Congressional Record, Volume 170 Issue 70 (Saturday, April 20, 2024)

[Congressional Record Volume 170, Number 70 (Saturday, April 20, 2024)]
[House]
[Pages H2593-H2607]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]

UKRAINE SECURITY SUPPLEMENTAL APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 2024

General Leave

Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all
Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and
include extraneous materials on H.R. 8035.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Florida?
There was no objection.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 1160 and rule
XVIII, the Chair declares the House in the Committee of the Whole House
on the state of the Union for the consideration of the bill, H.R. 8035.
The Chair appoints the gentlewoman from North Carolina (Ms. Foxx) to
preside over the Committee of the Whole.

{time} 1038

In the Committee of the Whole

Accordingly, the House resolved itself into the Committee of the
Whole House on the state of the Union for the consideration of the bill
(H.R. 8035) making emergency supplemental appropriations to respond to
the situation in Ukraine and for related expenses for the fiscal year
ending September 30, 2024, and for other purposes, with Ms. Foxx in the
chair.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the bill is considered
read the first time.
General debate shall be confined to the bill and shall not exceed 30
minutes equally divided and controlled by the chair and ranking
minority member of the Committee on Appropriations or their respective
designees.
The gentleman from Florida (Mr. Diaz-Balart) and the gentlewoman from
Connecticut (Ms. DeLauro) each will control 15 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Diaz-Balart).
Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Madam Chair, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Madam Chair, I rise in support of H.R. 8035, the Ukraine Security
Supplemental Appropriations Act, as well as the other two national
security supplemental bills and a fourth bill that is full of strong
conservative policy priorities.
As we stand here today, a strategic military troika of evil sits over
the horizon marching toward the destruction of the values that we and
our democratic allies hold so dear.
We can either turn our heads away and hope to appease this great
evil, or we can stand with our allies and confront this nefarious
scourge.
History has taught us that appeasement does not work. It was
attempted not that long ago through the failed Obama-Clinton reset with
the Communist KGB thug, Putin. That administration believed that Putin
could be satiated with Georgia and Crimea.
They were wrong, and today Putin's appetite has only grown. Now he
wants all of Ukraine, tomorrow Moldova, the Baltics, and Poland?
Madam Chair, history repeats itself. I am reminded that in 1947,
Congress provided military and economic support for Greece and Turkiye,
keeping them out of the hands of the Soviet Union.
Today, this Congress has the chance to do the same by supporting
these bills that confront the troika, and fully fund our security
commitments to support Israel, Taiwan, and Ukraine, which are
confronting existential challenges to their very existence.
The only way to stand up to Putin and others like him, in the words
of Ronald Reagan, is peace through strength. That is why every Member
voting ``yes'' on these bills is standing for today.

This bill supports that principle, two-thirds of which will be spent
here at home to investments in the U.S. defense industrial base and
replenishing our military equipment.
The supplemental also provides critical security assistance to help
ensure that Ukraine has the training and

[[Page H2594]]

weapons it needs to stop Putin, such as additional artillery rounds and
air defense systems.
Please take note of this, Madam Chair. This bill requires a clear
strategy from the administration that defines and prioritizes U.S.
national security interests in Ukraine.
It also includes unprecedented oversight and accountability
requirements, including robust funding for our Inspectors General and
end use monitoring of U.S. defense transfers.
Also, economic assistance to Ukraine is subject to extensive burden
sharing and transparency requirements, including unprecedented cost
matching by our European and other allies.
Madam Chair, in addition, for the first time ever, this bill requires
that the funding we provide to Ukraine for economic assistance be
subjected to repayment to the United States of America.
In sum, Madam Chairwoman, this is a critical bill that directly
supports the national security interests of the United States. I urge a
strong ``yes'' vote, and I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. DeLAURO. Madam Chair, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Madam Chair, I rise in strong support of the Ukraine Security
Supplemental Appropriations Act.
This provides Ukraine with desperately needed aid and munitions to
fight back against tyranny, against Putin's tyranny. Vladimir Putin's
greed, aggression, and unyielding pursuit of power, has led to grievous
loss of life and humanitarian devastation.
The cruelty against innocent civilians at the hands of Putin and his
cronies is devastating, and we know very well that Russia's invasion is
not only a threat to Ukraine's physical security, but it is also a
threat to the very core of Ukrainian and global democracy.
Putin is betting that he can outlast the will and the determination
of Ukraine, the United States, and other Western allies. Some in this
body seem inclined to prove him right. We must prove him definitively
wrong.

{time} 1045

It is completely misguided. It is an affront to our Nation's history
and our heritage to suggest that we would be putting America first by
retreating from the world stage.
We put America first by demonstrating the power of American
leadership, that we have the strength and the resolve and the heart to
fight for the most vulnerable people, protect their freedom, and
preserve their dignity.
This bill will provide $14 billion for the training, equipment,
weapons, logistics support, intelligence, and other supplies and
resources to support Ukraine's military. It will provide nearly the
same amount for us, the United States, to replenish our own equipment
stocks.
It also provides $9.5 billion in forgivable loans to support the
Ukrainian economy, and $20.5 billion for the U.S. Armed Forces to
assist in Ukraine with mission support, intelligence support, pay,
equipment, and other resources.
If Ukraine does not receive this support which it requires and needs
to defeat Russia's outrageous assault on its sovereign territory, the
legacy of this Congress will be the appeasement of a dictator,
destruction of an allied nation, and a fractured Europe; gone will be
the post-war order that has kept Europe free and prosperous; gone will
be our credibility in the eyes of our allies and our adversaries; and
gone will be the America that promised to stand up for freedom,
democracy, and human rights, wherever they are threatened or wherever
they are under attack.
Our allies are facing existential threats, and our friends and foes
around the world are watching and waiting to see how America will
respond. Vladimir Putin is watching. Our allies in NATO and across
Europe are watching. What course will America take? We must stop Putin
in his tracks right now. The world must see our resolve. We need to
support Ukraine.
Madam Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Madam Chair, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Ohio (Mr. Turner), the chairman of the Permanent Select Committee on
Intelligence.
Mr. TURNER. Madam Chair, I want to begin by thanking the Speaker for
bringing this bill to the floor for the importance of serving our
national security. This bill will have overwhelming support on this
House floor today.
When people ask why we should support Ukraine, I like to remind them
of President Xi of China's trip to Russia last year. When President Xi
stood next to Vladimir Putin, he had an open mike, and he said:
``Change is coming that hasn't happened in 100 years. And we are
driving this change together.''
The ``we'' is Vladimir Putin and President Xi, and the ``100 years,''
we know what that is. That is World War I and World War II. They
themselves stood together and articulated that this is a battle between
authoritarianism and democracy, and we must stand for democracy and
against authoritarianism.
Also, according to the Kiel Institute for the World Economy, our
European allies have committed to giving more than $60 billion in
military aid since Russia's unjustified invasion, while the U.S. has
given roughly $42 billion. We are at less than half.
Madam Chair, I include in the Record the link to the Kiel Institute
report. https://www.ifw-kiel.de/topics/war-against-ukraine/ukraine-
support-tracker/
Ms. DeLAURO. Madam Chair, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from
California (Ms. Pelosi), the distinguished Speaker Emerita.
Ms. PELOSI. Madam Chair, I thank the gentlewoman, the distinguished
ranking member of the Appropriations Committee, for yielding, but also
for her leadership in bringing this to the floor.
Madam Chair, I join Mr. Turner and others in saluting the Speaker, as
well as our leader, Mr. Jeffries, for making this important legislation
possible.
I associate myself with everything that has been said already about
Ukraine, but I want to just focus on one particular area.
It was 2 years ago and almost 2 weeks ago that I led the first high-
level delegation to Kyiv, and we saw firsthand the courage of the
people, the danger of the Russians. Let me just tell you what is
heartbreaking about it.
Vladimir Putin has instructed his troops to use rape, kidnapping, and
murder in front of family members as a weapon of war to demoralize the
people of Ukraine. I hope that our colleagues will choose democracy and
decency rather than autocracy and evil, because I fear that, if you
choose the Putin route, you will have blood on your hands--blood of the
children, blood of their mothers, raped in front of their parents,
raped in front of their children.
Madam Chair, I urge an ``aye'' vote on this and all the other bills
before us today.
Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Madam Chair, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
North Carolina (Mr. Edwards), who is a member of the Appropriations
Committee.
Mr. EDWARDS. Madam Chair, Ronald Reagan said: ``Democracy is worth
dying for because it is the most deeply honorable form of government
ever devised by man.''
Madam Chair, that is but one of the reasons I rise today in support
of H.R. 8035. At this moment, the world is looking to America for
leadership and asking: Do we still stand behind our belief in
democracy, and are we the world power that we acclaim?
At this moment, we have the opportunity to stand for democracy and
for world order with no drop of blood shed by American troops. Without
our help, a democracy is certain to fall to a murderous, Marxist,
socialist dictator.
I recently toured Ukraine. My eyes have witnessed the remnants of the
barbaric, unadulterated terrorism that is taking place there, and my
ears have heard the numerous testimonies of the unthinkable acts by the
Russian Army.

Putin, through his words and his actions, have made clear that our
world's security and our Nation's security are at risk.
Ronald Reagan also said: ``There is sin and evil in the world, and we
are enjoined by Scripture and the Lord Jesus to oppose it with all our
might.''
Madam Chair, let's oppose this evil.
Ms. DeLAURO. Madam Chair, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New
York (Mr. Jeffries), the distinguished Democratic leader.
Mr. JEFFRIES. Madam Chair, I thank the distinguished gentlewoman

[[Page H2595]]

from the great State of Connecticut (Ms. DeLauro) for yielding and for
her extraordinary leadership throughout this process.
I thank Speaker Emerita Pelosi and all of the members of the House
Democratic Caucus for steadfastly standing behind America's national
security priorities to get us to this point.
Madam Chair, I rise today in strong support of the legislative
package that is before the Congress. For months, the national security
priorities of the American people have been obstructed by pro-Putin
extremists determined to let Russia win.
A bipartisan coalition of Democrats and Republicans has risen up to
work together and ensure that we are getting the national security
legislation important to the American people over the finish line.
House Democrats have risen to the occasion. President Joe Biden has
risen to the occasion. Traditional conservatives, led by Speaker
Speaker Johnson, have risen to the occasion.
We have a responsibility--not as Democrats or Republicans, but as
Americans--to do what is necessary to defend democracy wherever it is
at risk and the best interests of the free world. That is what this
legislation represents.
We have a responsibility to push back against tyranny, we have a
responsibility to push back against totalitarianism, we have a
responsibility to push back against terror, and we have a
responsibility to stand with our democratic allies throughout the
world.
Israel is a democratic ally. Ukraine is a democratic ally. South
Korea is a democratic ally. Taiwan is a democratic ally. Japan is a
democratic ally. We have a responsibility to stand with our democratic
allies throughout the world.
We also have a responsibility to push back against our adversaries.
Russia is not our friend. The Chinese Communist Party is not our
friend. Iran is not our friend.
We have a special relationship that exists between the United States
and Israel. It is a relationship that is anchored in shared values and
shared interests. Our commitment to Israel's security is ironclad.
Israel has a right to exist as a Jewish and democratic state and safe
haven for the Jewish people, who have faced centuries of persecution
throughout the years.
The events of October 7 make clear that Hamas must be decisively
defeated. For the good of Israel, for the good of the Palestinian
people, for the good of peace in the Middle East, for the good of the
free world, Hamas must be decisively defeated.
At the same time, there are other urgent priorities. We must do
everything possible to make sure that we are freeing the hostages so
they can safely return to their families, and we must do everything
possible to surge humanitarian assistance into Gaza so we can help out
Palestinian civilians who are in harm's way through no fault of their
own. We must surge in food, surge in medicine, surge in humanitarian
assistance. That is what this package will help accomplish with more
than $9 billion in humanitarian assistance.
The events of October 7 and the suffering of Palestinian civilians in
the theater of war are heartbreaking. Any person of good will should
come to the conclusion that we have to find a way to achieve a just and
lasting peace between Israel and the Palestinian people.
The only way for that to happen is for us to truly commit to a two-
state solution when the moment presents itself, with a safe and secure
Israel living side by side in peace and prosperity with a demilitarized
Palestinian state that provides dignity and self-determination for the
Palestinian people. Let us recommit to accomplishing that objective.
The humanitarian assistance in this legislative package will also
allow the United States to be there to support people who are suffering
all across the world, including millions in Haiti and millions in the
Sudan dealing with famine and starvation in a war-torn environment.
This legislation, of course, will allow us to stand with our allies
in the Indo-Pacific in the face of continued aggression from the
Chinese Communist Party, to make sure that freedom and democracy and
these values all across the world will continue to be triumphant. This
legislation will allow us to support the bravery and the courage of the
Ukrainian people, who, against all odds, continue to stand for what we,
as Americans, believe in.
In February of 2022, we were told that Ukraine would likely fall in a
week and that Russian troops would be in Kyiv in a week, but the
bravery, the courage, and the resilience of the Ukrainian people in the
face of the most powerful military in Europe has proven to be
consequential in partnership with American support and that of our NATO
allies.
However, the Ukrainian people have taught us something: That in the
face of an incredible military apparatus that they were confronting,
against all odds, that when a people believe in freedom or liberty or
democracy, that can overcome even the mightiest of militaries.
Therefore, we have seen them, despite the prediction that they would
fall in a week, inflict more than 300,000 casualties on the Russian
military; significant portions of the Russian navy wiped out in the
Black Sea; more than half the territory that had initially been seized
by the Russian military recaptured by Ukraine, against all odds.
However, the pro-Putin obstruction that has stopped this national
security legislation from advancing to the floor until this point risks
all of the progress that has been made, which is why it is so essential
for us to do what is necessary to stand with the Ukrainian people.

{time} 1100

Let me close with this observation. This is a moment to choose. We
can choose democracy or autocracy. We can choose freedom or tyranny. We
can choose truth or propaganda. We can choose Ukraine or Russia. We can
choose Zelenskyy or Putin. We can choose a democratic ally or a sworn
enemy. This is a time to choose.
The American people have always stood on the side of democracy,
freedom, and truth, which is why we must stand on the side of the
Ukrainian people.
We will stand with the Ukrainian people today. We will stand with the
Ukrainian people tomorrow. We will stand with the Ukrainian people
until victory is won.

Announcement by the Acting Chair

The Acting CHAIR. The Chair will remind all persons in the gallery
that they are here as guests of the House and that any manifestation of
approval or disapproval of proceedings is in violation of the rules of
the House.
Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Chair, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Florida (Mr. Waltz).
Mr. WALTZ. Mr. Chair, my colleagues and I have led the charge on
stopping Putin in the face of Biden's too little, too late strategy,
but before we go any further, we have asked for four simple things: a
strategy to get us out of this stalemate, to protect the U.S. border as
our first principle, a real burden-sharing with the Europeans, and a
smart energy policy.
We got none of that, Mr. Chair. Yet, 2\1/2\ years into this war, we
still don't know what success looks like. Is it Crimea? Is it all of
the Donbas? Is it hold what you have? We don't know because President
Biden won't tell us and the American people.
We must close the U.S. border and defend it as a matter of first
principle. It is not an either/or, but it is a matter of priorities.
We hear the EU and NATO are doing all they can. Baloney. They can't
do more because only 11 out of 31 are contributing the bare minimum to
its defense. If they won't do it now, Mr. Chair, then when will they?
Most offensive, if we drive down the price of oil below $50 a barrel,
Putin's war machine is done. I can no longer in good conscience ask the
American people to dig deeper behind a blank check, behind bad
strategies and bad policy. We just can't afford it anymore.
Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Chair, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from
Ohio (Ms. Kaptur), the ranking member of the Energy and Water
Development, and Related Agencies Subcommittee, who has been
indefatigable and courageous in her struggle to support the Ukrainian
people.
Ms. KAPTUR. Mr. Chair, I thank the distinguished ranking member of
the full committee for yielding me the

[[Page H2596]]

time, and I rise to support liberty for Ukraine.
Let us defeat the spiderweb of tyranny between Putin's regime, Iran,
China, and North Korea. We see their evil and their weaponry.
Ukraine does not ask us to fight for her, only to arm her valiant
soldiers to push Russia back inside its own borders. Ukraine's soldiers
have recaptured half of its stolen territory. Let's arm them to finish
the job.
For those who may naively think America can sit on the sidelines and
seek isolation, please know this old adage: If you take no interest in
foreign affairs, foreign affairs will find you.
I recall Pearl Harbor, December 7, 1941, 83 years ago, the United
States, caught in a stupor of isolationism, closed its eyes as the rest
of the world fell into deep conflict.
There is no killing field on Earth like Ukraine. Millions upon
millions upon millions of innocent people have died at the hands of
deadly dictators--Lenin, Stalin, and now Putin. If Putin is permitted
to conquer Ukraine, he will not stop there. He has promised that.
Support from the American people will ensure victory for Ukraine,
with the free world girding liberty's shield.
Let's recall the ancient words of Ukraine's poet laureate, Taras
Shevchenko, who died almost two centuries ago in a ghastly prison just
like Alexander Navalny died a few weeks ago in a ghastly Russia prison.
Why? Because they believe in liberty.

The time is near when on Ukraine's plains,
A shackled folk will burst its chains.
Blessed be your children in these lands,
By touch of your toil-hardened hands,
Then shall our day of hope arrive,
Ukrainian glory shall revive.

Today is that day. Let's support liberty for Ukraine and defeat
Russian tyranny.
Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Chair, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Alabama (Mr. Rogers), the chairman of the Armed Services Committee.
Mr. ROGERS of Alabama. Mr. Chair, I thank my friend for yielding.
Mr. Chair, I rise in strong support of all of these national security
supplementals. The Armed Services Committee just completed our annual
military posture review hearings with our combatant commanders. Each of
them raised grave concerns about how China, Russia, Iran, and North
Korea are working together in a new axis of evil to harm our alliances
and undermine our national security.
Nowhere is this more important or apparent than in Ukraine.
China, North Korea, and Iran are eagerly aiding and abetting Putin's
brutal invasion of Ukraine because they know a Russian victory there
will seriously undercut American credibility and deterrence and leave
our allies exposed. A Russian victory will embolden Kim, Xi, and the
Ayatollah to confront South Korea, Taiwan, Israel, and ultimately the
United States in new and fatal ways.
I fear Putin will use victory in Ukraine as a springboard to invade
Eastern Europe. We can't let that happen. We must restore American
deterrence, and that starts by passing these national security
supplementals.
Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Chair, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from
California (Ms. Lee), the ranking member of the State, Foreign
Operations, and Related Programs Subcommittee.
Ms. LEE of California. Mr. Chair, I thank the distinguished ranking
member for yielding and for her tremendous leadership on global peace
and security issues in this House.

Mr. Chair, I rise in strong support of H.R. 8035. This bill provides
nearly $10 billion in economic assistance for Ukraine and surrounding
countries, with nearly $8 billion in direct budget support.
When I visited Ukraine in 2019, I immediately recognized the love of
the Ukrainian people for their country and for their democracy. Since
the war broke out, I have met with Ukrainians in the region. Actually,
I was with Speaker Pelosi during that visit. I heard firsthand the dire
situation that they face amidst Russian aggression. I have talked with
civil society organizations funded by the United States that, facing
danger and violence, are supporting refugees, vulnerable people, women,
and children. I was deeply moved by their stories and commitment.
The United States must support these brave Ukrainians in their
efforts to protect their sovereignty because, let's be clear, Putin
will not stop until Ukraine's democracy is dismantled, and we all know
that he will not stop with Ukraine.
As ranking member of the State, Foreign Operations, and Related
Programs Subcommittee, I am proud that we are also considering other
significant investments in the United States' global leadership today,
particularly the more than $9 billion in desperately needed
humanitarian assistance. We are facing historic challenges of hunger,
displacement, and conflict across the globe.
I was recently in Chad, one of the poorest countries in the world.
Thousands of refugees are fleeing the horrific war in Sudan. They are
in dire need of food and just the basics to survive. These resources
will enable the United States to respond to not just the humanitarian
needs that we read about on the front page but the quieter conflicts
that are destroying people's lives, such as in Sudan and Haiti.
This is a defining moment in our history. I urge my colleagues to
respond to the remarkable strength and resilience of the Ukrainian
people and stand by them by supporting this supplemental bill.
Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Chair, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Texas (Mr. Self).
Mr. SELF. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the Ukraine Security
Supplemental Appropriations Act, and I will make a glaring point: This
war is not, economically speaking, even a fair fight.
The gross domestic product of the European Union is nine times that
of Russia's. Their population is three times that of Russia's. The
European Union can do more. If the United States continues to fund this
effort, the EU will not muster the political will to do what they
should.
Yes, Russia is a strategic adversary of America, but it is a bigger
threat to our European allies. Even now, many NATO nations are not
doing the required 2 percent of GDP on defense. Europe must act with
greater urgency.
We have heard a lot about Churchill and Chamberlain. May I point out
that they are both British. If Great Britain and Europe as a whole had
done more with Austria, with Sudetenland, history might be different.
Mr. Chair, I implore my colleagues to put America's border security
ahead of Ukraine's.
Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Chair, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from
Minnesota (Ms. McCollum), the ranking member of the Defense
Subcommittee.
Ms. McCOLLUM. Mr. Chair, it has been 6 months since President Biden
sent his security supplemental to the Congress and 2 months since the
Senate passed it, but today, the House will finally act. It is not a
moment too soon, for the situation in Ukraine is dire.
Vladimir Putin has failed to release thousands of Ukrainian children
who have been kidnapped and continues to murder Ukrainian citizens on a
daily basis. The Ukrainian military faces a severe shortage of
ammunition, ammunition to protect their citizens and their sovereignty.
Why? Because for months this House has remained silent, but today that
changes.
Today, we will pass this legislation. We will provide security and
economic assistance to Ukraine. We will replenish depleted stocks of
U.S. equipment here at home. We will join and show the Baltic nations,
Romania, and Poland, that we stand with them, along with our European
and NATO allies.
Together, we will support the Ukrainian people and their fight for
freedom. We will make it clear to authoritarian nations that America
will always stand up for democracy here at home and around the world.
Mr. Chair, I urge my colleagues to support these bills.
Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Chair, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Nebraska (Mr. Flood).
Mr. FLOOD. Mr. Chair, I rise today in support of the supplemental for
Ukraine.
Less than 100 years ago, Joseph Stalin committed one of the largest
genocides in history when he starved millions of Ukrainians to death.

Today, Putin's Russia is once again stopping at nothing. They have
used

[[Page H2597]]

Ukrainian civilians as human shields. They have committed horrible acts
of sexual violence. They have abducted tens of thousands of Ukrainian
children.
The history of atrocities committed by tyrants against Ukraine is a
stark reminder of the moral duty we have as Americans to stand with our
friends and allies against tyranny and opposition.
For those in our country who don't think what is happening in Ukraine
has anything to do with us, Putin doesn't want just parts of Ukraine.
He wants to end the post-World War II order that has underpinned
freedom and economic prosperity in Europe, the United States, and
beyond.
This package is critical, not just for Ukraine, but for the entire
free world so that we can beat back the reincarnation of what President
Reagan called the Evil Empire.
Mr. Chair, I join my colleagues in supporting this supplemental.
Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Chair, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Illinois (Mr. Quigley), the ranking member of the Transportation,
Housing and Urban Development, and Related Agencies Subcommittee and
co-chair of the Ukraine Caucus.
Mr. QUIGLEY. Mr. Chair, I am just back from a third trip to Ukraine
during the war, and, yes, we saw evidence of Putin's war crimes--the
mass graves and evidence of torture, religious persecution, and
kidnapping of children. It reminds us that throughout our history in
moments like this our country has been called to act, and it did.
We are called to stand up in the fight for freedom and in the face of
tyranny and to be the arsenal of democracy, but in recent months, we
have not met this challenge.

{time} 1115

It has been said it is never too late to do the right thing. Well, we
are coming really close, as we have been handcuffed by extremists and
appeasers, and now the pipeline to Ukraine is almost empty.
Should we now fail to send additional aid, Ukraine will lose this
war, and in Putin's eyes it will be just the beginning of his efforts
to reconstitute the Soviet Union. Inaction risks not just the fate of
democracy, but the possibility of drawing our own country directly into
war.
Today, it is particularly important that we heed the voices from the
past: From President Ronald Reagan, as he espoused the Reagan Doctrine
that we will always defend our friends and allies against Soviet
aggression.
From President Kennedy: ``We shall pay any price, bear any burden,
meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the
survival and the success of liberty.''
Finally, in his last inaugural address, FDR reminded us: ``We have
learned that we cannot live alone, at peace; that our own well-being is
dependent on the well-being of other nations far away. . . . ''
We can and we must act.
Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Florida (Mr. Gimenez).
Mr. GIMENEZ. Mr. Chair, I rise today in support of the supplemental
for Ukraine.
For the past few years, Ukraine has valiantly fought against the
barbaric and unjustified invasion by Vladimir Putin and Russia. We have
now reached an inflection point. Ukraine is running out of time,
bullets, and arms necessary to defeat Russia. This supplemental will
allow Ukraine to counter Russia with new and more advanced aid. It will
also help by replenishing U.S. weapons, stocks, and facilities.
America is seen as the beacon of hope across the globe, and our
enemies are watching our actions closely today. As the Chinese
Communist Party, Iran, North Korea, and even Cuba all line up behind
Putin, it is time to do the same for our friends and allies.
Mr. Chair, when I was 6 years old, my family fled my native homeland
of Cuba. I personally know the evils of communism. The freedoms of this
country are what brought my family here. They are worth fighting for.
The Ukrainian people are only asking for help in fighting for that same
freedom.
What is the cost of freedom? Is there a cost for freedom? Can you put
a price tag on it?
Today is a chance to bolster our international reputation as a
faithful ally and to prove that we will not falter under pressure. This
is an opportunity to help our allies and discourage our adversaries.
Mr. Chair, I urge support for this bill.
Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my time to
close.
Mr. Chairman, this needs to be a proud moment for all of us. This
country, this great United States of America has always led, has always
taken the high ground and the moral responsibility to do the right
thing, to support a nation which has only asked us to help them
maintain their sovereignty, maintain democracy, and let them ally with
us in the United States.
The Speaker of this House has come out in support of aid to Ukraine.
He said: History judges us for what we do. This is a critical time on
the world stage.
The Speaker continued: ``I would rather send bullets to Ukraine than
American boys.''
We need to send military equipment, arms, what Ukraine needs to
defeat an aggressor who is responsible for the death of millions of
civilians. We have a moment today to say ``no'' to tyranny. We have a
moment to take back the moral high ground for the United States and say
that we do not walk away from an ally; we do not walk away from
freedom; we do not walk away from human rights; we do not walk away
from democracy. That is not the United States of America.
Winston Churchill once said: ``Success is not final, failure is not
fatal: it is the courage to continue that counts.''
We know of no nation today who has had the courage to continue as
Ukraine has, and the United States needs to have the courage to stand
up and to help them continue when it counts and defeat a tyrant and
autocrat whose relish for power knows no bounds.
It is our moral responsibility. Today, we need to stand with Ukraine.
I urge my colleagues to support this bill, and I yield back the balance
of my time.
Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my time
to close.
Mr. Chairman, we may be nearing a dangerous inflection point in this
war. If the thug Putin were to win, it would be a disaster for our
national security; frankly, on par with the Biden administration's
chaotic withdrawal from Afghanistan.
Imagine how this outcome would embolden Russia's key strategic ally,
Communist China, to undertake military coercion and aggression against
Taiwan and the fateful consequences that would stem from that.
I remind my colleagues that appeasement never works. Harry Truman and
Ronald Reagan both understood, as President Reagan said: ``We know only
too well that war comes not when the forces of freedom are strong, but
when they are weak. It is then that tyrants are tempted.''
It is time to be resolute. Let's heed the lessons of history and
support this bill.
Finally, I thank Speaker Johnson for his principled leadership and
his fortitude in moving forward with this bill. In the face of daunting
obstacles, his resolve is a testament to his strength of character.
I also thank Chairman Cole and Ranking Member DeLauro for their
leadership on this bill. I urge a strong ``yes'' vote.
Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.
Ms. KAPTUR. Mr. Chair, I rise in full support of the Ukraine Security
Supplemental Appropriations Act of 2024. Allow the American people to
help free Ukraine from Vladimir Putin's illegal, unprovoked, and brutal
invasion of its sovereign territory.
Ukraine--the poorest country in Europe--is not asking us to fight for
her, ONLY to help arm her.
Let's help free Ukraine from Putin's unprovoked, illegal, brutal
invasion of its sovereign territory. Russia should go back inside its
own borders.
What liberty-loving person can watch the valiant people of Ukraine
confront the 3rd largest military in the world in this grueling war and
not rise to Ukraine's defense?
Ukraine's soldiers endured through 2 brutal winters and have
recaptured over half the land Russia stole. They have destroyed as much
as 40 percent of Russia's fighting force. Bravo to the people of
Ukraine, for their miraculous defense of their Homeland.
For those here in Congress who may naively think America can sit on
the sidelines,

[[Page H2598]]

and seek isolation, please be instructed by this old adage: ``if you
take no interest in foreign affairs, foreign affairs will find you!''
That proved true on December 7, 1941--83 years ago--when the United
States caught in the stupor of isolationism closed its eyes as the rest
of the world fell into deep conflict.
America was violently awakened to the reality of tyranny by Imperial
Japan's attack on Pearl Harbor on Dec. 7, 1941. That terrible event
thrust America not just into war, but into a global fight for liberty
that shaped the history of the world each of us inherited.
A short distance away from this Capitol stands the National World War
II Memorial. Its shining marble is a timeless reminder of the moral
strength and power that flows when free people are united and bonded
together in a just, common cause. It should also remind us of the
terrible costs that are exacted should the Free World allow the
emerging Axis of Evil to unleash its aggression on our world. Today,
the increasingly destructive coalition of Russia, Iran, North Korea,
China, and allied terrorist organizations are uniting as enemies of
liberty.
They are intent on upending American alliances and liberty's global
security shield. Recall, exhausted at the end of World War II, the
Allies negotiated a tenuous peace that allowed Russian tyranny in the
form of the USSR's Soviet Union to gulp down half of Europe, as far
west as Berlin. It then took another four decades for that usurpation
of captive nations to collapse of his own corruption and calumny,
beginning in 1989 in Poland. The Free World did that despite the $13
trillion cost (in 1996 dollars). The Soviet Union collapsed of its own
failings as the last remaining tyranny on the European continent. The
vast region it had encompassed entered into an era of political
upheaval and nation-building. With Ukraine, liberty faces not a new
enemy, but an old one.
Putin's unprovoked invasion of Ukraine tells us exactly where this
rerun is headed. The alliance of free nations simply cannot go
backward. If you ask yourself the price of our own liberty, remember
over 500,000 U.S. veterans lay at rest on fields, forests, and
cemeteries across Europe from World Wars I and II. They bequeathed to
us the umbrella of Alliances to push back tyranny and preserve liberty
in this modern era.
As a percent of GDP, 15 European countries have so far provided a
higher level of aid to Ukraine than the United States. Our Allies are
measuring up. Putin is not counting the number of Russian lives he is
throwing into this conflict, nor the rubles he is earning off barrels
of oil he is selling to fund this war. What he is counting are the
number of votes FOR Ukraine that will be tallied in the U.S. Congress.
He knows that American support will decide Ukraine's victory in this
conflict. So should this House.
If Putin is permitted to conquer Ukraine, he will not stop there.
Putin has made his intentions clear as Russian troops already are
concentrated at the borders of the Baltic states and Finland, with
Russia's consistent violations of NATO airspace and territorial waters.
If Putin succeeds in Ukraine, or if liberty's alliance grows tired of
a forever war, Putin is more likely to test our resolve over smaller,
much harder to defend NATO member nations. That would involve our
troops directly.
America can't repeat the mistakes of the last century by withdrawing
our support and then inevitably forcing the Free World to pay a higher
price for freedom as tyranny deepens its roots. America must be
resolute.
This Congress must pass support for Ukraine to secure liberty for
Ukraine. We bow to the valorous, persevering, industrious people of
Ukraine. We bow to those willing to fight and die for their liberty.
The support of the American people will ensure victory for Ukraine,
victory for the Free world, and strengthen liberty's shield in this
new, dangerous era of hybrid warfare.
Ukraine's revered poet laureate Taras Shevchenko--who was a clarion,
sacrificial voice for liberty--was tortured and died in a ghastly
Russian prison in St. Petersburg in 1861. He had penned on December 24,
1845:

``The time is near when on our plains
A shackled folk will burst its chains.
Ask yourselves by whom were you enslaved?
To the dead, the living, to those yet in Ukraine,
My country must tell all who live in Ukraine
Then in your own house you will see justice, strength, and
liberty.
Blest be your children in these lands,
By touch of your toil-hardened hands,
There shall our day of hope arrive.
Ukrainian glory shall revive!
No twilight but the Dawn shall render
And beckon forth into novel splendor.''

The Acting CHAIR (Mr. Carey). All time for general debate has
expired.
Pursuant to the rule, the bill shall be considered for amendment
under the 5-minute rule. The amendment printed in part A of House
Report 118-466 shall be considered as adopted, and the bill, as
amended, shall be considered as read.
The text of the bill is as follows:

H.R. 8035

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the
following sums are appropriated, out of any money in the
Treasury not otherwise appropriated, for the fiscal year
ending September 30, 2024, and for other purposes, namely:

TITLE I

DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE

MILITARY PERSONNEL

Military Personnel, Army

For an additional amount for ``Military Personnel, Army'',
$207,158,000, to remain available until December 31, 2024, to
respond to the situation in Ukraine and for related expenses:
Provided, That such amount is designated by the Congress as
being for an emergency requirement pursuant to section
251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit
Control Act of 1985.

Military Personnel, Marine Corps

For an additional amount for ``Military Personnel, Marine
Corps'', $3,538,000, to remain available until December 31,
2024, to respond to the situation in Ukraine and for related
expenses: Provided, That such amount is designated by the
Congress as being for an emergency requirement pursuant to
section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency
Deficit Control Act of 1985.

Military Personnel, Air Force

For an additional amount for ``Military Personnel, Air
Force'', $23,302,000, to remain available until December 31,
2024, to respond to the situation in Ukraine and for related
expenses: Provided, That such amount is designated by the
Congress as being for an emergency requirement pursuant to
section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency
Deficit Control Act of 1985.

Military Personnel, Space Force

For an additional amount for ``Military Personnel, Space
Force'', $4,192,000, to remain available until December 31,
2024, to respond to the situation in Ukraine and for related
expenses: Provided, That such amount is designated by the
Congress as being for an emergency requirement pursuant to
section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency
Deficit Control Act of 1985.

OPERATION AND MAINTENANCE

Operation and Maintenance, Army

For an additional amount for ``Operation and Maintenance,
Army'', $4,887,581,000, to remain available until December
31, 2024, to respond to the situation in Ukraine and for
related expenses: Provided, That such amount is designated
by the Congress as being for an emergency requirement
pursuant to section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the Balanced Budget
and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985.

Operation and Maintenance, Navy

For an additional amount for ``Operation and Maintenance,
Navy'', $976,405,000, to remain available until December 31,
2024, to respond to the situation in Ukraine and for related
expenses: Provided, That such amount is designated by the
Congress as being for an emergency requirement pursuant to
section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency
Deficit Control Act of 1985.

Operation and Maintenance, Marine Corps

For an additional amount for ``Operation and Maintenance,
Marine Corps'', $69,045,000, to remain available until
December 31, 2024, to respond to the situation in Ukraine and
for related expenses: Provided, That such amount is
designated by the Congress as being for an emergency
requirement pursuant to section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the
Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985.

Operation and Maintenance, Air Force

For an additional amount for ``Operation and Maintenance,
Air Force'', $371,475,000, to remain available until December
31, 2024, to respond to the situation in Ukraine and for
related expenses: Provided, That such amount is designated
by the Congress as being for an emergency requirement
pursuant to section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the Balanced Budget
and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985.

Operation and Maintenance, Space Force

For an additional amount for ``Operation and Maintenance,
Space Force'', $8,443,000, to remain available until December
31, 2024, to respond to the situation in Ukraine and for
related expenses: Provided, That such amount is designated
by the Congress as being for an emergency requirement
pursuant to section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the Balanced Budget
and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985.

Operation and Maintenance, Defense-Wide

(including transfers of funds)

For an additional amount for ``Operation and Maintenance,
Defense-Wide'', $27,930,780,000, to remain available until
December 31, 2024, to respond to the situation in Ukraine and
for related expenses: Provided, That of the total amount
provided under this heading in this Act, $13,772,460,000, to
remain available until September 30, 2025, shall be for the
Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative: Provided further,
That such funds for the Ukraine Security Assistance
Initiative shall be available to the Secretary of Defense
under the same terms and conditions as are provided for in
section 8148 of the Department of Defense Appropriations Act,
2024 (division A of Public Law 118-47): Provided further,
That of the total amount provided

[[Page H2599]]

under this heading in this Act, up to $13,414,432,000, to
remain available until September 30, 2025, may be transferred
to accounts under the headings ``Operation and Maintenance'',
``Procurement'', and ``Revolving and Management Funds'' for
replacement, through new procurement or repair of existing
unserviceable equipment, of defense articles from the stocks
of the Department of Defense, and for reimbursement for
defense services of the Department of Defense and military
education and training, provided to the government of Ukraine
or identified and notified to Congress for provision to the
government of Ukraine or to foreign countries that have
provided support to Ukraine at the request of the United
States: Provided further, That funds transferred pursuant to
the preceding proviso shall be merged with and available for
the same purposes and for the same time period as the
appropriations to which the funds are transferred: Provided
further, That the Secretary of Defense shall notify the
congressional defense committees of the details of such
transfers not less than 15 days before any such transfer:
Provided further, That upon a determination that all or part
of the funds transferred from this appropriation are not
necessary for the purposes provided herein, such amounts may
be transferred back and merged with this appropriation:
Provided further, That any transfer authority provided herein
is in addition to any other transfer authority provided by
law: Provided further, That such amount is designated by the
Congress as being for an emergency requirement pursuant to
section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency
Deficit Control Act of 1985.

PROCUREMENT

Missile Procurement, Army

For an additional amount for ``Missile Procurement, Army'',
$2,742,757,000, to remain available until September 30, 2026,
to respond to the situation in Ukraine and for related
expenses: Provided, That such amount is designated by the
Congress as being for an emergency requirement pursuant to
section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency
Deficit Control Act of 1985.

Procurement of Ammunition, Army

For an additional amount for ``Procurement of Ammunition,
Army'', $5,612,900,000, to remain available until September
30, 2026, to respond to the situation in Ukraine and for
related expenses: Provided, That such amount is designated
by the Congress as being for an emergency requirement
pursuant to section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the Balanced Budget
and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985.

Other Procurement, Army

For an additional amount for ``Other Procurement, Army'',
$308,991,000, to remain available until September 30, 2026,
to respond to the situation in Ukraine and for related
expenses: Provided, That such amount is designated by the
Congress as being for an emergency requirement pursuant to
section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency
Deficit Control Act of 1985.

Weapons Procurement, Navy

For an additional amount for ``Weapons Procurement, Navy'',
$706,976,000, to remain available until September 30, 2026,
to respond to the situation in Ukraine and for related
expenses: Provided, That such amount is designated by the
Congress as being for an emergency requirement pursuant to
section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency
Deficit Control Act of 1985.

Other Procurement, Navy

For an additional amount for ``Other Procurement, Navy'',
$26,000,000, to remain available until September 30, 2026, to
respond to the situation in Ukraine and for related expenses:
Provided, That such amount is designated by the Congress as
being for an emergency requirement pursuant to section
251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit
Control Act of 1985.

Procurement, Marine Corps

For an additional amount for ``Procurement, Marine Corps'',
$212,443,000, to remain available until September 30, 2026,
to respond to the situation in Ukraine and for related
expenses: Provided, That such amount is designated by the
Congress as being for an emergency requirement pursuant to
section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency
Deficit Control Act of 1985.

Missile Procurement, Air Force

For an additional amount for ``Missile Procurement, Air
Force'', $366,001,000, to remain available until September
30, 2026, to respond to the situation in Ukraine and for
related expenses: Provided, That such amount is designated
by the Congress as being for an emergency requirement
pursuant to section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the Balanced Budget
and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985.

Other Procurement, Air Force

For an additional amount for ``Other Procurement, Air
Force'', $3,284,072,000, to remain available until September
30, 2026, to respond to the situation in Ukraine and for
other expenses: Provided, That such amount is designated by
the Congress as being for an emergency requirement pursuant
to section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the Balanced Budget and
Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985.

Procurement, Defense-Wide

For an additional amount for ``Procurement, Defense-Wide'',
$46,780,000, to remain available until September 30, 2026, to
respond to the situation in Ukraine and for related expenses:
Provided, That such amount is designated by the Congress as
being for an emergency requirement pursuant to section
251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit
Control Act of 1985.

RESEARCH, DEVELOPMENT, TEST AND EVALUATION

Research, Development, Test and Evaluation, Army

For an additional amount for ``Research, Development, Test
and Evaluation, Army'', $18,594,000, to remain available
until September 30, 2025, to respond to the situation in
Ukraine and for related expenses: Provided, That such amount
is designated by the Congress as being for an emergency
requirement pursuant to section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the
Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985.

Research, Development, Test and Evaluation, Navy

For an additional amount for ``Research, Development, Test
and Evaluation, Navy'', $13,825,000, to remain available
until September 30, 2025, to respond to the situation in
Ukraine and for related expenses: Provided, That such amount
is designated by the Congress as being for an emergency
requirement pursuant to section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the
Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985.

Research, Development, Test and Evaluation, Air Force

For an additional amount for ``Research, Development, Test
and Evaluation, Air Force'', $406,834,000, to remain
available until September 30, 2025, to respond to the
situation in Ukraine and for related expenses: Provided,
That such amount is designated by the Congress as being for
an emergency requirement pursuant to section 251(b)(2)(A)(i)
of the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of
1985.

Research, Development, Test and Evaluation, Defense-Wide

For an additional amount for ``Research, Development, Test
and Evaluation, Defense-Wide'', $194,125,000, to remain
available until September 30, 2025, to respond to the
situation in Ukraine and for related expenses: Provided,
That such amount is designated by the Congress as being for
an emergency requirement pursuant to section 251(b)(2)(A)(i)
of the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of
1985.

OTHER DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE PROGRAMS

Office of the Inspector General

For an additional amount for ``Office of the Inspector
General'', $8,000,000, to remain available until September
30, 2025, which shall be for operation and maintenance of the
Office of the Inspector General, including the Special
Inspector General for Operation Atlantic Resolve, to carry
out reviews of the activities of the Department of Defense to
execute funds appropriated in this Act, including assistance
provided to Ukraine: Provided, That the Inspector General of
the Department of Defense shall provide to the congressional
defense committees a briefing not later than 90 days after
the date of enactment of this Act: Provided further, That
such amount is designated by the Congress as being for an
emergency requirement pursuant to section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of
the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of
1985.

RELATED AGENCIES

Intelligence Community Management Account

For an additional amount for ``Intelligence Community
Management Account'', $2,000,000, to remain available until
September 30, 2024, to respond to the situation in Ukraine
and for related expenses: Provided, That such amount is
designated by the Congress as being for an emergency
requirement pursuant to section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the
Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985.

GENERAL PROVISIONS--THIS TITLE

(including transfers of funds)

Sec. 101. (a) Upon the determination of the Secretary of
Defense that such action is necessary in the national
interest, the Secretary may, with the approval of the
Director of the Office of Management and Budget, transfer up
to $1,000,000,000 only between the appropriations or funds
made available in this title to the Department of Defense to
respond to the situation in Ukraine and for related expenses:
Provided, That the Secretary shall notify the Congress
promptly of each transfer made pursuant to the authority in
this subsection: Provided further, That such authority is in
addition to any transfer authority otherwise provided by law
and is subject to the same terms and conditions as the
authority provided in section 8005 of the Department of
Defense Appropriations Act, 2024 (division A of Public Law
118-47), except for monetary limitations concerning the
amount of authority available.
(b) Upon the determination by the Director of National
Intelligence that such action is necessary in the national
interest, the Director may, with the approval of the Director
of the Office of Management and Budget, transfer up to
$250,000,000 only between the appropriations or funds made
available in this title for the National Intelligence
Program: Provided, That the Director of National Intelligence
shall notify the Congress promptly of all transfers made
pursuant to the authority in this subsection: Provided
further, That such authority is in addition to any transfer
authority otherwise provided by law

[[Page H2600]]

and is subject to the same terms and conditions as the
authority provided in section 8091 of the Department of
Defense Appropriations Act, 2024 (division A of Public Law
118-47), except for monetary limitations concerning the
amount of authority available.
Sec. 102. Not later than 60 days after the date of
enactment of this Act, the Secretary of Defense, in
coordination with the Secretary of State, shall submit a
report to the Committees on Appropriations, Armed Services,
and Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives and the
Committees on Appropriations, Armed Services, and Foreign
Relations of the Senate on measures being taken to account
for United States defense articles designated for Ukraine
since the February 24, 2022, Russian invasion of Ukraine,
particularly measures with regard to such articles that
require enhanced end-use monitoring; measures to ensure that
such articles reach their intended recipients and are used
for their intended purposes; and any other measures to
promote accountability for the use of such articles:
Provided, That such report shall include a description of any
occurrences of articles not reaching their intended
recipients or used for their intended purposes and a
description of any remedies taken: Provided further, That
such report shall be submitted in unclassified form, but may
be accompanied by a classified annex.
Sec. 103. Not later than 30 days after the date of
enactment of this Act, and every 30 days thereafter through
fiscal year 2025, the Secretary of Defense, in coordination
with the Secretary of State, shall provide a written report
to the Committees on Appropriations, Armed Services, and
Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives and the
Committees on Appropriations, Armed Services, and Foreign
Relations of the Senate describing United States security
assistance provided to Ukraine since the February 24, 2022,
Russian invasion of Ukraine, including a comprehensive list
of the defense articles and services provided to Ukraine and
the associated authority and funding used to provide such
articles and services: Provided, That such report shall be
submitted in unclassified form, but may be accompanied by a
classified annex.

TITLE II

DEPARTMENT OF ENERGY

ENERGY PROGRAMS

Science

For an additional amount for ``Science'', $98,000,000, to
remain available until expended, for acquisition,
distribution, and equipment for development and production of
medical, stable, and radioactive isotopes: Provided, That
such amount is designated by the Congress as being for an
emergency requirement pursuant to section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of
the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of
1985.

ATOMIC ENERGY DEFENSE ACTIVITIES

NATIONAL NUCLEAR SECURITY ADMINISTRATION

Defense Nuclear Nonproliferation

For an additional amount for ``Defense Nuclear
Nonproliferation'', $143,915,000, to remain available until
September 30, 2025, to respond to the situation in Ukraine
and for related expenses: Provided, That such amount is
designated by the Congress as being for an emergency
requirement pursuant to section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the
Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985.

Federal Salaries and Expenses

For an additional amount for ``Federal Salaries and
Expenses'', $5,540,000, to remain available until September
30, 2025, to respond to the situation in Ukraine and for
related expenses: Provided, That such amount is designated
by the Congress as being for an emergency requirement
pursuant to section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the Balanced Budget
and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985.

TITLE III

DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES

Administration for Children and Families

refugee and entrant assistance

For an additional amount for ``Refugee and Entrant
Assistance'', $481,000,000, to remain available until
September 30, 2025, for refugee and entrant assistance
activities authorized by section 414 of the Immigration and
Nationality Act and section 501 of the Refugee Education
Assistance Act of 1980: Provided, That amounts made
available under this heading in this Act may be used for
grants or contracts with qualified organizations, including
nonprofit entities, to provide culturally and linguistically
appropriate services, including wraparound services, housing
assistance, medical assistance, legal assistance, and case
management assistance: Provided further, That amounts made
available under this heading in this Act may be used by the
Director of the Office of Refugee Resettlement (Director) to
issue awards or supplement awards previously made by the
Director: Provided further, That the Director, in carrying
out section 412(c)(1)(A) of the Immigration and Nationality
Act (8 U.S.C. 1522(c)(1)(A)) with amounts made available
under this heading in this Act, may allocate such amounts
among the States in a manner that accounts for the most
current data available: Provided further, That such amount
is designated by the Congress as being for an emergency
requirement pursuant to section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the
Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985.

GENERAL PROVISION--THIS TITLE

Sec. 301. Section 401(a)(1)(A) of the Additional Ukraine
Supplemental Appropriations Act, 2022 (Public Law 117-128) is
amended by striking ``September 30, 2023'' and inserting
``September 30, 2024'': Provided, That such amount is
designated by the Congress as being for an emergency
requirement pursuant to section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the
Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985.

TITLE IV

DEPARTMENT OF STATE AND RELATED AGENCY

DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Administration of Foreign Affairs

diplomatic programs

For an additional amount for ``Diplomatic Programs'',
$60,000,000, to remain available until September 30, 2025, to
respond to the situation in Ukraine and countries impacted by
the situation in Ukraine: Provided, That such amount is
designated by the Congress as being for an emergency
requirement pursuant to section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the
Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985.

office of inspector general

For an additional amount for ``Office of Inspector
General'', $8,000,000, to remain available until September
30, 2025: Provided, That such amount is designated by the
Congress as being for an emergency requirement pursuant to
section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency
Deficit Control Act of 1985.

UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT

Funds Appropriated to the President

operating expenses

For an additional amount for ``Operating Expenses'',
$39,000,000, to remain available until September 30, 2025, to
respond to the situation in Ukraine and countries impacted by
the situation in Ukraine: Provided, That such amount is
designated by the Congress as being for an emergency
requirement pursuant to section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the
Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985.

office of inspector general

For an additional amount for ``Office of Inspector
General'', $10,000,000, to remain available until September
30, 2025: Provided, That such amount is designated by the
Congress as being for an emergency requirement pursuant to
section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency
Deficit Control Act of 1985.

BILATERAL ECONOMIC ASSISTANCE

Funds Appropriated to the President

transition initiatives

For an additional amount for ``Transition Initiatives'',
$25,000,000, to remain available until expended, for
assistance for Ukraine and countries impacted by the
situation in Ukraine: Provided, That such amount is
designated by the Congress as being for an emergency
requirement pursuant to section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the
Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985.

economic support fund

For an additional amount for ``Economic Support Fund'',
$7,899,000,000, to remain available until September 30, 2025:
Provided, That of the total amount provided under this
heading in this Act, $7,849,000,000 shall be for assistance
for Ukraine, which may include budget support and which may
be made available notwithstanding any other provision of law
that restricts assistance to foreign countries: Provided
further, That none of the funds made available for budget
support pursuant to the preceding proviso may be made
available for the reimbursement of pensions: Provided
further, That of the total amount provided under this heading
in this Act, $50,000,000 shall be to prevent and respond to
food insecurity: Provided further, That such amount is
designated by the Congress as being for an emergency
requirement pursuant to section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the
Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985.

assistance for europe, eurasia and central asia

For an additional amount for ``Assistance for Europe,
Eurasia and Central Asia'', $1,575,000,000, to remain
available until September 30, 2025, for assistance and
related programs for Ukraine and other countries identified
in section 3 of the FREEDOM Support Act (22 U.S.C. 5801) and
section 3(c) of the Support for East European Democracy
(SEED) Act of 1989 (22 U.S.C. 5402(c)): Provided, That such
amount is designated by the Congress as being for an
emergency requirement pursuant to section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of
the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of
1985.

INTERNATIONAL SECURITY ASSISTANCE

Department of State

international narcotics control and law enforcement

For an additional amount for ``International Narcotics
Control and Law Enforcement'', $300,000,000, to remain
available until September 30, 2025, for assistance for
Ukraine and countries impacted by the situation in Ukraine:
Provided, That such funds may be made available to support
the State Border Guard Service of Ukraine and National Police
of Ukraine, including units supporting or under the command
of the Armed Forces of Ukraine: Provided further, That such
amount is designated by the Congress

[[Page H2601]]

as being for an emergency requirement pursuant to section
251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit
Control Act of 1985.

nonproliferation, anti-terrorism, demining and related programs

For an additional amount for ``Nonproliferation, Anti-
terrorism, Demining and Related Programs'', $100,000,000, to
remain available until September 30, 2025, for assistance for
Ukraine and countries impacted by the situation in Ukraine:
Provided, That not later than 60 days after the date of
enactment of this Act, the Secretary of State shall consult
with the Committees on Appropriations on the prioritization
of demining efforts and how such efforts will be coordinated
with development activities: Provided further, That such
amount is designated by the Congress as being for an
emergency requirement pursuant to section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of
the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of
1985.

Funds Appropriated to the President

foreign military financing program

For an additional amount for ``Foreign Military Financing
Program'', $1,600,000,000, to remain available until
September 30, 2025, for assistance for Ukraine and countries
impacted by the situation in Ukraine and for related
expenses: Provided, That amounts made available under this
heading in this Act and unobligated balances of amounts made
available under this heading in Acts making appropriations
for the Department of State, foreign operations, and related
programs for fiscal year 2024 and prior fiscal years shall be
available for the cost of loans and loan guarantees as
authorized by section 2606 of the Ukraine Supplemental
Appropriations Act, 2022 (division N of Public Law 117-103),
subject to the terms and conditions provided in such section,
or as otherwise authorized by law: Provided further, That
loan guarantees made using amounts described in the preceding
proviso for loans financed by the Federal Financing Bank may
be provided notwithstanding any provision of law limiting the
percentage of loan principal that may be guaranteed:
Provided further, That up to $5,000,000 of funds made
available under this heading in this Act, in addition to
funds otherwise available for such purposes, may be used by
the Department of State for necessary expenses for the
general costs of administering military assistance and sales,
including management and oversight of such programs and
activities: Provided further, That such amount is designated
by the Congress as being for an emergency requirement
pursuant to section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the Balanced Budget
and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985.

GENERAL PROVISIONS--THIS TITLE

(including transfers of funds)

Sec. 401. During fiscal year 2024, section 506(a)(1) of
the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C. 2318(a)(1))
shall be applied by substituting ``$7,800,000,000'' for
``$100,000,000''.
Sec. 402. During fiscal year 2024, section 506(a)(2)(B) of
the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C. 2318(a)(2)(B))
shall be applied by substituting ``$400,000,000'' for
``$200,000,000'' in the matter preceding clause (i), and by
substituting ``$150,000,000'' for ``$75,000,000'' in clause
(i).
Sec. 403. During fiscal year 2024, section 552(c)(2) of
the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C. 2348a(c)(2))
shall be applied by substituting ``$50,000,000'' for
``$25,000,000''.
Sec. 404. (a) Funds appropriated by this Act under the
headings ``Economic Support Fund'' and ``Assistance for
Europe, Eurasia and Central Asia'' to respond to the
situation in Ukraine and in countries impacted by the
situation in Ukraine may be transferred to, and merged with,
funds made available under the headings ``United States
International Development Finance Corporation--Corporate
Capital Account'', ``United States International Development
Finance Corporation--Program Account'', ``Export-Import Bank
of the United States--Program Account'', and ``Trade and
Development Agency'' for such purpose.
(b) The transfer authority provided by this section is in
addition to any other transfer authority provided by law, and
is subject to prior consultation with, and the regular
notification procedures of, the Committees on Appropriations.
(c) Upon a determination that all or part of the funds
transferred pursuant to the authority provided by this
section are not necessary for such purposes, such amounts may
be transferred back to such appropriations.
Sec. 405. Section 1705 of the Additional Ukraine
Supplemental Appropriations Act, 2023 (division M of Public
Law 117-328) shall apply to funds appropriated by this Act
under the heading ``Economic Support Fund'' for assistance
for Ukraine.
Sec. 406. None of the funds appropriated or otherwise made
available by this title in this Act may be made available for
assistance for the Governments of the Russian Federation or
Belarus, including entities owned or controlled by such
Governments.
Sec. 407. (a) Section 2606 of the Ukraine Supplemental
Appropriations Act, 2022 (division N of Public Law 117-103)
is amended as follows:
(1) in subsection (a), by striking ``and North Atlantic
Treaty Organization (NATO) allies'' and inserting ``, North
Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) allies, major non-NATO
allies, and the Indo-Pacific region''; by striking
``$4,000,000,000'' and inserting ``$8,000,000,000''; and by
striking ``, except that such rate may not be less than the
prevailing interest rate on marketable Treasury securities of
similar maturity''; and
(2) in subsection (b), by striking ``and NATO allies'' and
inserting ``, NATO allies, major non-NATO allies, and the
Indo-Pacific region''; by striking ``$4,000,000,000'' and
inserting ``$8,000,000,000''; and by inserting at the end of
the second proviso ``except for guarantees of loans by the
Federal Financing Bank''.
(b) Funds made available for the costs of direct loans and
loan guarantees for major non-NATO allies and the Indo-
Pacific region pursuant to section 2606 of division N of
Public Law 117-103, as amended by subsection (a), may only be
made available from funds appropriated by this Act under the
heading ``Foreign Military Financing Program'' and available
balances from under such heading in prior Acts making
appropriations for the Department of State, foreign
operations, and related programs: Provided, That such funds
may only be made available if the Secretary of State
certifies and reports to the appropriate congressional
committees, not less than 15 days prior to the obligation of
such funds, that such direct loan or loan guarantee is in the
national security interest of the United States, is being
provided in response to exigent circumstances, is addressing
a mutually agreed upon emergency requirement of the recipient
country, and the recipient country has a plan to repay such
loan: Provided further, That not less than 60 days after the
date of enactment of this Act, the Secretary of State shall
consult with such committees on the implementation of this
subsection:
(c) Amounts repurposed pursuant to this section that were
previously designated by the Congress as an emergency
requirement pursuant to a concurrent resolution on the Budget
are designated as an emergency requirement pursuant to
section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency
Deficit Control Act of 1985.
Sec. 408. Funds appropriated under the headings ``Economic
Support Fund'' and ``Assistance for Europe, Eurasia and
Central Asia'' in this title in this Act may be made
available as contributions, following consultation with the
Committees on Appropriations.
Sec. 409. Prior to the initial obligation of funds made
available in this title in this Act, but not later than 15
days after the date of enactment of this Act, the Secretary
of State and USAID Administrator, as appropriate, shall
submit to the Committees on Appropriations--
(1) spend plans, as defined in section 7034(s)(4) of the
Department of State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs
Appropriations Act, 2023 (division K of Public Law 117-328),
at the country, account, and program level, for funds
appropriated by this Act under the headings ``Economic
Support Fund'', ``Transition Initiatives'', ``Assistance for
Europe, Eurasia and Central Asia'', ``International Narcotics
Control and Law Enforcement'', ``Nonproliferation, Anti-
terrorism, Demining and Related Programs'', and ``Foreign
Military Financing Program'': Provided, That plans submitted
pursuant to this paragraph shall include for each program
notified--(A) total funding made available for such program,
by account and fiscal year; (B) funding that remains
unobligated for such program from prior year base or
supplemental appropriations; (C) funding that is obligated
but unexpended for such program; and (D) funding committed,
but not yet notified for such program; and
(2) operating plans, as defined in section 7062 of the
Department of State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs
Appropriations Act, 2023 (division K of Public Law 117-328),
for funds appropriated by this title under the headings
``Diplomatic Programs'' and ``Operating Expenses''.

TITLE V

GENERAL PROVISIONS--THIS ACT

Sec. 501. Each amount appropriated or made available by
this Act is in addition to amounts otherwise appropriated for
the fiscal year involved.
Sec. 502. No part of any appropriation contained in this
Act shall remain available for obligation beyond the current
fiscal year unless expressly so provided herein.
Sec. 503. Unless otherwise provided for by this Act, the
additional amounts appropriated by this Act to appropriations
accounts shall be available under the authorities and
conditions applicable to such appropriations accounts for
fiscal year 2024.
Sec. 504. Not later than 45 days after the date of
enactment of this Act, the Secretary of State and the
Secretary of Defense, in consultation with the heads of other
relevant Federal agencies, as appropriate, shall submit to
the Committees on Appropriations, Armed Services, and Foreign
Relations of the Senate and the Committees on Appropriations,
Armed Services, and Foreign Affairs of the House of
Representatives a strategy regarding United States support
for Ukraine against aggression by the Russian Federation:
Provided, That such strategy shall be multi-year, establish
specific and achievable objectives, define and prioritize
United States national security interests, and include the
metrics to be used to measure progress in achieving such
objectives: Provided further, That such strategy shall
include an estimate, on a fiscal year-by-fiscal year basis,
of the resources required by the United States to achieve
such objectives, including to help hasten Ukrainian victory
against Russia's invasion forces in a manner most favorable
to United States interests

[[Page H2602]]

and objectives, and a description of the national security
implications for the United States if those objectives are
not met: Provided further, That such strategy shall describe
how each specific aspect of U.S. assistance, including
defense articles and U.S. foreign assistance, is intended at
the tactical, operational, and strategic level to help
Ukraine end the conflict as a democratic, independent, and
sovereign country capable of deterring and defending its
territory against future aggression: Provided further, That
such strategy shall include a classified independent
assessment from the Commander, U.S. European Command,
describing any specific defense articles and services not yet
provided to Ukraine that would result in meaningful
battlefield gains in alignment with the strategy: Provided
further, That such strategy shall include a classified
assessment from the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff
that the provision of specific defense articles and services
provided to Ukraine does not pose significant risk to the
defense capabilities of the United States military: Provided
further, That the Under Secretary of Defense for Acquisition
& Sustainment in coordination with the Director, Cost
Assessment and Program Evaluation provide an assessment of
the executability and a production schedule for any specific
defense articles recommended by the Commander, U.S. European
Command that require procurement: Provided further, That such
strategy shall include information on support to the
Government of the Russian Federation from the Islamic
Republic of Iran, the People's Republic of China, and the
Democratic People's Republic of Korea, related to the Russian
campaign in Ukraine, and its impact on such strategy:
Provided further, That such strategy shall be updated not
less than quarterly, as appropriate, until September 30,
2025, and such updates shall be submitted to such committees:
Provided further, That unless otherwise specified by this
section, such strategy shall be submitted in unclassified
form but may include a classified annex.
Sec. 505. (a) Transfer of Long-Range ATACMS Required.--As
soon as practicable after the date of enactment of this Act,
the President shall transfer long range Army Tactical Missile
Systems to the Government of Ukraine to assist the Government
of Ukraine in defending itself and achieving victory against
the Russian Federation.
(b) Notification.--If the President determines that
executing the transfer of long-range Army Tactical Missile
Systems to the Government of Ukraine pursuant to subsection
(a) would be detrimental to the national security interests
of the United States, the President may withhold such
transfer and shall notify the congressional defense
committees, the Committees on Appropriations and Foreign
Relations of the Senate, and the Committees on Appropriations
and Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives of such
determination.
Sec. 506. (a) In-Person Monitoring.--The Secretary of State
shall, to the maximum extent practicable, ensure that funds
appropriated by this Act under the headings ``Economic
Support Fund'', ``Assistance for Europe, Eurasia and Central
Asia'', ``International Narcotics Control and Law
Enforcement'', and ``Nonproliferation, Anti-terrorism,
Demining and Related Programs'' and made available for
project-based assistance for Ukraine are subject to in-person
monitoring by United States personnel or by vetted third
party monitors.
(b) Certification.--Not later than 15 days prior to the
initial obligation of funds appropriated by this Act and made
available for assistance for Ukraine under the headings
``Economic Support Fund'', ``Assistance for Europe, Eurasia
and Central Asia'', ``International Narcotics Control and Law
Enforcement'', ``Nonproliferation, Anti-terrorism, Demining
and Related Programs'', and ``Foreign Military Financing
Program'', the Secretary of State and the USAID Administrator
shall jointly certify and report to the appropriate
congressional committees that mechanisms for monitoring and
oversight of funds are in place and functioning to ensure
accountability of such funds to prevent waste, fraud, abuse,
diversion, and corruption, including mechanisms such as use
of third party monitors, enhanced end-use monitoring,
external and independent audits and evaluations, randomized
spot checks, and regular reporting on outcomes achieved and
progress made toward stated program objectives, consistent
with the strategy required by section 504 of this title:
Provided, That section 7015(e) of Public Law 118-47 shall
apply to the certification requirement of this subsection.
(c) Cost Matching.--Funds appropriated by this Act and
prior Acts for fiscal year 2024 under the headings ``Economic
Support Fund'' and ``Assistance for Europe, Eurasia and
Central Asia'' that are made available for contributions to
the Government of Ukraine may not exceed 50 percent of the
total amount provided for such assistance by all donors:
Provided, That the President may waive the limitation in this
subsection if the President determines and reports to the
appropriate congressional committees that to do so is in the
national security interest of the United States, including a
detailed justification for such determination and an
explanation as to why other donors to the Government of
Ukraine are unable to meet or exceed such level: Provided
further, That following such determination, the President
shall submit a report to the Speaker and Minority Leader of
the House of Representatives, the Majority and Minority
Leaders of the Senate, and the appropriate congressional
committees every 120 days while assistance is provided in
reliance on the determination under the previous proviso
detailing steps taken by the Department of State to increase
other donor contributions and an update on the status of such
contributions: Provided further, That the requirements of
this subsection shall continue in effect until such funds are
expended.
Sec. 507. (a) Arrangement Required.--Notwithstanding any
other provision of law, not later than 60 days after the date
of the enactment of this Act, the President shall enter into
an arrangement with the Government of Ukraine relating to the
repayment by Ukraine to the United States of economic
assistance provided to Ukraine by the United States to
respond to the situation in Ukraine, and for related
expenses, that are made available under the headings
``Economic Support Fund'' and ``Assistance for Europe,
Eurasia and Central Asia'' in title IV of this Act.
(b) Terms.--Repayment required by the arrangement required
by subsection (a) shall be at terms to be set by the
President.
(c) Limitation on Arrangement Terms.--The arrangement
required pursuant to subsection (a) may not provide for the
cancellation of any or all amounts of indebtedness except as
provided in subsection (d).
(d) Cancellation of Indebtedness.--
(1) The President may not before November 15, 2024 take any
action related to the indebtedness of the Government of
Ukraine that cancels any indebtedness incurred by Ukraine
pursuant to this section.
(2) At any time after November 15, 2024, the President may,
subject to congressional review provided by section 508,
cancel up to 50 percent of the total indebtedness incurred by
Ukraine or anticipated to be incurred by Ukraine with respect
to economic assistance and related expenses made available
under the headings ``Economic Support Fund'' and ``Assistance
for Europe, Eurasia, and Central Asia'' in title IV of this
Act. Upon completion of the congressional review process set
forth in section 508, such cancellation shall be final and
irrevocable.
(3) The President may, subject to congressional review
provided by section 508, cancel any remaining indebtedness to
the government of Ukraine under this section at any time
after January 1, 2026. Upon completion of the congressional
review process set forth in section 508, such cancellation
shall be final and irrevocable.
Sec. 508. (a) Report Required.--
(1) In General.--Notwithstanding any other provision of
law, before taking any action described in paragraph (2), the
President shall submit to Congress a written report that
describes that action and the reason for that action.
(2) Action Described.--An action described in this
paragraph is an action related to the indebtedness of the
Government of Ukraine authorized by section 507(d)(1).
(b) Congressional Review Period.--
(1) 2024.--During calendar year 2024, if the President
submits to Congress a report under subsection (a)(1), the
President may not take any action with respect to the
indebtedness of the Government of Ukraine until the earlier
of--
(A) the date that is 10 calendar days after the date of
such submission; or
(B) the date on which Congress has considered and failed to
pass a joint resolution of disapproval, as provided in this
section.
(2) Succeeding Years.--
(A) In general.--During calendar year 2025 or any calendar
year thereafter, if the President submits to Congress a
report under subsection (a)(1), the President may not take
any action with respect to the indebtedness of the Government
of Ukraine until the earlier of--
(i) the date that is 30 calendar days after the date of
such submission, except as provided in subparagraph (B); or
(ii) the date on which Congress has considered and failed
to pass a joint resolution of disapproval, as provided in
this section.
(B) Exception.--The period for congressional review of a
report submitted under subsection (a)(1) shall be 60 calendar
days if the report is submitted to Congress on or after July
10 and on or before September 7 in any calendar year.
(3) Veto Message.--If the President vetoes a joint
resolution of disapproval, he may not take any action with
respect to the indebtedness of Ukraine for 5 calendar days
after the veto message is received by the appropriate House
of Congress.
(c) Joint Resolution of Disapproval.--In this section, the
term ``joint resolution'' means only a joint resolution--
(1) that is introduced not later than 3 calendar days after
the date on which a report of the President referred to in
subsection (a)(1) is received by Congress;
(2) which does not have a preamble;
(3) the title of which is as follows: ``Joint resolution
relating to the disapproval of the Presidential report with
respect to the indebtedness of the Government of Ukraine'';
and
(4) the matter after the resolving clause of which is as
follows: ``That Congress disapproves the proposal relating to
the indebtedness of the Government of Ukraine submitted by
the President of the United States to Congress on _____'',
with the blank space filled with the appropriate date of
submission of the report under subsection (a)(1).
(d) Fast-track Consideration in House of Representatives.--

[[Page H2603]]

(1) Reporting and Discharge.--Any committee of the House of
Representatives to which a joint resolution is referred shall
report the joint resolution to the House of Representatives
not later than 5 calendar days after the date on which
Congress receives the report described in subsection (a)(1).
If a committee fails to report the joint resolution within
that period, the committee shall be discharged from further
consideration of the joint resolution and the joint
resolution shall be referred to the appropriate calendar.
(2) Proceeding to Consideration.--After each committee
authorized to consider a joint resolution reports the joint
resolution to the House of Representatives or has been
discharged from its consideration, it shall be in order, not
later than the 6th calendar day after the date on which
Congress receives the report described in subsection (a)(1),
to move to proceed to consider the joint resolution in the
House of Representatives. All points of order against the
motion are waived. Such a motion shall not be in order after
the House of Representatives has disposed of a motion to
proceed on the joint resolution. The previous question shall
be considered as ordered on the motion to its adoption
without intervening motion. The motion shall not be
debatable. A motion to reconsider the vote by which the
motion is disposed of shall not be in order.
(3) Consideration.--The joint resolution shall be
considered as read. All points of order against the joint
resolution and against its consideration are waived. The
previous question shall be considered as ordered on the joint
resolution to its passage without intervening motion except
two hours of debate equally divided and controlled by the
proponent and an opponent. A motion to reconsider the vote on
passage of the joint resolution shall not be in order.
(e) Fast-track Consideration in Senate.--
(1) Placement on Calendar.--Upon introduction in the
Senate, the joint resolution shall be placed immediately on
the calendar.
(2) Floor Consideration.--
(A) In general.--It shall not be in order to move to
proceed to a joint resolution that has been placed on the
calendar pursuant to paragraph (1) unless a motion signed by
16 Senators has been presented to the Senate. Thereafter,
notwithstanding Rule XXII of the Standing Rules of the
Senate, it is in order, during the periods described in
subparagraph (B) (even though a previous motion to the same
effect has been disagreed to), for any Senator to move to
proceed to the consideration of the joint resolution, and all
points of order against the joint resolution (and against
consideration of the joint resolution) are waived. The motion
to proceed is not debatable. The motion is not subject to a
motion to postpone. A motion to reconsider the vote by which
the motion is agreed to or disagreed to shall not be in
order. If a motion to proceed to the consideration of the
joint resolution is agreed to, the joint resolution shall
remain the unfinished business until disposed of.
(B) Periods described.--The periods described in this
subparagraph are the following:
(i) During calendar year 2024, the period beginning on the
day after the date on which the joint resolution was placed
on the calendar and ending on the 4th day after the date on
which the joint resolution was placed on the calendar.
(ii) During succeeding years under subsection (b)(2)(A),
the period beginning on the day after the date on which the
joint resolution was placed on the calendar and ending 20
calendar days later.
(iii) During succeeding years under subsection (b)(2)(B),
the period beginning on the day after the date on which the
joint resolution was placed on the calendar and ending 50
calendar days later.
(C) Debate.--Debate on the joint resolution, and on all
debatable motions and appeals in connection therewith, shall
be limited to not more than 10 hours, which shall be divided
equally between the majority and minority leaders or their
designees. A motion further to limit debate is in order and
not debatable. An amendment to, or a motion to postpone, or a
motion to proceed to the consideration of other business, or
a motion to recommit the joint resolution is not in order.
(D) Vote on passage.--The vote on passage shall occur
immediately following the conclusion of the debate on a joint
resolution and a single quorum call at the conclusion of the
debate if requested in accordance with the rules of the
Senate.
(E) Rulings of the chair on procedure.--Appeals from the
decisions of the Chair relating to the application of the
rules of the Senate, as the case may be, to the procedure
relating to a joint resolution shall be decided without
debate.
(F) One joint resolution of disapproval per review
period.--Only one joint resolution shall be in order during
each of the review periods described in subsection (b),
unless the additional joint resolution is a joint resolution
of the House of Representatives considered under paragraph
(2) or (3) of subsection (f).
(f) Rules Relating to Senate and House of
Representatives.--
(1) Coordination With Action by Other House.--If, before
the passage by one House of a joint resolution of that House,
that House receives from the other House a joint resolution,
then the following procedures shall apply:
(A) The joint resolution of the other House shall not be
referred to a committee.
(B) With respect to a joint resolution of the House
receiving the resolution--
(i) the procedure in that House shall be the same as if no
joint resolution had been received from the other House; but
(ii) the vote on passage shall be on the joint resolution
of the other House.
(2) Treatment of Joint Resolution of Other House.--If one
House fails to introduce or consider a joint resolution under
this section, the joint resolution of the other House shall
be entitled to expedited floor procedures under this section.
(3) Treatment of Companion Measures.--If, following passage
of the joint resolution in the Senate, the Senate then
receives the companion measure from the House of
Representatives, the companion measure shall not be
debatable.
(4) Consideration After Passage.--
(A) In general.--If Congress passes a joint resolution, the
period beginning on the date on which the President is
presented with the joint resolution and ending on the date on
which the President takes action with respect to the joint
resolution shall be disregarded in computing the 10-, 30-, or
60-calendar-day period described in subsection (b), but the
President may not take any action with respect to the
indebtedness of the Government of Ukraine during any such
period.
(B) Vetoes.--If the President vetoes the joint resolution,
debate on a veto message in the Senate under this section
shall be 1 hour equally divided between the majority and
minority leaders or their designees.
(5) Rules of House of Representatives and Senate.--This
subsection and subsections (c), (d), and (e) are enacted by
Congress--
(A) as an exercise of the rulemaking power of the Senate
and House of Representatives, respectively, and as such are
deemed a part of the rules of each House, respectively, but
applicable only with respect to the procedure to be followed
in that House in the case of a joint resolution, and
supersede other rules only to the extent that they are
inconsistent with such rules; and
(B) with full recognition of the constitutional right of
either House to change the rules (so far as relating to the
procedure of that House) at any time, in the same manner, and
to the same extent as in the case of any other rule of that
House.
Sec. 509. Funds appropriated by this Act for foreign
assistance (including foreign military sales), for the
Department of State, for broadcasting subject to supervision
of United States Agency for Global Media, and for
intelligence or intelligence related activities are deemed to
be specifically authorized by the Congress for the purposes
of section 10 of Public Law 91-672 (22 U.S.C. 2412), section
15 of the State Department Basic Authorities Act of 1956 (22
U.S.C. 2680), section 313 of the Foreign Relations
Authorization Act, Fiscal Years 1994 and 1995 (22 U.S.C.
6212), and section 504(a)(1) of the National Security Act of
1947 (50 U.S.C. 3094(a)(1)).
Sec. 510. Each amount designated in this Act by the
Congress as being for an emergency requirement pursuant to
section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency
Deficit Control Act of 1985 shall be available (or repurposed
or rescinded, if applicable) only if the President
subsequently so designates all such amounts and transmits
such designations to the Congress.
Sec. 511. Any amount appropriated by this Act, designated
by the Congress as an emergency requirement pursuant to
section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency
Deficit Control Act of 1985, and subsequently so designated
by the President, and transferred pursuant to transfer
authorities provided by this Act shall retain such
designation.

spending reduction account

Sec. 512. $0.
This Act may be cited as the ``Ukraine Security
Supplemental Appropriations Act, 2024''.

The Acting CHAIR. No further amendment to the bill, as amended, is in
order except those printed in part B of House Report 118-466. Each such
further amendment may be offered only in the order printed in the
report by a Member designated in the report, shall be considered read,
shall be debatable for the time specified in the report, equally
divided and controlled by the proponent and an opponent, shall not be
subject to amendment, and shall not be subject to a demand for division
of the question.

Amendment No. 1 Offered by Mrs. Spartz

The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 1
printed in part B of House Report 118-466.
Mrs. SPARTZ. Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:

Strike sections 401, 402, 403, and 407.

The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 1160, the gentlewoman
from Indiana (Mrs. Spartz) and a Member opposed each will control 5
minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from Indiana.

[[Page H2604]]

Mrs. SPARTZ. Mr. Chair, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chair, I have held a very principled position on Ukraine and,
unfortunately, this position is not very shared with a lot of people in
Congress. It is unfortunate.
We have the false choice of either saying that Ukraine doesn't matter
to America or support Ukraine with no questions asked, with blank
checks. Both of these positions are not good in our national interests,
and both of these positions are not good in the interests of the people
of Ukraine. Unfortunately, this monopoly of a narrative is prevailing
in our government, in our society, and in Congress.
My amendment is actually very simple. I know we are doing this
amendment just for show, and no one is going to pass anything on the
floor. We still will go with blank checks and slush funds.
Unfortunately, this strategy failed the American people. President
Biden failed the American people on the border and on national
security. Congress failed the American people on the border and on
national security. President Biden and President Zelenskyy failed the
Ukrainian people. They were not ready before the war started. They
didn't have a good strategy when the war started; slow-walked the aid
and really didn't fight and deter Putin to go further. Now, we have a
very significant war in Europe.
I said, unfortunately, this supplemental doesn't just have lethal
aid, it has other parts, and they will go further. Unfortunately,
nobody is going to take in our amendment. We have presentations and
circuses, but the decision is already made.
My amendment is actually very simple. It just says we shouldn't have
blank checks and let President Biden have Presidential drawdowns
increase from $100 million to $8 billion, including loans from $4- to
$8 billion, so we are generally giving a true blank check to President
Biden of $16 billion.
Congress forgot that we should do our jobs. We shouldn't create these
loopholes for Presidents--it doesn't matter who the President is--to be
able to do what they want to do. This is our job to oversee these
funds.
It is a very simple amendment. This emergency that we created now
goes to the point where Congress is giving billions of dollars and not
doing its job. We have the power of the purse for a reason. All this
amendment does, it eliminates forced action that increases--and it is a
true blank check because when we say the Presidential drawdown goes
from $100 million to $8 billion almost, or from $200 million to $400
million, from $25 to $50 million, we really don't even know what he is
going to do. He can do whatever he wants with that.
That is a big problem because these emergencies are dangerous, but
also the problem we have right now in the case of these emergencies, we
actually don't have the ability even to ask the questions, and Congress
hasn't been asking the questions. That is why we have such a major
catastrophe around the world, whether it is in the Middle East or
Ukraine, and that is why China, Russia, and Iran are moving, and we are
doing a lot of presentations with blank checks and slush funds and no
policies.
I urge my colleagues to think maybe for a change and give this
amendment consideration, which I have very low expectations for. I also
would consider, as I said, to supporting lethal aid with border
security, but unfortunately that didn't happen.
It is sad for me to see that we still don't take this war as serious
as it should be because generally only $13.7 billion actually goes to
security assistance directly to Ukraine from the $60 billion plus
another $8 billion slush fund, so we are talking almost $70 billion,
plus another $8 billion of loans, whoever they go to. We are talking
about almost 80, so I have a problem with that.
Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Chair, I claim the time in opposition to this
amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentlewoman from Connecticut is recognized for
5 minutes.
Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Chair, this war is an existential conflict for
Ukraine. As important, it is a test for the United States and the
United States leadership.
One of the best tools we have to get the Ukrainians what they need is
Presidential drawdown authority. This allows the United States to send
equipment from our stocks to the frontline in a matter of days. There
isn't time to delay. This amendment would cut that authority from $7.8
billion to $100 million. It ties our hands and, yes, it hamstrings the
Ukrainian military to do the job that they need to do to defeat Putin.
We all lose if Ukraine succumbs to Putin's ambitions, and it will not
stop there. Putin, in 2016, asserted that Russia's borders do not end--
and this is a quote--do not end anywhere. Russian officials just this
spring have threatened Finland, Romania, Armenia, Estonia, Lithuania,
and Moldova.
Removing the best tool that the United States has to exercise, in
terms of a moral clarity and responsibility, that we can move quickly
to arm our allies would be a grave mistake.
Mr. Chair, I urge my colleagues to please vote ``no'' on this
amendment, and I yield back the balance of my time.

{time} 1130

Mrs. SPARTZ. Mr. Chair, may I inquire how much time I have remaining.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentlewoman has 30 seconds remaining.
Mrs. SPARTZ. Mr. Chair, I would highlight that we are increasing a
blank check from $100 million to $8 billion, and we don't even know if
it is spent for Ukraine or not. It is just a blank check of $16 billion
to President Biden, a purely blank check.
I urge my colleagues to support my amendment because we need to stop
slush funds and blank checks. We will never win against aggressors if
Congress does not do its job.
Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentlewoman from Indiana (Mrs. Spartz).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the noes
appeared to have it.
Mrs. SPARTZ. Mr. Chair, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from Indiana
will be postponed.

Amendment No. 2 Offered by Ms. Greene of Georgia

The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 2
printed in part B of House Report 118-466.
Ms. GREENE of Georgia. Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:

At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. __. Each dollar amount in this Act is hereby reduced
to $0.

The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 1160, the gentlewoman
from Georgia (Ms. Greene) and a Member opposed each will control 5
minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from Georgia.
Ms. GREENE of Georgia. Mr. Chair, my amendment today would drive the
bill for Ukraine, that each dollar amount in this act is hereby reduced
to zero.
You see, the United States taxpayer has already sent $113 billion to
Ukraine, and a lot of that money is unaccounted for. This is a
continuance of a sick business model that the American Government
continues.
The Federal Government continues to fund the military industrial
complex, and this is a business model that requires Congress to
continue to vote for money, to continue to fund foreign wars, and this
is a business model the American people do not support.
They don't support a business model built on blood and murder and war
in foreign countries, while this very government does nothing to
support our border.
The American people are over $34 trillion in debt, and the debt is
rising by over $40 billion every single night while we all sleep, but
yet nothing is done to secure our border or reduce our debt.
Inflation has driven out of control.
Americans are suffering every single day.
They can hardly afford their grocery bills. They can hardly afford
gas in

[[Page H2605]]

their car. They can hardly afford rent. Right now mortgage payments are
well over $3,000, where they were only just over $1,700 3 years ago.
The youngest generation, young adults don't even think they are going
to be able to buy a home in their lifetime, and today, in Congress, the
most important thing that this body thinks should be done is to send
another $61 billion to a war in Ukraine that the American people by 70
percent do not support.
Mind you, this comes on the very heels of Monday, April 15, tax day,
where every single American had to scrounge up their money and send
their dollars in to the IRS, or some of them had to file extensions
because they weren't ready and didn't have the money to pay their
taxes.
But today, this body says the most important thing we can do, no, it
is not reduce spending, that is not it; not to do anything to drive
down inflation, oh, no, we can't do that for the American people; it is
not to secure our own border that is invaded every single day by people
from over 160 different countries; no, don't secure the American
border, let everyone in.
Mr. Chair, we have over 1.8 million known got-aways. We don't know
who these people are. Yet, there are Members of this body talking big
and tough: Oh, we have to defeat Russia. Oh, we have to protect
Ukraine. Yet they are all unwilling to protect the American citizens
that pay their paycheck, pay the light bills in this building, and pay
for this entire Federal Government.
For what? For nothing.
Ukraine is not even a member of NATO. Ukraine is not a member of
NATO, but the most important thing you hear in Washington D.C., is: Oh,
we have to send Americans' hard-earned tax dollars over to Ukraine and
keep the money going to continue to murder Ukrainians, wiping out an
entire generation of Ukrainian men, leaving behind widows, fatherless
orphans, and not enough men to work in their industries.
Oh, but you really support Ukraine. Wow, what kind of support is
that? It is repulsive.
Mr. Chair, shame on the American government. If we support our
military, support our military. We should be funding to build up our
weapons and ammunition, not just send it over to foreign countries to
kill foreign people.
If this body was worth what it claims to be, every single one of us
would be demanding peace in Ukraine, between these countries, peace for
these people so that no more of them have to die.
Mr. Chair, we never hear anybody demanding peace. No, no, peace is
the last thing Washington wants because it doesn't fit the business
model.
This is a business model that they say continues our economy,
protects American jobs. What a disgusting business model. We should
have a business model that builds up our American companies and
American jobs to serve American interests, and our military and our
government should care about protecting the national security of the
United States of America, and the Americans that pay their hard-earned
tax dollars to fund all of this.
America last. America last, that is all this is. Every single day,
America last.
Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.
Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong opposition to this
amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentlewoman from Connecticut is recognized for
5 minutes.
Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Chair, in a post-World War II construct, the United
States is the witness to the world on the values of democracy and
freedom. These values have provided the United States of America with
strong allies across the globe. It has helped our partners in Europe
and NATO to support Ukraine against Vladimir Putin's unjust war. If we
do not provide munitions, Ukraine will fall and Putin will be
emboldened.
The Greene amendment allows Putin to control Europe. Abdicating our
leadership role and promises to our allies cannot happen. We must
support Ukraine's defense.
The world prior to World War II was unstable with authoritarian
fascist leaders seeking power. Voting ``no'' on this amendment will
ensure that history does not, in fact, repeat itself, and I urge all my
colleagues to do so.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Minnesota
(Ms. McCollum), the ranking member of the Defense Subcommittee.
Ms. McCOLLUM. Mr. Chair, I thank the ranking member for yielding.
Mr. Chair, I rise in very strong opposition to this amendment.
Cutting the funding in this bill would be devastating. To zero out our
support for Ukraine will only embolden Putin more.
As I said earlier, murdering civilians on a daily basis is what the
Russian Government is up to, as well as holding thousands of Ukrainian
children as captives.

As ranking member of the Defense Appropriations Subcommittee, I know
the funds included in this bill will provide Ukraine with the vital
support they need to defend themselves.
If this amendment were to pass, we would send a signal that the
United States does not stand against Putin's campaign of death and
destruction in Ukraine. We absolutely must stand against Putin's
aggression.
If Putin is allowed to succeed in snuffing out Ukraine's democracy,
it will put our allies in the Baltic States, Poland, Romania, and other
NATO partners, at great risk.
The funds in this bill also strengthens America's national security
by supporting our operations in New York, backfilling our own military
stocks so that we are prepared.
Mr. Chair, I strongly urge a ``no'' vote on this amendment.
Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Chair, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Washington (Mr. Smith), the ranking member of the Committee on Armed
Services.
Mr. SMITH of Washington. Mr. Chair, let me focus on one argument of
the sponsor of this amendment, who is basically saying that if we pass
this bill, we are advocating the killing of Ukrainians.
That is a uniquely demented way of looking at this war. Putin
invades. Putin, as we speak, is bombing and killing Ukrainian
civilians. The only thing that is reducing the number that he can kill
is the Ukrainians' ability to fight back.
So to look at this from a pure Russian propaganda standpoint, they
invade, they bomb, they kill, and it is our fault for helping the
Ukrainians defend themselves.
That is the argument here against supporting Ukraine, and it
literally makes no sense.
If you want peace, give the Ukrainians the strength to stop Putin. He
is the one that will not come to the bargaining table right now because
he thinks he is winning. He thinks he can go all the way to Kyiv. He
thinks he can take the whole country.
If we give the Ukrainians the ability to stop him, that forces him to
the table. It makes no sense to say that giving the Ukrainians the
ability to defend themselves is what is killing them, when it is very
clearly the Russians that are killing them.
Mr. Chair, I would also note that no President has added more to the
debt in one 4-year term than President Trump, and I didn't hear a
single Republican complaining about the debt or the deficit during that
period of time.
The Ukrainians need our help to bring peace, to stop Putin, to stop
what he is trying to do. Also, to Ms. McCollum's point, this also helps
our industrial base.
We face a dangerous world between Russia, Iran, China, North Korea--
all of whom who are working together, by the way. If we don't help
Ukraine fight Russia, that helps Iran, that helps China, that helps
North Korea. This is about our national security, which I am quite
confident that whether asleep or awake, the American people also care
dearly about.
Please defeat this amendment and support Ukraine and support the
United States' national security interests.
Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentlewoman from Georgia (Ms. Greene).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the noes
appeared to have it.
Ms. GREENE of Georgia. Mr. Chair, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by

[[Page H2606]]

the gentlewoman from Georgia will be postponed.
The Chair understands that amendment No. 3 will not be offered.

Amendment No. 4 Offered by Mrs. Cammack

The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 4
printed in part B of House Report 118-466.
Mrs. CAMMACK. Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:

Strike title III.
On page 20, strike the heading ``Department of State'' on
line 4 and all that follows through line 9 on page 23.
On page 23, strike the heading ``Department of State'' on
line 11 and all that follows through line 15 on page 24.
Strike sections 404, 405, 408, 506(a), 506(c), 507, 508,
and renumber accordingly.

The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 1160, the gentlewoman
from Florida (Mrs. Cammack) and a Member opposed each will control 5
minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from Florida.
Mrs. CAMMACK. Mr. Chair, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chair, I rise in support of my amendment to H.R. 8035, which
would eliminate all nonmilitary funding in this Ukrainian aid package.
Breaking this down a bit, that would mean cutting nearly $10.5
billion, with a b, from this whopping $60 billion Ukrainian bill.
To date, American taxpayers have already given $113 billion to
Ukraine since Russia's invasion.
This new spending, $60 billion, is designated as emergency spending,
meaning it goes straight to our national debt, a national debt that
grows every single second to the tune of $8 billion every single day.

{time} 1145

Since Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022, there has been robust
debate in Congress, in this Chamber, about the United States' role in
the war. While we here in this Chamber disagree on the role that we
should play, there is one thing that I hope we can agree on: We as
United States Representatives should not--I repeat, should not--forsake
our own national security in favor of another nation. We should not
secure the borders of nations abroad while simultaneously ignoring the
very real and very dangerous border crisis in our own country.
While we should debate the merits of providing funds for weapons and
equipment to defeat Russia in this conflict, funds that fall outside of
immediate, narrow, and lethal aid should not warrant the same urgency
or consideration.
All told, sections of this bill that are not lethal aid come to about
$10.5 billion, with the bulk of it going to support the Ukrainian
economy--not the American economy, the Ukrainian economy. Anyone who is
living under Biden's economic plan right now knows that it sucks.
We need to be clear. This is emergency spending, again, going
straight to our national debt, full stop. Again, we are borrowing $8
billion a day.
Over the past 20 years, Congress has designated $12 trillion in
emergency spending. With these funds in the bill that are not
designated for military purposes, the American people are resigned once
again to absorbing another $10.5 billion to support Ukraine and their
economy, while simultaneously adding the debt to our $34.7 trillion
national debt. That is simply unacceptable.
We are robbing Peter to pay Paul, and the American people are once
again left holding the bag. You cannot stand here on this Chamber's
floor as a Representative of the American people in the people's House
and sincerely say that you have done everything possible to look out
for American national security and American economic security if we
don't narrow the focus of this bill.
We have to adopt this amendment. By the way, while I was speaking, we
have added another $5.5 million to the national debt.
Mr. Chair, I urge my colleagues to support this amendment, and I
reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Chair, I claim the time in opposition.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from Florida is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Chair, I rise in opposition to this amendment
from one of the people I most admire, a dear friend and colleague from
Florida.
This is clearly a well-intended amendment. Frankly, when I was
listening to her presentation, there were so many things I agreed with
in what she said, but it would strike all funding in the bill, except
for the foreign military financing.
As I mentioned, there are so many things I agreed with in what she
said. I agree, for example, that over time the United States must focus
our efforts on intelligence and essential military support. I totally
agree with that.
She also talked about how we need to narrow the scope. I would argue
that, unfortunately, the amendment needs to be narrowed a bit. It
should have been narrowed a bit because it would be really
counterproductive the way it is written at this time. Let me,
respectfully, explain why.
First, the amendment would zero out funding to keep U.S. personnel in
our Embassy in Ukraine safe. I don't think that is something that we
should be doing right now.
Also, the funding to enhance the U.S. Government's presence in order
to conduct oversight, which is something that I have been clamoring
for, that a lot of us have been clamoring for, begging and pleading and
working for, this would eliminate that, as well. By the way, it would
also eliminate funding for the oversight of the military portion of the
assistance.
Secondly, it would eliminate funding for the State Department's and
USAID's inspectors general from whom we require unprecedented oversight
plans. Obviously, we need to give them the resources for this critical
work because we have to have oversight.
That is something that I know, at least on my side of the aisle, we
all agree on, regardless of what you believe our role should be in
Ukraine. Again, unfortunately, as I mentioned, this would eliminate the
funding for that.
Third, it would also eliminate the funding for investigations of
Russian war crimes in Ukraine, as well as assistance to help secure
Ukrainian nuclear facilities. We have seen those in the news under
threat by the Russians. Also, it eliminates funds for potential
clearance of Russian mines.
Finally, it would eliminate economic support for Ukraine, and that is
something that the sponsor of this amendment is really focused on. I
would argue even there that this is essential at this moment right now.
Look, it is pretty clear that Putin has been targeting farmlands,
infrastructure, energy infrastructure, road infrastructure, and
Ukraine's industrial base.
By the way, he is doing that for a reason. You see, crippling
Ukraine's economy, and Putin knows this, has a direct impact on
Ukraine's ability to stop Putin.
As chairman of the State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs
Subcommittee, I can assure you that not only do I understand the
sponsor of this amendment's frustration, but I get it and share it.
That is why, again, we need to have the language that is currently in
the bill.
I understand her concern and frustration because of the lack of
transparency and strategy on the funding that has already been
provided. That is why this is very clear. That is why this legislation
includes many of the critical oversight and burden-sharing priorities
that I am very proud originated in the FY24 State-Foreign Operations
bill. These include unprecedented cost matching requirements so that
other donors step up. They must step up. The bill imposes layers and
layers of conditions on the funding, including for in-person
monitoring, for example.

This bill requires--I know, a novel concept--a strategy that must be
developed and submitted so that Congress can evaluate the execution of
aid and its alignment with U.S. national security interests.
Another significant change, by the way, from the Senate supplemental
is a requirement in this bill that the economic support to Ukraine be
repaid, transforming assistance from a grant to a loan.
I am so grateful to the sponsor of this amendment for her work. I
appreciate the intent of this amendment,

[[Page H2607]]

but we cannot afford to shortchange our oversight funding, our
diplomatic security funding, and other strategic priorities.
Mr. Chair, for those reasons, with, again, great admiration and
respect for the sponsor of this amendment, I must urge a ``no'' vote on
this amendment.
Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.
Ms. CAMMACK. Mr. Chair, let me just begin by saying the feeling is
mutual. I have tremendous respect and admiration for my colleague from
the Sunshine State.
I hear loud and clear the critical elements of this bill that have
been deemed necessary. Heck, I deem them necessary. The American people
and the Representatives in this Chamber demand accountability and
transparency. However, there are multiple poison pills within this text
that the American people and certainly my constituents back home don't
support.
For example, there is $300 million for international narcotics
control and law enforcement, but what about the 100,000-plus people
every single year in America who are being poisoned by fentanyl? Where
is the funding to stop the flow of fentanyl into the United States?
What about the $25 million for transition initiatives? What about the
$60 million for diplomatic programs?
I noticed that my colleague--again, who I deeply respect--mentioned
that part of that is for security, but what about the rest?
Or the $481 million for refugee and entrance assistance when we have
a border crisis that has resulted in some of the most egregious public
health, public safety, humanitarian, and national security crises in
American history.
We are approaching over 10 million illegals crossing into our country
and being paroled, which is a fancy way of saying catch and release,
into the United States. We are approaching 2 million got-aways.
We have a massive crisis here at home, and if America is not safe and
secure here at home, we cannot help our partners abroad.
Mr. Chair, I urge, respectfully, that my colleagues put America first
and adopt this amendment, and I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentlewoman from Florida (Mrs. Cammack).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the noes
appeared to have it.
Mrs. CAMMACK. Mr. Chair, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from Florida
will be postponed.
Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Chair, I move that the Committee do now rise.
The motion was agreed to.
Accordingly, the Committee rose; and the Speaker pro tempore (Mr.
Duarte) having assumed the chair, Mr. Carey, Acting Chair of the
Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union, reported that
that Committee, having had under consideration the bill (H.R. 8035)
making emergency supplemental appropriations to respond to the
situation in Ukraine and for related expenses for the fiscal year
ending September 30, 2024, and for other purposes, had come to no
resolution thereon.

____________________