[Congressional Record Volume 170, Number 190 (Friday, December 20, 2024)]
[Senate]
[Pages S7297-S7302]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




              GABRIELLA MILLER KIDS FIRST RESEARCH ACT 2.0

  Mr. KAINE. Mr. President, in 2013, in my first year in the Senate, a 
10-year-old child in Virginia, Loudoun County, named Gabriella Miller 
passed away from an inoperable brain tumor.
  Nothing could be worse for a family. Her parents, Ellyn and Mark, and 
her brother suffered greatly in this. But as many do, in an amazing 
way, in a mysterious way, in a time of suffering, they turned their 
tragedy into a cause.
  Shortly after I came to the Senate, Mark and Ellyn Miller came to see 
me and talk to me about their daughter Gabriella.
  They asked me a question: Senator, what percentage of medical 
research in this country is devoted to pediatric conditions?
  I thought, well, you know, pediatric--under age 18. Maybe it is 12 
percent of the population. So I guessed 12 percent.
  They said: Less than 1 percent.
  Less than 1 percent of medical research funding in the NIH and other 
Agencies was devoted to pediatric conditions. There was kind of a--I 
don't know--it was a conventional wisdom of: No, we don't put research 
into that, but if we can research adult conditions, we can kind of 
apply it to pediatric conditions--which everyone here knows that is not 
the case. Many pediatric conditions are very different than adult 
conditions.
  So I began to work with the Miller family on a bill to increase 
research at the NIH and other Federal Agencies for pediatric 
conditions, especially pediatric conditions of the kind that killed 
Gabriella Miller.
  The following year, in 2014, I partnered with Virginia Congressman--
and then a Republican leader in the Senate--Eric Cantor and others to 
pass the Gabriella Miller Kids First Pediatric Research Program to fund 
NIH research on pediatric cancer, and the 10-year bill that we passed 
is up for reauthorization.
  I partnered with Senator Jay Moran, my colleague from Kansas, to 
reauthorize it with the support of colleagues on both sides--numerous, 
numerous colleagues.
  The Republican House has passed a version of this bill. The lead 
sponsor on the House side is Congresswoman Jennifer Wexton, who is 
retiring because she has been diagnosed with an aggressive form of 
supranuclear palsy, which is an advanced form of Parkinson's disease. 
My colleague Jennifer Wexton is no longer able to speak without an AI-
assisted device, but in these last few days of her time in the House, 
she has made the passing of the reauthorization of the Gabriella Miller 
Act her chief priority.
  The reauthorization was included in the health package in the 
bipartisan version of the CR bill that we negotiated with the House, 
but that package was left on the cutting room floor of the CR that was 
just passed in the House. Advocates of the bill, including Ellyn and 
Mark Miller and others who care about pediatric research, were bitterly 
disappointed.
  I am going to vote for the CR when it comes over from the House, but 
if I am going to have to explain to advocates that I share their 
disappointment in the fact that this 10-year program, which has now 
produced more than $125 million in research into pediatric cancer, is 
going to be left on the floor, I have to at least make an effort here 
on the floor to authorize this program going forward.
  The good news is, the bill that Representative Wexton has put in the 
House was authorized flat funding for another 5 years. I give credit to 
my colleagues on the Senate HELP Committee because the Gabriella Miller 
Act was reauthorized in the Senate for 10 years at an increasing level 
of funding, beginning at the current funding level of $12.5 million a 
year and escalating to $25 million over the course of 10 years.
  But the time is late--no time to fool around. The bill that has 
passed not only in committee but was passed in the House of 
Representatives--5-year funding at its current level, $12.5 million a 
year, to continue to invest in research into children's cancer and 
pediatric conditions.
  I respect my colleague's sincere commitment to responsible Federal 
budgeting. One of my colleagues, Senator Paul--I have worked with him 
to hopefully lift an objection that he had to this bill by agreeing to 
work with him to make sure that there are not other overlapping 
programs where we are spending money to do the same thing.
  We have recently talked about other legislative initiatives that we 
will work on together, but my understanding as I stand here today is, 
with this commitment I have made to Senator Paul, he is dropping any 
objection to including this by unanimous consent.
  I think, while it is not everything I hoped and it is not everything 
the Senate HELP Committee did in a bipartisan way, it would continue 
this important program.
  Gabriella Miller, when she was diagnosed with brain cancer at age 10, 
didn't go quietly into the good night. I think that is a Dylan Thomas 
line. She instead said: I am going to raise every bit of money I can 
for cancer research.

[[Page S7298]]

In the last year of her life, she raised hundreds of thousands of 
dollars for cancer research on her own with little bake sales and 
fundraisers. The brain tumor that was in her brain was the size of a 
walnut, and she created a nonprofit foundation called the Smashing 
Walnuts Foundation.
  The comments I make tonight and the effort I undertake with 
Representative Wexton truly are to honor her and to thank her parents 
for their advocacy. In particular, I want to thank her mother Ellyn 
Miller, who has been a force of nature in creating this program and 
keeping it going.
  We need to keep it going. It is bipartisan, it is bicameral, and it 
is making groundbreaking research possible. I ask my colleagues to let 
it pass into law.
  Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that as if in legislative 
session, the Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions be 
discharged from further consideration of H.R. 3391 and the Senate 
proceed to its immediate consideration.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report the bill by title.
  The senior assistant legislative clerk read as follows:

       A bill (H.R. 3391) to extend the Gabriella Miller Kids 
     First Pediatric Research Program at the National Institutes 
     of Health, and for other purposes.

  There being no objection, the committee was discharged, and the 
Senate proceeded to consider the bill.
  Mr. KAINE. I ask unanimous consent that the bill be considered read a 
third time.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The bill was ordered to a third reading and was read the third time.
  Mr. KAINE. I know of no further debate on the bill.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. If there is no further debate on the bill, the 
bill having been read the third time, the question is, Shall the bill 
pass?
  The bill (H.R. 3391) was passed.
  Mr. KAINE. I ask unanimous consent that the motion to reconsider be 
considered made and laid upon the table.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. KAINE. I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Kentucky.


                           Government Funding

  Mr. PAUL. Mr. President, well, we have arrived. We are here at last, 
another government shutdown averted. The government will remain open.
  I am not sure if that is good news or bad news. People need to know, 
yes, the government will stay open, and it will not be chaotic. 
Congress can adjourn, which is probably a good thing when Congress 
adjourns.
  But the thing about government staying open is we will pass something 
called a continued resolution. What does that mean? It means we are 
resolved to continue, continue as we have for, really, decades.
  We will continue to spend money, regardless of whether we have it or 
not. We will continue to spend money at a pace such that we will 
accumulate about $2 trillion in debt each year; the deficit will be 
about $2 trillion.
  Now, the spending is comprised of a lot of different areas. It is 
about $6.8 trillion in spending, and we bring in about $4.8 trillion in 
revenue.
  So it is about a $2 trillion mismatch. A lot of the spending is 
entitlements, probably two-thirds of the spending is entitlements, but 
this body refuses to address entitlements, so as part of the continuing 
spending tonight, keeping government open, all of the entitlements will 
be taken off board, and there will be no reforms to entitlements, no 
reduction in spending in entitlements. They will continue growing; some 
will be about 5 and 6 percent per year.
  Almost everybody on both sides of the aisle acknowledges that 
entitlements are the problem; entitlements are driving the debt. What 
we vote on, people call it a budget, or another word they call it is 
``discretionary'' spending. It is about $1.7 trillion or so, about $2 
trillion. Of that $2 trillion, about half is military, half is 
nonmilitary.
  Well, the military has been taken off the table also, primarily by 
Republicans, but Democrats are complicit as well. No military spending 
will be addressed; no waste in the military will be addressed; and the 
Pentagon will not be audited.
  They have said for decades the Pentagon needs to be audited, and the 
Pentagon says: We are too big to be audited. Leave us alone. We are too 
big.
  Occasionally, we will find some things, $500 toilet seats or $800 
hammers, things like that, but overall, we have no idea where the money 
is going and neither do they. They sometimes talk about hundreds of 
millions of dollars really literally missing that they have no idea.
  But it is taken off the table because the powers that be say that 
military is sacrosanct, cannot be looked at, and must have increased 
spending. So all the entitlements are going up. That is two-thirds of 
$6.8 trillion. The remaining $2 trillion is half military. It is going 
up, and nobody is looking at it either.
  So we have discretionary. Nonmilitary discretionary spending is part 
of the budget also. And we couldn't come to an agreement, other than we 
are going to be resolved to continue spending at about the pace we are. 
It will be short term, and that would be bad enough because the 
spending will accumulate and is accumulating about a $2 trillion 
deficit. But that is not enough.
  This has been a horrendous week for fiscal conservatives because we 
are not going to just continue as we have been doing, continue loading 
on the debt, we are also adding to it in a dramatic fashion.
  This week, there will be $330 billion added on to the spending; $200 
billion of it will be for Social Security. You say: Well, we should 
want to help people. Why wouldn't we give people that are senior 
citizens more money? Well, if we give new people more money, we have to 
take it from somewhere. We are going to have to either borrow it or we 
are going to have to print it, but it has to come from somewhere. Money 
doesn't grow on trees.
  So $200 billion increase in spending for Social Security. Where is 
the money going to come from?
  Now, I will offer an amendment that would pay for it. My amendment 
would be to raise the age gradually of Social Security 3 months a year 
for about 12 years, and that would pay for the expansion of benefits.
  I think that is the only responsible way to do this. You want more 
benefits for people? You can't just, you know, push the bankruptcy of 
Social Security and say: Well, yeah, it will go bankrupt in about 9 
years, but maybe I won't be here, or maybe I won't be alive, and maybe 
it will still exist for people.
  But shouldn't we care about what is going to happen to the future of 
Social Security? Shouldn't we care about how this is going to be paid 
for? But it will be interesting to see how the vote is. I suspect I 
won't win, but we are going to have a vote on gradually raising the 
age.
  But here is the rub of how difficult it is and how far behind the 
eight ball we have become. I proposed this solution 12 years ago, 13 
years ago. When I did, it fixed two-thirds of the shortfall. If you 
raise the age gradually from 67 to 70, about 2 or 3 months a year, it 
wiped out most of the shortfall and fixed the problem 13 years ago. If 
you do it now, it only gives us 1 more year of solvency before 
bankruptcy comes.
  So we have taken a problem that was eminently fixable a decade ago, 
and at this point, if we were to do it and my amendment were to pass, 
it would pay for the expansion, but still the system is going bankrupt 
because we just keep adding stuff to it.
  Most people don't realize this, but Social Security actually will 
give you money no matter what your income is if you have teenage 
children and one of the parents is over 65. Now, somebody thought up 
this program and said: Wow, this would be good. We should help out 
elderly parents that are taking care of teenagers.
  You can be a billionaire and--I know people who are wealthy whose 
kids drive Porsches who are getting $1,500 a month for each of their 
kids because the dad is 65.
  Why would we do a program that is not based on income at all? Why 
would we let anybody join in that? Is that why Social Security is going 
bankrupt? No. That is just an element, though, of where the money is 
going.
  But everything that happens in this city is based on compassion. I 
feel for people, and I want to help people, but nobody does anything 
based on math. Nobody really looks at this and says: Well, shouldn't we 
do something to

[[Page S7299]]

make sure it is paid for? What about next decade? What is going to 
happen to Social Security? Not a care. They just expand it, and it is 
feel-good.
  You know, the free lunch, the mantra of free lunch is good. Here is 
stuff. Here is manna. We are going to give you more money. Just be 
content. Take some soma. Just relax. Here is some more money.
  But we are destroying the entitlement programs. Social Security is 
going bankrupt, and we sped up the bankruptcy this week by adding $200 
billion. That is going to be concluded tonight.
  That is $200 billion in brandnew spending to a system that was 
already $2 trillion short. Now, we also gave $30 billion to farmers. 
That is going to be in the package tonight, too.
  Now, why do the farmers say they need money? Many farmers are 
actually pretty well-off and doing pretty well actually. But they say 
that the tariffs during the first Trump administration hurt them so 
badly that they are still having to reduce exports, and they need more 
money. So we are still paying them for the tariff wars that were begun 
4 years ago, and still half the people in the country are jumping up 
and down and saying they want more tariffs.
  What are we going to do, pay off everybody that doesn't benefit from 
the tariffs? Think about it. If you put tariffs on a steel mill and you 
say: Well, we are not going to let the Chinese sell any steel over 
here. You have this bright, shiny steel mill and all the thousand 
workers stand in front of it, and they love you because you are going 
to help them with their jobs, and they are going to be more secure.
  But for every person making steel, there are 80 workers working 
somewhere buying steel. So what you do is you just ignore the other 
half of the equation. Why? Because it is easy to see the shiny steel 
factory. It is easy to see those workers.
  The 80 workers that are working for other industries, car industry, 
building warehouses, anybody that uses steel, fences, all these people 
buying stuff are scattered through small industries, and you don't see 
them.
  But their economic impact at least equals but probably exceeds the 
one you are trying to benefit. We do so many crazy things. So $200 
billion to expand Social Security that won't be paid for and speeds up 
the bankruptcy and demise of Social Security; $30 billion for farmers, 
many of whom have other resources and really are not desperately in 
need of this.
  What happens to the borrowing--$230 billion. Well, it is not over. We 
also are adding $100 billion for disaster. And you say to yourself: 
Well, you know, we have got to help people in need. They have had 
storms. They have had flooding. We have got to help them. Well, 
shouldn't we try to root out the waste and fraud in those systems, the 
people that are stealing money from these things? If you want to know 
how people are stealing things and how many people are stealing things, 
when we did all that COVID stuff, we stopped the economy and gave free 
money to everybody.
  We actually had foreign scoundrels, foreign fraudsters come in and 
take tens of millions of dollars, but we also had U.S. citizens buying 
Lamborghinis and Bugattis and all kind of fancy cars on their 
government.
  We had people signing up for the program. One of them used an ID that 
had a picture of Barbie on it and got money. Many of them said: I have 
500 workers, and they didn't have any workers. They didn't have a 
business.
  So just fraud was rampant throughout it. This happens also in the 
disaster relief programs as well. People claim things they lost in 
disasters that didn't exist. But let's put that aside, the waste and 
fraud in the program, and say: We have to help people. We have to do 
something about disasters.
  Well, maybe there ought to be a decision-making process where we say: 
What is more important? Ukraine or Asheville, NC?
  Do we have enough money to do both? Well, we do if we borrow it. But 
when we borrow it, we add to the debt. The Fed buys the debt, and you 
create inflation.
  It is no mystery why your goods cost more. During the last 4 years, 
groceries, meat, poultry, gasoline, rent, everything has gone up on 
average at least 20 percent. Now did it become more precious? Did we 
all of a sudden lose a supply of things? No. The dollar became weaker; 
the dollar became diluted because we had to buy all of this debt.
  So it is a bait-and-switch. What we do is we expand, you know, this 
week 200 billion for Social Security, hundred billion for disasters--
that is 300 billion--30 billion for farm subsidies. That is $330 
billion unpaid for. But the people here are gathered. The vast majority 
of them who will vote for this will go home, pat themselves on the 
back, and say: I brought you stuff. Isn't that what you want me to do? 
Bring you free stuff?
  Well, it is not free. It has ramifications. They are destroying the 
dollar. They are destroying the country, and yet it goes on because it 
seems to be easy just to promise people something for nothing.
  So I have a couple different solutions. To pay for the Social 
Security, let's gradually raise the age 3 months each year. And what it 
does is it actually pays entirely for this $200 billion expansion and 
then some. It has to be done. It will be done at some point. I offered 
it 13 years ago. And every year we have waited, we have gotten further 
behind the eight ball. And every year we have waited, we have gotten to 
the point where it is much more difficult to dig out of this hole.
  As far as the shutdowns, I will admit that it is chaotic to go 
through this every 3 months, every 6 months, every year. There could be 
a way that we could actually say, when there is an impasse and both 
parties don't agree, we agree to continue spending but not at the same 
level.
  See, the vote today on at least some of the budget, the part that is 
not going up like this, on a small portion, we will continue at the 
same level. But realize three-fourths of it is going up. We are not 
keeping it steady.
  So if we vote to keep it steady, does that really fix the problem? 
No. If you keep it steady and even if you didn't increase spending, the 
budget never balances. Why? Because you are only keeping a very small 
portion of the budget steady. It is really about 16 percent. Two-
thirds, 66 percent, entitlements; the remaining third: half military, 
half nonmilitary. Military is going up at 3 percent.
  Oh, that is right. I forgot. Republicans have a great plan. Come 
spring, the Republicans are, by simple majority, going to bust through 
the military caps.
  The military caps are put in place like all other caps to try to 
restrain spending, and they are ignored. But in the spring, the first 
reconciliation package the Republicans will pass with a simple majority 
is to bust through the military caps.
  Military doesn't have enough money. We spend more on our military 
than the next eight countries combined, and yet it is never enough.
  People say: We are going to find waste and fraud. I am all for it. I 
am a big supporter of looking for waste and fraud. I am a big supporter 
of getting rid of it.
  Guess what. If you don't look at the entitlements, you are not a 
serious person. If you don't look at the military, you are not a 
serious person. The trouble will go on.
  In the first Trump administration, $8 trillion were borrowed. I am a 
fan of Donald Trump. I supported him. I voted for him. But we borrowed 
$8 trillion. During the Biden administration, coincidentally, we 
borrowed another $8 trillion. They were equally fiscally irresponsible.
  Now, at least during the Trump administration, you could argue there 
was COVID and the pandemic and all of that. But the reaction was too 
much, and the lockdowns were not necessary. They didn't save any lives 
through the lockdowns, and we spent a ton of money that we passed out 
for people not to work.
  But the bottom line is, when you look at all of this, we have this 
enormous problem. I am all for eliminating the waste and fraud. It is 
not enough. You have to look at the entitlements. You have to look at 
the military.
  Currently, we look at only about 16 percent of the budget. If you 
eliminated all of that--it is called nonmilitary discretionary; it is 
part of the budget. You eliminate all of it--which isn't going to 
happen--the budget still

[[Page S7300]]

never balances. You have to look at all the spending. We are not 
looking at any of the entitlement spending.
  In fact, it is worse. Entitlements are driving the debt. Almost 
everybody agrees with it, and we are expanding the entitlements.
  Social Security--beginning in 2021, Social Security, for the first 
time, pays out more than it brings in in taxes. It was the opposite for 
many years; Social Security brought in more than they spent, and they 
actually developed and had a reserve. For the last 3 years, Social 
Security has been paying out more than comes in. In 2021, they paid out 
50 billion more than came in. In 2022, they paid out 22 billion more 
than came in. Last year, we paid out 40 billion more than came in.
  If you had a business or even if you had a social program and you 
were paying out more than you brought in, wouldn't you try to reverse 
that trend? No. What we did this week is expand Social Security by $200 
billion over 10 years. It is 20 billion a year. So if the debt next 
year for Social Security is going to be about the same as this year, it 
would be $40 billion. We added 20 billion to that. What is the math? A 
50-percent increase in our debt.
  So for someone who is fiscally conservative, this isn't a very good 
Christmas. This is a Christmas of just doing the same old thing.
  So when you hear ``CR,'' continuing resolution, realize your 
government is resolved just to continue doing the same thing. They are 
kicking the can down the road. The debt is going to continue to 
accumulate, and they are not doing anything to fix it. So don't be 
pleased with your people. Look closely. Who are my representatives, and 
are they doing the right thing?
  So we are going to offer a pay-for for Social Security. That will be 
one of my amendments tonight. We are also going to offer something 
called the Government Shutdown Protection Act. And what it will do is 
it says: When there is an impasse, when Republicans and Democrats don't 
agree, that the spending would continue at a reduced level. The level 
we chose was enough to try to bring both sides together to actually 
form an agreement; but also, we chose a number that would be enough of 
a cut to actually put us on a path to balance.
  So if my amendment were to pass, government wouldn't shut down from 
here on out. But the spending would be at a 6-percent reduced level. 
This actually balances the budget, and it is a pretty significant cut. 
Most of them will say, Oh, it is too much. We can't vote for it.
  But the thing is, is: Even if my cuts were to go into place, even if 
my amendment were to pass, a 6-percent cut would take 5 years to get to 
balance in 1 year. Not to get rid of any debt that we have accumulated, 
but just to get to an annual balance.
  And they are like, Oh, woe is me. We can never do it. We can't cut 
people. People deserve money. People deserve stuff. We have to give 
them more stuff.
  Do you know that in the European Union, 16 out of 28 countries in the 
European Union, who many are considered to be socialist, actually 
balance their budget? I met with a socialist from Sweden. He was more 
conservative than everybody across the aisle. He was more conservative 
than half the Republicans up here, because they thought that actual 
entitlements should be based on the economy. Their entitlements 
actually go down when the economy goes down. If the economy shrinks, 
their entitlements shrink. Everyone knows it is going to happen. If it 
is a bad year, we get a little less.
  People would go nuts here. We do the opposite. During the last 4 
years, they created so much inflation that people's costs went up 20 
percent. What do we do? We have to give cost-of-living adjustments to 
those on Social Security, and we did; but we were short even more 
money. And it made the problem even worse and sped up the bankruptcy of 
Social Security.
  So my amendment would say: We actually have to reduce spending. Now 
some people say to conservatives--both in my party and the others--they 
say, Oh, you people are unrealistic. You will never vote to raise the 
debt ceiling. But even if I had my way and we got cuts significant 
enough that I think the American people would accept, but most of this 
body wouldn't, and we balance the budget in 5 years, we would still 
accumulate debt over those 5 years. And I would vote to raise the debt 
ceiling during that brief period of time as we were on the way toward 
balancing our budget. But none of that is going to happen.
  What we are doing this week and what both parties will be complicit 
in--and I mean both parties. Every Democrat here will vote for this 
bill, I assume. Every Democrat will vote to continue to be resolved to 
spend money at a rate that is $2 trillion more than comes in. And half 
the Republicans will join them.
  There will be a minority of Republicans who will say: We are 
conservative, and we shouldn't spend this much money.
  But we will offer amendments tonight, and people will get to decide 
where they are. And people at home will have to decide: Are we going to 
live this way? How long can we live this way? What causes inflation? 
Can we not have representatives who believe that balancing our budget 
is the appropriate thing to do?
  So the amendments I offer today are such that I think they are 
necessary. I think they will help us to save Social Security from 
bankruptcy, but they won't be very popular here. But I offer them in 
hopes that people will see them across America and say: At least 
somebody cares about the solvency of Social Security. At least somebody 
has the guts to say, This is what we would do to try to save and 
preserve Social Security, rather than just giving free stuff to 
everybody and saying, No big deal. You can have more. You want more? 
Here is more.
  Somebody's got to ask: How are we going to pay for this? Someone has 
to be responsible up here. And if you watch closely who votes on this 
amendment, you will see who are the truly fiscally responsible people 
in the Senate.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Louisiana.


                      Social Security Fairness Act

  Mr. CASSIDY. Mr. President, today is a day to celebrate. The Senate 
is moments away from keeping a promise we made to the American people 
when Social Security became law.
  Folks will get the benefits they earned. State and local workers in 
Louisiana and other States across the country are no different than 
other Americans who paid into the system. State and local government 
workers deserve their full Social Security benefit.
  Now with the passage of the Social Security Fairness Act, they will 
get it.
  This act repeals WEP, GPO--that stands for ``windfall elimination 
provision'' and ``government pension offset''--and stops Social 
Security from punishing public workers for the crime of serving their 
communities. Nurses, teachers, firefighters, police officers, widows of 
those who worked in the Social Security system will be made whole by 
what we do here tonight.
  I had a civics teacher in high school who always delighted in the 
fact that she taught someone who went on to become a Member of 
Congress, and Betty worked her whole life teaching in public schools. 
And because of GPO, when her husband passed away--her husband worked at 
Exxon Refinery, if I remember correctly--her Social Security benefit 
was cut to a fraction because she had worked in the public sector as a 
teacher.
  Under this system, she would have been better in terms of Social 
Security benefits if she had never worked at all.
  Most of us have a Betty in their life, in their State, in their 
hometown, or in their family--often a police officer or a firefighter, 
a first responder who served us, and now we have the opportunity to 
thank them for that service.
  With a vote today, we are standing up for folks like Betty and 
everyone like her across our Nation. It is a day to celebrate.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Mississippi.


                          Republic of Georgia

  Mr. WICKER. Mr. President, I rise tonight to make a simple but 
important point on behalf of the brave, freedom-loving citizens of the 
Republic of Georgia. It is time for the United States to stand 
alongside the brave nation of Georgia, the citizens of which went to 
the polls recently and voted to elect their own leadership.

[[Page S7301]]

  It is time to impose heavy sanctions on the individuals and 
institutions now trying to thwart the democratic will of the people of 
the Republic of Georgia.
  Now is the time to act. This is the 20th of December 2024. We don't 
need to act in mid-January. We need to act now while the people of 
Georgia are taking to the freezing streets in towns like Tbilisi and 
elsewhere to exercise their right to protest.
  Now, here is what has happened--and it is such a familiar story, Mr. 
President. The Georgian people recently went to the polls, as really is 
the right of all mankind according to our Declaration of Independence. 
And the Georgian people rejected the Georgian Dream Party, which is 
really more and more becoming an arm of Vladimir Putin's Russian 
dictatorship.
  The Georgian people, when they voted, rejected Bidzina Ivanishvili, 
the pro-Russian oligarch behind the party. This is similar to what 
other free voters have done in other countries around in that area--a 
decade or so ago in the Republic of Ukraine, in the recent Romanian 
elections.
  It is happening also in Moldova. The people there do not wish to be 
under the thumb of a reincarnation of the Soviet Union under Vladimir 
Putin's dictatorship. And so they voted against the Georgian Dream 
Party, but the Georgian Dream Party in charge of the election machinery 
has tried to rig the election. And so the people of Georgia have risen 
up in response. And the Georgian Dream government, an arm of the Putin 
Russian Government, has responded in tyrannical fashion. The Georgian 
Dream Party has worked to overthrow the will of the voters and has 
marshalled the power of the police to crack down violently on peaceful 
protest.
  In a number of days, Mr. President, the Georgian Dream Party could 
actually forcibly remove the democratically elected President of 
Georgia from power.
  Now, the Biden administration has taken baby steps, long overdue, and 
I wish they would be more forceful. Our American administration has now 
publicly sanctioned two individuals. The State and Treasury Departments 
have sanctioned a senior ministry official and the Georgia Minister of 
Internal Affairs.
  Now, what do the sanctions involve? They involve blocking the 
offending officials of the Georgian Dream Party from transactions in 
American banks. We can do that. They have frozen any assets these 
Russian puppets have owned in the United States and revoked any visas 
they have for our country. And I applaud the administration for these 
steps, but they could do so much more.
  Of course, in response, the Georgian Dream Prime Minister Kobakhidze 
announced that he would decorate these two sanctioned Russian puppets 
and give them state honors in their roles for quashing the protests.
  This is what is going on around the world. This is how tyrants act. 
Georgian Dream has thumbed its nose, of course, at our somewhat half-
hearted measures. And so it is time, I would say, for the United States 
to demonstrate more decisive and timely resolve. Half measures are the 
wrong message at this point. So I call on the Biden administration to 
sanction the leaders of Georgian Dream, including Bidzina Ivanishvili, 
Kakha Kaladze, and Prime Minister Kobakhidze.
  The Republic of Georgia is the home of freedom-loving people. They 
were once under the thumb of Moscow, and they do not wish to go back. 
Vladimir Putin would like to have Georgia back in its orbit, just like 
they would like to have Moldova back in their orbit, just like they 
even wish to have Romania and certainly Ukraine. And Vladimir Putin is 
willing to rig elections to have his agents brutally repress the 
peaceful protests that are going on.
  Now, I admire these Georgian freedom fighters. They strongly oppose 
Putin's interference; and we ought to stand with them. I call on the 
State Department and the Biden administration in the last month of 
office to stand tall with the freedom-loving Georgian people. We must 
continue our legacy of cooperation and shared democratic values with 
the Republic of Georgia.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Cardin). The Senator from Oregon.


                      Social Security Fairness Act

  Mr. WYDEN. Mr. President, as chairman of the Senate Finance 
Committee, I want to spend a minute saying a special commendation to 
Senators Brown and Casey, two exceptionally valuable members of the 
Senate Finance Committee who are going to be departing the Senate at 
the end of the year.
  Nobody in the Senate understands the importance of Social Security 
for seniors and Americans with disabilities better than Senators Brown 
and Casey. They have been leading the fight for years to protect and 
strengthen Social Security for current and future generations of 
Americans, and they have done it for their entire careers. That 
includes battling those who would want to privatize the system, those 
who would raise the retirement age or advance schemes that would 
otherwise cut benefits.
  It strikes me as particularly fitting that one of the final votes 
this body takes--and the first time the Senate votes to increase 
benefits in decades--will be a vote to ensure everyday Americans 
receive their earned benefits.
  I was director of the Oregon Gray Panthers for almost 7 years before 
coming into public life, and I long ago decided that protecting 
Americans' earned benefits has been a lodestar, and Senators Casey and 
Brown have followed that through their public service.
  This vote is also a chance for the American people to see clearly who 
is fighting for middle-class families, because what the Senate is doing 
is preventing across-the-board cuts to Social Security benefits for 
public servants like firefighters and nurses and busdrivers and police 
officers and teachers. These are all individuals who work in crucial 
professions, paying into Social Security out of every paycheck. They 
went into their line of work not to strike it rich but to answer the 
call to serve their communities.

  As chairman of the Senate Finance Committee, I would urge all Members 
of the Senate, Republicans and Democrats, to stand with Senators Brown 
and Casey and all our colleagues who have been working to pass this 
legislation. It is long overdue.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Bennet). The majority leader.


                           Order of Procedure

  Mr. SCHUMER. I ask unanimous consent that the Senate resume 
legislative session and the only remaining amendments in order to H.R. 
82 be the following: Paul 3346, Paul 3352, Cruz 3360, and Crapo 3331; 
that there be a 60-affirmative vote threshold for the adoption of the 
amendments; that upon disposition of the Crapo amendment, Senator Lee 
be recognized to make a budget point of order; that upon disposition of 
the point of order, the pending amendments and motion be withdrawn, 
H.R. 82 be considered read a third time, and the Senate vote on passage 
of the bill with 60-affirmative votes required for passage; further, 
that following the disposition of H.R. 82, the Senate proceed to the 
consideration of H.R. 10545; that there be up to 30 minutes for debate 
on the bill, equally divided, and that upon the use or yielding back of 
time, the Senate vote on passage of the bill, with 60 affirmative votes 
required for passage and with no amendments or motions in order to the 
bill; further, that following the disposition of H.R. 10545, the Senate 
resume executive session to consider the following nominations en bloc: 
Calendar Nos. 851, 853, 854, 857; that the Senate vote on the 
nominations en bloc without intervening action or debate; that the 
motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table and 
that the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action; 
further, that there be up to 2 minutes for debate, equally divided, 
prior to each vote, all without further intervening action or debate.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
  Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. SCHUMER. I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The majority leader.

[[Page S7302]]

  



                           Government Funding

  Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I have very good news for my colleagues 
and for the country. Democrats and Republicans have just reached an 
agreement that will allow us to pass the CR tonight before the midnight 
deadline.
  I yield the floor.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.

                          ____________________