[Congressional Record Volume 171, Number 62 (Monday, April 7, 2025)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2452-S2453]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
GOVERNMENT FUNDING
Mr. CORNYN. Madam President, as the Presiding Officer will recall, it
was 2:30 in the morning on Saturday--just a few short hours ago, it
seems like--that the Senate voted to pass a budget resolution amending
the House budget resolution, the next important step to passing
President Trump's ``America First'' agenda.
The budget will go back--and has gone back--to the House, and then it
will be time for the committees to do really the hard work. This was
the easy part, passing the framework, but now we have to write the
bills to implement not only the continuation of the current tax
provisions but also the spending cuts that are so important and to help
the President keep his other promises that he made on the campaign
trail. And we are on our way to what President Trump likes to call
``one, big, beautiful bill.''
Well, a lot of important conversations have been taking place, on
both sides of the Capitol, about what the result will be. But while
these questions and some differences are natural, the critical matter
at hand in this budget resolution is to make sure that we don't impose
a multitrillion-dollar tax increase on the American people.
Now, there have been a lot of crazy allegations made about what the
budget actually did or did not do, while some of our colleagues have
said that the American people don't want to see their tax cuts
extended, which is false, and I don't know who they are talking to. And
then they claim that the extension would benefit the wealthy few at the
expense of the middle class. That is also another false statement.
As I said, if the President's tax cuts are not extended, we will see
a multitrillion-dollar tax hike, the largest in history, and 62 percent
of American taxpayers will see a tax increase in 2026. Working parents
will see the child tax credit cut in half, and the average family of
four that earns $80,000 a year will face a $1,700 tax increase. Back
home in Texas, my constituents would see their taxes increase by $3,000
on average next year.
Now, imagine this. If we failed to follow through on President
Trump's campaign promises and on our campaign promises, if we agreed
with the Democrats who were demagoguing this issue, can you imagine
what that would do to the standard of living of hard-working American
families? And that would be on top of 4-year high inflation--actually
the highest in 40 years. So that would be, to me, insult added to
injury, to add a huge tax increase on top of all of the inflation that
Americans experienced during the last 4 years--roughly, on average,
about a 21-percent increase in the cost of living.
But not just families would be affected. Small businesses would see
their Federal tax rates increase by almost 50 percent. One recent
survey found that 61 percent of small business owners said they would
have to increase prices as a result of the tax increase on them. Can
you imagine what that would do to already high prices as a result of
inflation?
Nearly half of these small businesses reported that they would have
to postpone or cancel capital investments; in other words, they
couldn't grow their business, hire more employees, or improve their
equipment.
Now, these are not massive corporations, as we hear from folks on
that side of the aisle. They talk about businesses as if they were all
Fortune 500 companies. Most businesses in America are small businesses,
the owners of which pay business income on an individual tax return--
so-called passthrough entities. And these are the folks--these local
entrepreneurs are the ones--that create jobs and help employ hard-
working Americans who are pursuing their American dream.
Republicans, it is good to announce or report or reassure that we are
united against these defenseless claims coming from the other side.
That doesn't mean they will stop. They are depending on low-information
voters, people who just read the headlines or read certain propaganda
to carry the day on their false allegations about this just helping the
rich people. Or one of my favorite is they were arguing during the
budget vote-arama, as it was called, that this was going to affect
Social Security.
They know and we know that the law prevents Social Security from
being even included in these discussions. So how could it possibly be
true? It can't be true.
[[Page S2453]]
So we have to get this bill over the finish line by sometime this
summer. In addition to preventing the biggest tax increase in history,
this bill will provide an opportunity for us to take important steps in
controlling spending and addressing our national debt.
Now, I noticed the chairman of the Armed Services Committee just came
into the Chamber, and he knows, like I know, as the Presiding Officer
knows, that we are now paying more for interest on the national debt
than we are on defense, in a very dangerous world--perhaps the most
dangerous since World War II.
So we have to begin the process of controlling our spending, and the
only way we do that is by looking at everything that the Federal
Government spends.
The Federal Government spends about, I think, roughly $6.7 trillion a
year, but it is crazy to acknowledge that we only typically look at
about 28 percent of what the Federal Government spends--so-called
discretionary spending. So we have to find a way to reduce our
spending, not only on the discretionary side but on the mandatory side,
so we can fund our Nation's priorities.
And our top priority as the Federal Government has to be to defend
and protect the American people and our way of life. But we can do this
without tampering with essential programs like Social Security, as I
said, and programs like Medicare that our seniors rely on.
Now, one of the ways we can do this, which I hope we will embrace
wholeheartedly, is to look at means-tested Federal programs. So what
does it mean to have a means test?
Well, it depends on your income. Wealthy people don't qualify. People
of modest and lower income brackets can qualify for these means-tested
programs. But they need to have work requirements for able-bodied
adults because there are a lot of able-bodied adults that are simply
living off of the American taxpayer, costing billions and billions of
dollars for the taxpayer, running up our national debt, when they
should be contributing to our economy and contributing to their
families and their communities by doing meaningful work.
For a long time, there was a bipartisan consensus around work
requirements. In 1996, for example, President Clinton and Newt
Gingrich, when he was Speaker of the House, came together to pass
monumental reforms on the way our welfare system works in America, and
one of the key components of that was that welfare assistance depended
on work for able-bodied adults.
We are not talking about children. We are not talking about the
elderly. We are not talking about the disabled. We are talking about
able-bodied adults.
The Welfare Reform Act of 1996 replaced AFDC, as it was called, with
TANF, or Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, which imposes a 5-
year limit on cash assistance and required recipients to either work or
participate in some type of job training. The bipartisan goal of this
policy was to promote self-sufficiency rather than dependency,
something the Federal Government ought to encourage and incentivize as
much as we possibly can.
And here is the good news: It actually worked. It worked.
It is not just a theory. Within 5 years of passing the law, welfare's
caseloads declined close to 50 percent--the first significant decline
since World War II. Employment and earnings increased among low-income
individuals, with employment among single mothers increasing from 50 to
100 percent 7 years after President Clinton signed it into law. During
the same time period, child poverty declined by 2.9 million people.
But despite the success of this bipartisan policy, the Obama
administration began to roll back these requirements by issuing TANF
work requirement waivers. In other words, they said to the various
States: You don't need to impose this work requirement on able-bodied
adults in order to collect temporary assistance for needy families.
The Trump administration built on previous successful work
requirement policies by issuing a rule that would condition SNAP, or
food stamps as they are sometimes called, on similar work requirements.
After all, why should somebody be able to qualify for food stamps if
they are able to work and simply refuse to do so--and, in fact, when it
is good for them to actually go back to work and provide the dignity
that goes along with that, to self-sufficiency supporting themselves
and their families and their communities.
The U.S. Government spends about a trillion dollars on means-tested
assistance programs, and work requirements are a commonsense step
forward for reform.
But setting aside the budgetary impact of work, there is a moral
reason for these work requirements. Gainful employment has dignity.
People feel better about themselves. They are more productive. They are
happier. They are able to contribute not just to their own well-being
but to that of their community and their family.
So it is more than just a paycheck. It can help address the
loneliness epidemic that we saw, particularly post-COVID, and it is
proven to improve mental health outcomes across the board.
So I would encourage my Republican colleagues to join me in
strengthening work requirements across means-tested programs when the
time comes to identify these savings within our committees.
The American people voted overwhelmingly for President Trump, and now
it is our turn to deliver the ``America First'' agenda that our
constituents voted for and take this opportunity to address our
national debt and encourage more Americans to pursue gainful employment
instead of solely relying on government benefits.
The Senate has completed our next step by passing President Trump's
budget, and it is time for the House to do the same.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Mississippi.
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