans
wouldn't vote for it if it would raise the debt and the debt ceiling,
and here they are.

Bravo to my friends. My Republican colleagues are blowing a hole
through the debt ceiling, and we will vote ``no.''
Mr. ARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. BOYLE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the
gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Cohen), distinguished member of the
Committee on the Judiciary.
Mr. COHEN. Mr. Speaker, this is about the billionaires. It is not
about the middle class. It is not about a budget deficit because the
majority wouldn't have to give the money to the billionaires if my
colleagues on the other side of the aisle gave it to decreasing the
deficit.
This is the party that is trying to kill Social Security through the
DOGE boys, who are cutting out services for people who use the phone to
deal with their Social Security and eliminating employees from Social
Security. The majority is trying to kill Social Security. That is who
it is, and Republicans want to help the billionaires and hurt the folks
who live on Social Security.
Mr. ARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, I am prepared to close and I reserve the
balance of my time.
Mr. BOYLE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of
my time.
Mr. Speaker, I think it has been a good debate that has brought out a
couple of clear facts. Even though President Trump directed House
Republicans last night to ``close your eyes'' and just pass the
resolution, I believe the speakers on this side have opened the eyes of
the American people.

[[Page H1550]]

These are indisputable facts: the largest cut to Medicaid in American
history in order to help pay for a tax cut, 83 percent of which goes to
the richest 1 percent of Americans.
Indeed, this is a big, beautiful bill for billionaires. Vote ``no.''
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. ARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I am obsessed with the threat of a looming debt crisis
and the irreparable harm it would do to our great economy, our national
security, our leadership in the world, and our children's future.
We have an opportunity. It is a historic generational opportunity to
right this ship, but we have to grow the economy. We have to have
progrowth policies in place that will unleash growth and prosperity,
and we have to get serious about the first and most important job of
the Federal Government, which is providing for the common defense.
We did that in the House bill, but what we did in the House bill that
the Senate fell far short in doing is to have a balanced budget
resolution, to have a commitment to enforceable spending reduction
targets that would bring the debt to GDP down and put our Nation on
good fiscal footing and a sustainable path.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues today to demand that the House
budget resolution and that our fiscal framework with our budget targets
guide the final reconciliation bill.
Mr. Speaker, again, this may be the last best opportunity to save our
country from fiscal ruin. The formula is all there in the House budget
resolution.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to demand that that is what drives
the bill at the end of the day. God bless America, and I yield back the
balance of my time.
Mr. BISHOP. Mr. Speaker, the House will vote on the Senate revised
budget resolution this evening.
The budget resolution requires seven House committees to cut a
minimum of $1.5 trillion in mandatory spending combined over the next
decade. Of that amount, at least $880 billion is directed to come from
the House Energy and Commerce Committee. Most budget experts have
agreed that it would require deep cuts in Medicaid to produce these
savings.
In my home state of Georgia, Medicaid is a lifeline for its low-
income populations, seniors, disabled individuals, and children. It is
the primary source of long-term care, the single largest payer in the
country for behavioral health services, and a principal source of
insurance for pregnant women and children with disabilities.
One of the proposals that is now being discussed in Congress to
achieve Medicaid savings is adding work requirements. In fact, Georgia
added work requirements to its Medicaid program in July 2023 through
its Pathways to Coverage program. It is currently the only state to
offer Medicaid coverage to low-income adults that is contingent on work
and other qualifying activities.
According to the Georgia Budget and Policy Institute, however, there
have been significant problems since this experiment in Medicaid reform
was established two years ago. It is failing to achieve its two primary
objectives of enrolling people in health care and getting them to work.
Georgia's Pathways to Coverage program is supposed to cover nearly a
quarter-million low-income Georgians who can prove they are working,
studying or volunteering. Only about 6,500 of them, however have been
able to gain and maintain coverage.
In Georgia's Second Congressional District, which I represent, some
of the poorest counties have fewer than 10 enrollees despite having
high percentages of uninsured populations.
The Georgia Budget and Policy Institute also found that Georgia's
Pathways to Coverage program created burdensome red tape and paperwork
for state agencies and Medicaid recipients.
Georgia's experience offers a stark warning for the Nation as
Republicans consider steep Medicaid cuts and work requirements for low-
income Americans. The focus must be on increasing enrollment in health
insurance for people who need it. The focus should not be on wasting
taxpayer dollars and creating more administrative burdens.
We want people to be healthy so that they can work. It shouldn't be
the other way around.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Womack). All time for debate has
expired. Pursuant to House Resolution 313, the previous question is
ordered.
Pursuant to clause 1(c) of Rule XIX, further consideration of H. Con.
Res. 14 is postponed.

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