Congressional Record, Volume 171 Issue 45 (Tuesday, March 11, 2025)

[Congressional Record Volume 171, Number 45 (Tuesday, March 11, 2025)]
[Senate]
[Pages S1650-S1657]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]

Ukraine

Mrs. SHAHEEN. Mr. President, I am pleased to be able to come to the
floor today to support Ukraine. I am especially pleased that we have
colleagues from both sides of the aisle who are here to support the
Ukrainians in this unjust war against Russia.

[[Page S1651]]

Now, I understand and appreciate the desire for peace in Ukraine, and
I understand why we should end the senseless killing of innocent
people. I think if you ask Ukrainians, they want this war to end too.
They are watching how this war is destroying their country, but the
best way to make a deal here is to give Ukraine as much leverage as
possible.

I am pleased to hear today that there is the potential for a cease-
fire; that as part of that, U.S. intelligence sharing would be turned
back on. I think we should also keep sanctions on Russia. I think NATO
membership should be on the table for Ukraine because Vladimir Putin
only understands strength.
When he invaded Crimea in 2014, a lot of people, including myself,
didn't think our response was strong enough. We were concerned that
Vladimir Putin couldn't be trusted to abide by negotiated agreements,
and 3 years ago, of course, Putin proved us right when he directed his
forces to attack Ukraine again in a full-scale invasion.
His missiles struck kindergartens and maternity wards, and they
continue to strike innocent civilians. His soldiers carried out
massacres in places like Bucha, where just a few weeks ago, I saw
firsthand, along with Senators Bennet and Tillis, the lingering effects
of trauma of what Vladimir Putin and the Russians did in Bucha.
We heard about the indiscriminate murdering of civilians, the rape
and the torture of innocent bystanders. Well, Russian soldiers rushed
into Ukraine from the north, from the south, and from the east. Many
predicted that the country would fall within weeks, if not days. But as
we stand on the floor today, Ukraine is still standing. That is thanks,
in no small part, to the strong bipartisan support that Ukraine has
enjoyed here in Congress.
I think that support--that strong bipartisan support--has been there
because we understand that this is a fight for democracy. This is the
fight to stop the overturning of the international rules-based order,
to stop a dictator like Vladimir Putin from going into a country and
thinking just because he wants to take it over, he can.
We know that not only are our allies watching what happens here, but
so are our adversaries. North Korea is already fighting on Russia's
side against the Ukrainians. Iran is providing missiles. China is
providing support. They are watching what America does here.
We understand, as Republican and Democratic Senators, that to have a
lasting peace in Ukraine, we need to make sure that Russia is
accountable, and that we have security guarantees.
Now, there are a number of ways to do that, and they don't
necessarily mean U.S. troops on the ground or even NATO troops on the
ground. Europe is working through different options.
As I said, Senator Tillis and I were recently in Ukraine, along with
Senator Bennet, and we saw firsthand that despite Russia's advantages
in size and manpower, that Ukrainians are not giving up. Ukraine now
has one of the most advanced militaries in the world, the most advanced
in Europe.
I came away impressed by their ingenuity, their ability to innovate
in the face of Russian aggression. Ukrainians are sharing those lessons
from the battlefield with our U.S. military. They are helping us
prepare for the wars of the future, and it is not just something that
we understand in Congress is important, but my constituents in New
Hampshire understand how important it is that we support the
Ukrainians.
I brought with me today a poster from a community effort in New
Hampshire that has raised $4 million to support the people and
children, particularly, in Ukraine. They provided 3 million-plus pounds
of food, 10,000 sleeping bags, hundreds of generators, and 900 children
are in trauma counseling because of their effort. They raised over $4
million from New Hampshire to support the Ukrainians.
Americans across this country understand why this fight is important
to us. It is why we are here on the floor today to reiterate that we
stand with Ukraine, and I urge all of my colleagues who support
Ukraine, Republicans and Democrats alike, to join us--join us in
speaking up for Ukrainian sovereignty and territorial integrity; join
us in pushing to strengthen Ukraine's place at the negotiating table;
join us in calling on Moscow to withdraw from the Ukrainian territory
that it has seized.
Thousands of Ukrainians have given their lives in this fight. They
have been on the frontlines for all of us. As a group of women in the
Ukrainian military said to me in the first year of the war: Give us the
equipment; give us the arms so that we can fight the Russians so that
you in America don't have to.
Well, they have been on the frontlines for all of us defending the
international order that has served American interests since the end of
World War II. I hope we will continue to support them in that effort.
Mr. President, I yield to my colleague Senator Murkowski.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Alaska.
Ms. MURKOWSKI. Mr. President, I am pleased to be on the floor today
with the Senator from New Hampshire as well as other colleagues on both
sides of the aisle to support Ukraine. We are now more than 3 years
into Russia's unprovoked brutal war against Ukraine.
I think we are encouraged by the news that we are seeing advance this
afternoon with the talks in Saudi Arabia between the United States and
Ukrainian officials as they talk about the potential for a cease-fire
and potential for the United States to restore military support and
intelligence sharing. These are promising developments.
I think we all want to--we all want to--arrive at a place where we
see peace. But when we talk about how the peace is gained, I think,
again, the discussions that are had on this floor--those of us who have
had an opportunity to go to Ukraine and see the situation on the ground
ourselves, to speak with so many engaged in this effort--the stakes are
not only about Ukraine's sovereignty. The stakes also include our
values, our security, and our credibility as the leader of the free
world.
This is not just a regional conflict on the edge of Europe. It is a
global test. It is a test of whether the international community will
allow borders to be redrawn by force, a test of whether democracies
will continue to stand together when authoritarian regimes literally
try to rewrite the rules, and, yes, it is a test; it is a test of
American leadership in the 21st century.
As was stated, the Ukrainian people are not asking us to fight their
war. They are doing the fighting. It is their sons, it is their
daughters that are dying. What they are asking of us as the world's
leading democracy is to help us with the tools, help us with the arms,
the ammunition, the logistical support; help them protect them; help
them with the intelligence that can be provided through satellite
imaging; help them so that they can protect themselves.
I think we should be proud. We should be proud as Americans that we
have helped to make a difference. We have helped Ukraine push back the
Russian advance. It has prevented Kyiv from falling to Russia. It
continues to help Ukrainian defenders hold the line there.
So every weapons system, every round of ammunition and radar and
drone that we have helped to provide--these aren't just supplies; these
are literally lifelines to the people.
When you think about the people, I think it is important to also
recognize another way that we have helped in this country. Senator
Shaheen showed a picture of the Ukrainian families and the people in
her State. In Alaska, we have welcomed, we have embraced, we have
helped situate Ukrainian families who have sought refuge, who are here
in a place like Alaska, in a place like New Hampshire, because where
they call home is not safe to be.
So how we can support them is important because when we support
Ukraine, we are not just helping a nation in need, we are protecting
and we are preserving the rules-based international order that has
helped keep the peace for generations.
If we falter, others are watching. Others are watching the situation
in Moscow, in Beijing, in Tehran, Pyongyang. So if it is seen that we
are walking away from Ukraine, if we embrace appeasement, we embolden
every aggressor around the globe.
More than that, it is our allies, it is our friends, our partners--
they are watching this, and they are asking the question: Is the United
States a country that can be depended on? Are we

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seeing this alliance that we have had, that we have worked to nurture
and build for 80 years--are we seeing that fray?
I understand absolutely the cause for restraint in our support--that
war costs too much, that we need to be focusing on issues here at
home--but, again, the fight is bigger than that. It is significant,
yes, for Ukraine, but it is about democratic values and standing up for
democratic values; it is about stopping the expansionist ambitions of
authoritarian regimes.
I think we have to be honest here. Look at history. Russia is not
going to stop at Ukraine. In 2005, in a state of the nation address,
Putin said:

The demise of the Soviet Union was the greatest
geopolitical catastrophe of the century.

He has never hidden his ambitions from that statement. When Putin
says that the ``ongoing collapse of Western hegemony is irreversible,''
he means us. He means our allies and the broader narrative about the
decline of Western influence. He wants NATO to be divided, and he wants
the United States isolated. This works to his advantage. He just
probably didn't expect that America was going to do it for him.
Now, as an Alaskan, I get geography. I am acutely aware of the threat
a more aggressive Russia poses just across the Bering Sea. Two miles
separate the United States--Alaska's Little Diomede and Russia's Big
Diomede. We see Russia's military buildup when we see the Russian
bombers that are flying in our area, when we see the Russian and the
Chinese naval forces out in our waters. But we also know and have long
known that a destabilized Europe means a more dangerous world for the
United States. This conflict may seem like a continent away, a long way
away, but the consequences are anything but distant.
We all want this war to end, but it cannot end on Russia's terms. If
it does, we should expect nothing more than a temporary respite before
the resumption of hostilities. Why are we going to start trusting and
believing Putin's word now given his track record? We have seen this
before. History doesn't lie, and the appeasement of tyrants does not
bring peace.
Russia started this conflict, and it is critical for us to stand with
Ukraine to end it--not just because it is right but because it is
necessary.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Vermont.
Mr. WELCH. Mr. President, thank you, and I thank my colleagues,
Republicans and Democrats, for coming to the floor today in support of
our continued support for Ukraine.
I was heartened to hear today that President Zelenskyy is on board
with the U.S. ceasefire proposal. That is good news. It does highlight
that President Zelenskyy has shown time and again that he is always
willing to negotiate for peace. Putin has always been the aggressor.
And that is why I believe we must stand with Ukraine.
You know, the question before us today--whether we will continue to
stand with Ukraine--has immense implications for the security of the
United States, of our European allies, and of world peace.
These are critical questions to get right: Should the United States
stand by our 80-year-old security commitments in Europe? Should the
United States stand behind the rules-based order established in the
aftermath of the catastrophic World War II or should we abandon those
rules despite the fact that they have served our national security
interests for so long? Those are the questions.

You know, in the aftermath of the horrors of World War II, in which
more than 80 million people died, the United States did establish
alliances and security commitments in Europe and determined that this
was the way to avoid a World War III--investments in NATO, Armed Forces
in Europe, and European democracy and economic prosperity. We did not
want to repeat what happened after World War I, where none of this was
done, and it created the conditions for a Second World War.
Perhaps most importantly, America asserted that it would defend a
Europe so borders are not changed by force, where nations cannot invade
weaker neighbors with impunity.
Was that effort worth it in these past 80 years? Yes. Since some are
now suggesting otherwise, I would like to mention a few of the reasons
why the post-World War II order in Europe, led by the United States and
enacted by a treaty in this U.S. Senate, was a success in keeping the
peace.
No conflict. Europe has avoided a major war for 80 years.
The end of the U.S.S.R. Europe weathered the storm of the breakup of
the Soviet Union, ushering in new countries committed to democratic
values of freedom and democracy.
Yugoslavia. Europe and NATO weathered the conflict and breakup of the
former Yugoslavia, demonstrating unprecedented EU-NATO cooperation and
commitments in the Balkans to Western democratic values.
Our European allies have always been there for us, including in the
aftermath of 9/11.
Economic values. Our commitments also ushered in the fall of
communism and a vibrant European Union that is peaceful and
democratic--a club that the Balkans, Eastern Europe, and now Ukraine
want into.
It is a testament to the success of the painstaking efforts that
Republican and Democratic administrations and Republican majority and
Democratic majority of the U.S. Senate adhere to.
But these commitments to European security, to NATO, and to
protecting territorial integrity weren't only good in the past. To say
that these alliances and commitments are tired or worn out says that we
are tired, that we are worn out of peace and tired of maintaining peace
for our citizens here in the United States. That is a fatigue we can
never succumb to--ever. Those values are needed today to protect
Ukraine in Europe and the United States from a rampant, unlawful,
invasive Russia.
You know, since the fall of the Soviet Union, Ukraine, along with the
rest of Eastern Europe and the Balkan States, has moved rapidly to
reorient its politics and policies towards the European Union, toward
democracy, toward freedom. It was, in fact, Ukraine's pursuit of a
closer relationship with the EU that Putin the autocrat used as an
excuse to interfere in Ukraine's internal affairs.
The invasion of Ukraine also demonstrated the resilience of America's
security relationships with Europe and NATO. Never has the European
Command of the U.S. Armed Forces--designed and built to defend Western
Europe against a Soviet invasion--been called upon to coordinate the
actual defense of European sovereign borders from an invasion from the
east. Today, that is a reality. Europe also--very much our partner--saw
the threat and rose to the occasion.
In part--and I want to acknowledge President Trump's insistence on
this--European countries have begun to increase their defense spending,
as they should and as they must. They have done so, and they have
stepped up by providing materiel, as we have--advanced missiles,
drones, and other military technology--for Ukraine. In fact, as a
percentage of the gross domestic product, Europe has given more to
Ukraine in support and weapons than the United States. We are doing it
together.
We cannot take for granted that we have had this peace in Europe for
80 years. We cannot take for granted that we did that. It was the
result of that sustained commitment of Members of this body on both
sides of the aisle and of Presidents of both parties. Our duty is to
keep that alliance united at this stressful time.
If Ukraine fails, we should not assume that European security and our
alliances there will survive. World War II ended 80 years ago. We have
to keep it 80 more.
The Senators that ratified the establishment of NATO and our
American-European commitments to peace and security on the European
continent--they understood that our European alliances are critical to
our own security. They would be rightly proud of their success story--
of 80 years of peace, of democracy, of freedom in Europe--but they
would be horrified at the threat that Putin now poses to Europe,
threatening everything that we and those who came before us have worked
for.

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Ukraine's integration with the rest of Europe, their own right to
self-determination, Ukraine's battlefield courage, and Ukraine's
political commitment to democracy and freedom validate the 80 years of
America's commitment to creating structures that can enforce and
protect peace. Turning away from Ukraine now when it needs us most
could mean the end of that 80-year success story.
We must stand by Ukraine and against that unlawful invasion by Mr.
Putin. We must stand by our European allies. And we must reaffirm our
continued dedication to the work of those who served here before us to
build the alliances and to sustain the alliances that have preserved
the peace in Europe. Their future and ours depend on it.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Maine.
Ms. COLLINS. Mr. President, before I begin my formal remarks, let me
thank my neighbor from New Hampshire for organizing this bipartisan
display of support for Ukraine.
On February 24, 2022, without justification, without provocation,
Russia launched a full-scale, brutal invasion of its democratic
neighbor Ukraine with missiles, air assaults, and army divisions.
As John Adams said, ``Facts are stubborn things,'' and the facts of
what happened on that terrible day are undeniable. It was Russia that
started the war.
Many thought that Ukraine had no chance against the perceived might
of the Russian armed forces. However, the Ukrainians fought so bravely
against that initial onslaught and, since then, the West has come
together with speed and clarity of purpose to support Ukraine.

Senator McConnell stated it best last week by saying:

Russia's horrible invasion of Ukraine has had a unifying
effect on the world's democracies.

As a result of the invasion, two nations, Sweden and Finland, joined
NATO; Eastern Europe is completing a pivot away from Russia's energy
sources; and NATO allies are surging to the 2 percent GDP goal for
defense spending.
As for the brave Ukrainians, they pushed back the initial Russian
invaders and are now doing their best to hold the line in eastern
Ukraine, despite Russian soldiers, ammunition, and UAVs far
outnumbering their Ukrainian counterparts. Ukraine decimated the
Russian Black Sea Fleet and has forced Russia to augment its forces
with North Korean soldiers and Iranian weapon systems.
But despite the successes in the past 3 years, the war drags on with
devastating consequences: 390,000 Ukrainians have been wounded, with
more than 46,000 deaths so far. Hundreds of thousands of Ukrainian
families have been displaced, and estimates are that approximately
29,000 civilian Ukrainians have lost their lives. In many cases, they
were targeted by the Russians.
It is not American troops who are dying on the Ukrainian frontlines.
It is the Ukrainians who are courageously defending their country,
their democracy, their way of life. And their defenses directly connect
to our efforts in NATO and the defense of Eastern Europe.
If Vladimir Putin is allowed to succeed in Ukraine, as several of my
colleagues have pointed out, he will not stop there. He will continue
to pursue his dream, his goal, of recreating the former Soviet Union.
He has made that crystal clear. In my judgment, he would most likely
seize Moldova next; again, invade Georgia, as he did in 2008; threaten
the Baltic States; and menace Poland and Finland.
The best way to ensure that the United States is not drawn into a
larger regional war in Europe, which would directly threaten American
troops, is by helping Ukraine defend itself against this unprovoked
invasion.
The national security supplemental appropriations package that was
signed into law last year included $15.4 billion to help Ukraine
purchase American-made weapons. It is strengthening our military
readiness, rebuilding our industrial base, and assisting our partners
and allies at a volatile and dangerous time in world history.
For the past 3 years, we have heard repeatedly the myth that somehow
the European countries were not doing their part in helping to equip
Ukraine, but let's take a look at the facts. As a percentage of GDP,
the United States ranks 17th--17th--in support for Ukraine. The top
three countries include Denmark, Estonia, and Latvia. These NATO
nations are all in on supporting Ukraine's defenses because they
understand that the stakes are so high. Furthermore, NATO allies have
committed $185 billion to buy weapons and defense systems produced
right here in the United States, which helps us sustain good jobs and
strengthens the industrial base.
Both the Biden administration's slow-walking of the delivery of
weapons to Ukraine and the Trump administration's pausing military aid
and intelligence sharing sent the wrong signal to an aggressive Russia.
The decision this afternoon to restart U.S. military aid and
intelligence sharing are welcome steps to strengthening Ukraine's
position in negotiations. With the tentative cease-fire signed by
Ukraine and now up for Russia's concurrence, resumed aid and
intelligence sharing with our ally Ukraine allows that country to be in
a much stronger position moving forward.
History is filled with examples of well-intentioned leaders who
sought to avoid war but who actually made war more likely by refusing
to recognize the evil with which they were confronted. Neville
Chamberlain declared ``peace in our time,'' trying to appease Germany
before World War II. We should not make the same mistake today by
appeasing Russia.
We cannot avert our eyes. We cannot leave an ally to fend for itself,
and we must show resolve to deter possible future aggression by China,
Iran, and North Korea.
Our adversaries are watching closely our response in Ukraine.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Delaware.
Mr. COONS. Mr. President, Putin will only stop when we stop him. That
piece of wisdom was shared with me on a trip to Europe by a former
colleague, Senator McCain, and it seems to me to predict what has now
unfolded over the last 3 years.
Three years ago, I was in Europe with colleagues, visiting American
troops training with NATO allies and partners in Poland and Lithuania,
on the day that the Russians began their illegal, unjustified, full-
spectrum invasion of Ukraine. As more than 100,000 combat troops poured
over the border, missiles flew in the air, and jets bombed, the world
recoiled in horror and watched, expecting that the Ukrainians would be
overrun in just 3 days.
Instead, President Zelenskyy, the elected President of a democracy,
stood firm and stayed fast and defended his country. When offered a
last-minute evacuation by America, he said: I don't need a ride. I need
ammunition.
And I am thrilled to be on the floor today with a bipartisan group of
my colleagues. Thank you to my colleague from New Hampshire for
organizing this, and to my colleague from Maine for her words, which I
will agree with from beginning to end. We must deter Russia's
aggression in Ukraine.
If you look at who has joined the fight alongside Russia--Iran, North
Korea--this is not a team America should be on. And if we look at who
has come to the defense and aid of Ukraine, it is democracies from
throughout Europe and the world--more than 50 countries--that, in
combination, have done more than we have, significantly, to welcome
Ukrainian refugees; to support the recovery of their economy; and to
arm them in this ongoing, desperate, and critical fight for freedom in
Ukraine.
Who is Vladimir Putin? He is a brutal and aggressive dictator. He is
a war criminal. He is someone who has used every ounce of power and
resource at his grasp to shatter the peace of Europe that has lasted
decades since the Second World War and to attempt to drive a wedge
between the United States and our European partners and allies.
The bravery, the determination, the skill, and the capacity of the
Ukrainian people to stand and fight is breathtaking. And all of us who
have had the honor of visiting Kyiv, of visiting Ukraine, of spending
time with those who, behind the frontline, support

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their troops and those who have served and sacrificed have been forever
changed.
I had the opportunity, with our former colleague and friend Senator
Portman, to go to Kyiv and to present the Liberty Medal from our
National Constitution Center to President Zelenskyy. And to travel
through a city shattered by war and to visit with people determined to
continue their fight was as inspiring to me as I know it has been to
many of my colleagues who have made that same trip.
We are here today to ask: Who are we and what will we do?
We are Americans. We have stood alongside and fought alongside those
who have pursued democracy, those who have stood up for liberty, for
decades, around the world, and we should not shrink from this fight. We
can and should insist on a just and lasting peace.
We would all like to see this brutal war come to an end. We would all
like to see the suffering stop. But to force on Ukraine a cease-fire
that is really a surrender masked as a cease-fire would be to betray
the sacrifice and service of so many. Asking Ukraine to willingly give
up conquered territory and recognize Russian sovereignty, asking
Ukraine to give up its desire for security and for integration into the
West, to ask Ukraine to agree to limits on its military and its
capacity to be prepared for what is a likely renewed Russian assault in
the future--all of these would lead to not a neutral Ukraine but a
neutered Ukraine.
We know what happens next. What happens next is that the world will
look at whatever peace we can secure for Ukraine and ask: Are we
reliable? Is the United States a reliable ally and partner?
Putin has already suffered a strategic defeat. NATO has already been
expanded. The border between NATO and Russia has doubled. Our partners
throughout the world have come to this fight, and they are committing
even more, in recent weeks, as Europe has stepped up to pledge hundreds
of billions of dollars more.
If we are to restore deterrence, if we are to sustain the peace, if
we are to be the indispensable Nation that we have worked and fought so
long to be, we must finish the job. We must deter Putin from future
aggression by demanding that Ukraine be secured by a just and lasting
peace.
The news today that intelligence and security cooperation has
restarted is encouraging, but we have a resolution cosponsored by all
the Members on the floor today that makes clear where we stand: We
stand with Ukraine. We stand with democracy. We insist on a just and
lasting peace in this instance, and we stand for Ukraine. ``Slava
Ukraini.''
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Kentucky.
Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, my views on America's interest in
Ukraine are well known. I spent the better part of the last 3 years,
here on this floor, pointing out the glaring connections between
European security and the security of America's interest all across the
globe--core national security interests that determine our prosperity.
Ukraine's victory and stability in Europe is squarely in the interest
of the United States--our interests. Europe is our largest trading
partner. Russia is a thuggish autocracy with an economy smaller than
Italy's. The Russian economy is smaller than Italy's. There is simply
no equivalence. There is no grand realignment opportunity that has gone
unnoticed.
So let me start with this. The most harmful possible outcome of
Russia's invasion of Ukraine, for U.S. interests, would be this
headline: Russia wins; America loses.
Russia wins; America loses.
We can't let that be how this ends, but look at where we are right
now:
On one side, fellow members of the most successful military alliance
in world history, with a combined GDP of more than $17 trillion, are
openly--openly--planning for a world in which America does not call the
shots and where our word no longer carries any weight. These are the
closest allies and partners who have worked hand in glove with America,
bought American equipment, and taken America's lead. But, if America
turns its back on them, they will look elsewhere for guidance, for
coordination, for weapons, and even for trade.
On the other side is Putin's Russia and its $2 trillion GDP, where
Kremlin officials now say that America's current ``foreign policy
configurations'' now ``largely align with our vision'' and that hiccups
in the U.S.-Ukraine relations are ``useful'' because they drive a wedge
between America and our European allies. That is how the Russians look
at this.
Well, it is not hard to imagine why they look at it that way.
Freezing lethal assistance and intelligence support to Ukraine made
Russia's job a lot easier. It was easier to hit Ukraine's defenders
along with its schools, hospitals, and nurseries; and after 3 years of
immense progress toward a stronger and more capable Transatlantic
Alliance, with greater commitments to burden-sharing and European
leadership, the West that had resolved to check Putin's neo-Soviet
ambitions is now in danger of being consumed by internal recrimination.
What welcome news for an autocrat whose grip on power depends on the
endurance of a wartime economy.
The will to force Putin to make serious concessions in the interests
of lasting peace is fragmented, and too many on this side of the
Atlantic seem to believe, foolishly, that his appetite will be
satisfied in eastern Ukraine. His appetite will be satisfied in eastern
Ukraine. This is the same mistake made by the architects of the Minsk I
and Minsk II agreements. The circumstances are not crying out for a
Minsk III.
Somehow, this doesn't sound like the makings of a successful deal for
America. Somehow, these don't seem like the conditions for advancing
America's interests in European peace and security, let alone
pretending to mediate a dispute between equals.
Russia wins; America loses. It is not too late to avoid that outcome,
but it will require that America and our allies operate from the same
set of facts. So let's talk about actual facts.
First, the dollars and cents: America's total Ukraine-related
spending comes in at $175 billion--not $350 billion but half that much.
As a share of GDP, 11 European countries have allocated more Ukraine-
related spending than the United States. In real terms, total European
aid is twice--twice--U.S. spending, with more military aid than
America, more budgetary assistance than America--period. Those are the
actual facts.
Our allies' increasing investments have been good news for American
security and the strength of our alliance. They have meant expanding
arsenals and industrial capacity along with bigger defense budgets for
buying American for now.
But what if--what if--even in having established the correct math,
you think it is still too much to spend on helping to degrade a major
American adversary without putting a single American servicemember in
harm's way--not a single American servicemember in harm's way? What if
you still think, somehow, we are getting a raw deal?
Consider where most of the Ukraine-related spending--$120 billion--
has actually gone: to investing in U.S. capabilities and expanding our
own defense industrial capacity. We are already $120 billion closer to
restoring the sort of forces and capacity we will need to deter
conflict in the Indo-Pacific than we were 3 years ago; or consider--
consider--the value of the operational and tactical lessons the U.S.
and our allies are drawing from Ukraine's battlefield experience. The
conflict in Ukraine is a battle lab--a glimpse at the future of
warfare--and our Ukrainian partners are innovating faster than American
industry is often able to. Concerned about the next major conflict? We
are learning how to prepare better for it. U.S.-made systems are
literally feeding performance data back to us.
The American people are not getting fleeced. I am going to say it
again. The American people are not getting fleeced--far from it--but if
we mistake surrender for peace, we will be risking far worse.
China is watching what we do. So are America's allies and partners in
Asia. To believe that we can torch our credibility in one region and
not tarnish it in another is foolish. When we treat withholding
assistance from Ukraine like a cudgel and insist that the victim of
aggression is the side that has to

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make concessions, what should we expect other partners to conclude?
Now, I have heard that Ukraine needs to be prepared to ``do difficult
things.'' I am curious which difficult thing our frontline partners
haven't been doing for the past 3 years, like defending besieged towns
and cities, like burying their sons and daughters. Will Russia be
expected to do difficult things as well, like ending its onslaught? By
what means are we prepared to compel them? War is hell, and the worst
consequences are always borne by innocent civilians in flight and by
brave soldiers holding the line.

Ending the war in Ukraine is a noble aim--preventing war, even more
so. But peace is different than surrender, and being honest about who
is to blame doesn't hinder lasting peace; it enables it. Why should we
be less willing to call Russia out for its brutal aggression than we
are to call Hamas or Hezbollah out for theirs? Would we be afraid to
call Iran out if it had nuclear weapons? Is that the lesson we want the
world to draw from this conflict?
Ronald Reagan epitomized peace through strength, not by just saying
the words but by action. He called the Soviet Union an Evil Empire at
the same time as he dealt productively with Gorbachev.
In July of 1983, he spoke to the people of the captive nations of the
Soviet Union and communist regimes.
He said:

[T]o every person trapped in tyranny, whether in the
Ukraine, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Cuba, or Vietnam, we send
our love and support and tell them they are not alone. Our
message must be: Your struggle is our struggle, your dream is
our dream, and someday, you, too, will be free.

In the fall of the Soviet Union, Ukraine got its chance at freedom.
Putin intends to extinguish it. Ukraine is serious about a just and
stable peace. How do we know? We know because the Ukrainians preferred
it overwhelmingly until their neighbor chose war instead again and
again.
I will reserve my skepticism, my disdain, and my condescension of the
authoritarian thug who treats the slaughter of innocent children like a
sport, and anyone who cares about not getting played for a sucker
should do the same. In the face of our hesitation, Putin has escalated.
He has insulted the sincere pursuit of peace. It is a crystal-clear
reminder that what he is after isn't an end to the bloodshed. America
cannot afford to get played. So let's not.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Curtis). The Senator from Colorado.
Mr. BENNET. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I be
permitted to speak for up to 6 minutes, Senator Tillis for up to 10
minutes, and Senator Sanders for up to 20 minutes prior to the
scheduled rollcall vote.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there an objection?
Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. BENNET. Mr. President, I would like to thank Senator McConnell
for his constancy over the last 3 years. We have been out on the floor
together many times to speak about the need to support Ukraine.
I also want to thank my colleague Senator Shaheen from New Hampshire,
the ranking member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, for organizing
this bipartisan gathering.
Senator Tillis from North Carolina is here as well. It is nice to be
here in a bipartisan way with people from both sides of the aisle to
work on something of this critical importance to my State of Colorado,
to the country, and to the world.
Senator McConnell, not surprisingly today, talked about that very,
very famous lesson that Ronald Reagan taught all of us, and that was
his pursuit of peace through strength. I was on the floor talking about
that last week. Today we have a corollary to Ronald Reagan's rule of
peace through strength from Senator McConnell, which is, don't mistake
surrender for peace. Don't mistake surrender for peace.
The lesson Ronald Reagan was teaching when he said ``peace through
strength'' was a lesson that history had taught him and history had
taught the free world.
Dust off your reliable 10th-grade Western civics textbook and look up
President Woodrow Wilson's attempts to achieve ``peace without
victory'' for either side--that is how he described it--as an example
of the failure that weakness invites, the kind of weakness that Leader
McConnell was talking about.
Before the United States even had entered World War I, President
Wilson tried to force both sides to accept a peace deal they didn't
want by depriving them of weapons and depriving them of funds.
In 1916--again, before the United States was directly aiding the
allies--financiers from the United States were financing the UK, which
was at war, and also funding their allies in mainland Europe. So
Wilson's government cautioned U.S. investors against issuing short-term
bonds to the UK and to France.
This Presidential expression of disapproval had the effect of cutting
off U.S. private assistance to Europe altogether, and the record is
painfully clear. President Wilson's decision created a financial crisis
in the United Kingdom, but it did nothing to end the war. Instead,
Germany, in 1917, only escalated their attacks on civilian shipping
from the United States, prompting Congress finally to declare war and
approve a $3 billion loan to France and to England.
By the way, just to amplify what the leader has already said this
morning, that $3 billion loan was about $81 billion in today's dollars,
when you think about the roughly $120 billion that we have invested in
Ukraine.
In 1938, British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain even more
famously than Wilson tried to appease Hitler with the infamous Munich
Agreement, through which the UK, France, and Italy allowed Nazi Germany
to annex part of peaceful Czechoslovakia. As our history textbooks
show, Hitler never stopped in Czechoslovakia but continued his war
throughout Europe.
Just as Wilson and Chamberlain failed, friends of freedom in Ukraine
and around the world should not pressure Ukraine into accepting an
unjust peace that will never, ever last. Only with security guarantees
from Europe and the United States can we have some assurance that Putin
will not invade Ukraine again at a moment when he thinks the world is
not watching. That is a guarantee. That is a guarantee.
I visited Ukraine last month with my friends Senator Shaheen and
Senator Tillis, who are both here today. We saw the courage of the
Ukrainian people up close. We saw the courage they have forged to save
their country and the suffering they have endured--43,000 deaths and
another almost 400,000 casualties--not just on behalf of Ukraine but on
behalf of Europe, the West, democracy, freedom, our national security.
In cemeteries all across Ukraine, fresh graves are piled high with
dirt and flowers, testifying to the Ukrainian people's sacrifice. To
put it in American terms, Coloradoan terms, there is not a county in
the entire country where somebody hasn't lost somebody to this war.
But the Ukrainian people have not had to fight this fight alone. The
American people have steadfastly and generously backed this fight to
the tune of, as I mentioned, $125 billion.
I won't go through all the reasons why that has been good for the
United States, as Senator McConnell said--and that is a lot of money,
but it is just about 0.53 percent of our GDP. That is about $365 an
American.
Our European allies and far-flung ones, like Australia and Japan,
have stepped up as well because they know that supporting Ukraine means
standing with people willing to do anything to fight for their country.
They know that with American weapons and those of our allies, the
American people have literally kept Putin's army at the gates of Europe
while forcing him to squander more than $200 billion and staggering
casualties of 700,000 people.
We learned while we were in Ukraine that the Ukrainians are killing
more Russians today than they were 6 months ago.
We all want this war to end, which is why I was glad to see the
United States commit today to resuming intelligence sharing and
security assistance to Ukraine as part of the potential U.S.-brokered,
30-day cease-fire with Russia. But for the sake of Ukraine and the rest
of the free world, we must not pressure Ukraine to silence their guns

[[Page S1656]]

unless Russia commits to doing the same. We cannot force Ukraine to
accept an end to this war that is anything other than a just and
enduring peace.
This requires that the United States, our allies, and Ukraine
continue working together to establish terms of the peace and negotiate
with Putin while the Ukrainians continue their brave fight. They are
not asking to be relieved of this terrible burden.
I couldn't even imagine the other day when we were in Kyiv how cold
it must have felt to people who were on the frontlines of that war. It
was cold enough just in the streets of Kyiv. It was cold enough just
getting on the train from Poland to go to Kyiv. But they are embracing
their responsibility because they know that any cease-fire without
credible security guarantees will allow Putin to rebuild his army and
attack again, and they know that how this war ends will determine
whether Putin sets his sites on our NATO allies like Poland and the
Baltics.

To conclude that any other result is possible is to completely ignore
history, is to completely ignore what Putin has said and whether
dictators like China's Xi Jinping test our resolve by invading Taiwan,
whether the post-World War II international order the United States and
our allies created persists, and whether the United States continues to
provide the leadership our parents and grandparents supplied since the
end of that war. That is what Senator McConnell calls on us to
remember.
Throughout history, it has been too easy for some to ignore the moral
responsibility we have to people who are sacrificing their lives a
continent away on behalf of our shared values and interests. It is
harder in these moments but important and, I would say, necessary for
the living to stand for freedom and democracy and those willing to give
their last breaths to make those values eternal.
We in this Chamber have to demand moral and strategic clarity by
continuing to support Ukraine's fight to secure a truly just peace
through strength because, as the Ukrainian-born author Vasily Grossman
wrote nearly 70 years ago, ``In the cruel and terrible time in which
our generation has been condemned to live on this earth, we must never
make peace with evil. We must never become indifferent to others or
undemanding of ourselves.''
With that, I thank my bipartisan colleagues again. I look forward to
the day when we are out here not with 8 Senators but 80 Senators in
support of freedom and in support of the fight Ukraine is leading.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from North Carolina.
Mr. TILLIS. Mr. President, last night, I had someone reach out to me
and say they heard I was going to speak again on Ukraine on the floor,
and they asked me what I was going to talk about. I said to reinforce
that Ukraine needs our help, that Europe needs to step up, and that
Vladimir Putin is the personification of evil. I am going to try to
accomplish all of that in less than 10 minutes so we can get on with
the vote.
Everybody needs to remember how this war started. Just to show you--
you can believe me when I tell you that you know when Putin is lying:
when his lips are moving.
Let's go back to October, before the invasion in February. He said he
was just putting troops together on a training mission--thousands of
troops just coincidentally near the Ukrainian border but a training
mission. Then it became a military exercise. Now it has become an
illegal invasion of a sovereign, democratic nation that has experienced
80,000 dead servicemembers, more than 13,000 dead civilians, 400,000
wounded servicemembers, and 30,000 injured civilians.
Let me tell you a little bit about those civilians. They are 16-year-
olds who had their legs blown off because Vladimir Putin ordered the
launching of dumb bombs into residential areas. He allowed drones to
hit children's hospitals that we visited.
This is the carnage that the Ukrainian people are experiencing every
single day--24/7, 365--since the invasion 3 years ago.
Vladimir Putin is a murderer. He has not only allowed his
servicemembers--some estimated 800,000--lose their lives on the
battlefield, but he has gone so far as to engage mercenaries--the
Wagner Group that he had down in Africa--in Ukraine, murdering
indiscriminately anybody who moves.
If you want to see the best example of that, you need to go to Bucha
and hear the story we heard when we were there. Bucha is a community of
a couple of hundred thousand people just outside of Kyiv. Shortly after
they invaded and it was clear they weren't to achieve their objectives,
they decided that they were going to invoke terror in the minds of
those who were fighting and the civilians in Ukraine, so they decided
to go into a community that would be similar to going to Northern
Virginia. So imagine Kyiv is Washington, DC, and they go out in
Northern Virginia, and they just indiscriminately start murdering
people. They killed over 500 people in 33 days, all of them civilians.
This isn't like urban legend; this was caught on video--people riding a
bicycle, walking a dog, being murdered. Vladimir Putin ordered that.
Vladimir Putin allowed that.
Ladies and gentlemen, the surprise to Vladimir Putin was that he had
no earthly idea of the strength democracy and freedom have in the
hearts and minds of human beings. The Ukraine people, in spite of
overwhelming odds--numbers and weapons--they defended it. They have
been defending it for 3 years. So we have to help them.
There is good and evil here. There is no kind of ``Putin is just
misunderstood.'' This man is a murderer. This man is a rapist. He is a
rapist by virtue of allowing systematic rapes to happen in places that
he invades. That is how he operates. He is evil.
Ukraine needs help. Before I talk more about that help, I want to
talk about Europe having to step up.
I really appreciated what Senator Collins put together in terms of
the contribution to the Ukraine effort. I know, Senator Shaheen and I--
and I thank Senator Shaheen for having this colloquy today--spend a lot
of time tracking NATO countries. Let's make sure that, on one hand, we
thank Europe for stepping up and doing its part in supporting this
effort, but let's not forget that our NATO partners have come up short
in satisfying their obligation in NATO to the tune of over $2 trillion
over the last 20 years.
The mind races. What would have happened if all that money had been
spent and that our NATO alliance was even stronger if everybody had
just met the bare minimum for NATO support? Two more trillion dollars
would have been spent over the last 20 years.
Would that have been enough to possibly dissuade Putin from invading
Ukraine? We will never know. But what I do know is that I want Europe
to not just get credit for supporting Ukraine, but Europe also has to
shoulder some responsibility for NATO being more vulnerable by not
living up to their commitment over the last 20 years.
Let's just get that right, folks, so that we don't have the
distraction and the American people get confused between NATO members
not stepping up and doing their fair share.
So why are you asking for more money for Ukraine?
The reason we are asking for more money for Ukraine is because
Vladimir Putin has a plan, and we could play right into it. People need
to understand: Ukraine is a doormat to Europe. It is how he gets from
Russia into countries that are trying to democratize and come closer to
the West. If he succeeds in Ukraine, he will move into Moldova. He is
already actively causing problems in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
As a matter of fact, Senator Shaheen, I don't know if you are aware,
but tomorrow the Republika Srpska legislature is going to consider a
resolution to separate from BiH. That is Bosnia and Herzegovina. That
has got Vladimir Putin all over it. He is already getting his chess
pieces around the board. If he feels like he can get some level of
success in Ukraine, he is going to march right through there, folks. It
is going to happen.
And then, finally, I had somebody ask me: Why are you so animated
over Ukraine? Why are you so concerned with Russia?
I give them a one-word answer: China. China is supporting Putin, at

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least economically. There is even an argument that ammunitions and
other things are going their way.
Does anybody really believe that North Korea would send people to the
battlefield--they have lost a few thousand since they have been there--
unless China was OK with it?
And then we have Iran. Iran is sending drones to Russia to kill
innocent civilians and military personnel in Ukraine.
They are the ``axis of evil,'' and now they have regenerated
themselves. We can't let Putin have a win in Ukraine, ladies and
gentlemen. We have to step up and make sure that the American people
know that it is in our national interest to support Ukraine.
And we also have to let Vladimir Putin know that we do owe him thanks
in one way: Thanks for waking up Europe in understanding the grave,
existential threat that he represents. Thanks for actually getting
Finland and Sweden into NATO and adding 800 miles of border on the
Russian border. Thank you for that.
And now I want to thank him for receding back into the cave that he
should live the rest of his life in and let democratic nations be
free--and free from his threats. And until we are sure of that, we
should not relent.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Vermont.