[Congressional Record Volume 170, Number 69 (Friday, April 19, 2024)]
[House]
[Pages H2526-H2532]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
PROVIDING FOR CONSIDERATION OF H.R. 8034, ISRAEL SECURITY SUPPLEMENTAL
APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 2024; PROVIDING FOR CONSIDERATION OF H.R. 8035,
UKRAINE SECURITY SUPPLEMENTAL APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 2024; PROVIDING FOR
CONSIDERATION OF H.R. 8036, INDO-PACIFIC SECURITY SUPPLEMENTAL
APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 2024; PROVIDING FOR CONSIDERATION OF H.R. 8038,
21ST CENTURY PEACE THROUGH STRENGTH ACT; AND PROVIDING FOR CONCURRENCE
BY THE HOUSE IN THE SENATE AMENDMENT TO H.R. 815, WITH AN AMENDMENT
Mr. BURGESS. Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I
call up House Resolution 1160 and ask for its immediate consideration.
The Clerk read the resolution, as follows:
H. Res. 1160
Resolved, That upon adoption of this resolution it shall be
in order to consider in the House the bill (H.R. 8034) making
emergency supplemental appropriations to respond to the
situation in Israel and for related expenses for the fiscal
year ending September 30, 2024, and for other purposes. All
points of order against consideration of the bill are waived.
The bill shall be considered as read. All points of order
against provisions in the bill are waived. The previous
question shall be considered as ordered on the bill and on
any amendment thereto to final passage without intervening
motion except: (1) 30 minutes of debate equally divided and
controlled by the chair and ranking minority member of the
Committee on Appropriations or their respective designees;
and (2) one motion to recommit.
Sec. 2. At any time after adoption of this resolution the
Speaker may, pursuant to clause 2(b) of rule XVIII, declare
the House resolved into the Committee of the Whole House on
the state of the Union for consideration of the bill (H.R.
8035) making emergency supplemental appropriations to respond
to the situation in Ukraine and for related expenses for the
fiscal year ending September 30, 2024, and for other
purposes. The first reading of the bill shall be dispensed
with. All points of order against consideration of the bill
are waived. General debate shall be confined to the bill and
shall not exceed 30 minutes equally divided and controlled by
the chair and ranking minority member of the Committee on
Appropriations or their respective designees. After general
debate the bill shall be considered for amendment under the
five-minute rule. The amendment printed in part A of the
report of the Committee on Rules accompanying this resolution
shall be considered as adopted in the House and in the
Committee of the Whole. The bill, as amended, shall be
considered as read. All points of order against provisions in
the bill, as amended, are waived. No further amendment to the
bill, as amended, shall be in order except those printed in
part B of the report of the Committee on Rules. Each such
further amendment may be offered only in the order printed in
the report, may be offered only by a Member designated in the
report, shall be considered as read, shall be debatable for
the time specified in the report equally divided and
controlled by the proponent and an opponent, shall not be
subject to amendment, and shall not be subject to a demand
for division of the question in the House or in the Committee
of
[[Page H2527]]
the Whole. All points of order against such further
amendments are waived. At the conclusion of consideration of
the bill for amendment the Committee shall rise and report
the bill, as amended, to the House with such further
amendments as may have been adopted. In the case of sundry
further amendments reported from the Committee, the question
of their adoption shall be put to the House en gros and
without division of the question. The previous question shall
be considered as ordered on the bill, as amended, and on any
further amendment thereto to final passage without
intervening motion except one motion to recommit.
Sec. 3. Upon adoption of this resolution it shall be in
order to consider in the House the bill (H.R. 8036) making
emergency supplemental appropriations for assistance for the
Indo-Pacific region and for related expenses for the fiscal
year ending September 30, 2024, and for other purposes. All
points of order against consideration of the bill are waived.
The bill shall be considered as read. All points of order
against provisions in the bill are waived. The previous
question shall be considered as ordered on the bill and on
any amendment thereto to final passage without intervening
motion except: (1) 30 minutes of debate equally divided and
controlled by the chair and ranking minority member of the
Committee on Appropriations or their respective designees;
(2) the amendment printed in part C of the report of the
Committee on Rules accompanying this resolution, if offered
by the Member designated in the report, which shall be in
order without intervention of any point of order, shall be
considered as read, shall be separately debatable for the
time specified in the report equally divided and controlled
by the proponent and an opponent, and shall not be subject to
a demand for division of the question; and (3) one motion to
recommit.
Sec. 4. At any time after adoption of this resolution the
Speaker may, pursuant to clause 2(b) of rule XVIII, declare
the House resolved into the Committee of the Whole House on
the state of the Union for consideration of the bill (H.R.
8038) to authorize the President to impose certain sanctions
with respect to Russia and Iran, and for other purposes. The
first reading of the bill shall be dispensed with. All points
of order against consideration of the bill are waived.
General debate shall be confined to the bill and shall not
exceed 30 minutes equally divided and controlled by the chair
and ranking minority member of the Committee on Foreign
Affairs or their respective designees. After general debate
the bill shall be considered for amendment under the five-
minute rule. The amendment printed in part D of the report of
the Committee on Rules accompanying this resolution shall be
considered as adopted in the House and in the Committee of
the Whole. The bill, as amended, shall be considered as read.
All points of order against provisions in the bill, as
amended, are waived. No further amendment to the bill, as
amended, shall be in order except those printed in part E of
the report of the Committee on Rules. Each such further
amendment may be offered only in the order printed in the
report, may be offered only by a Member designated in the
report, shall be considered as read, shall be debatable for
the time specified in the report equally divided and
controlled by the proponent and an opponent, shall not be
subject to amendment, and shall not be subject to a demand
for division of the question in the House or in the Committee
of the Whole. All points of order against such further
amendments are waived. At the conclusion of consideration of
the bill for amendment the Committee shall rise and report
the bill, as amended, to the House with such further
amendments as may have been adopted. In the case of sundry
further amendments reported from the Committee, the question
of their adoption shall be put to the House en gros and
without division of the question. The previous question shall
be considered as ordered on the bill, as amended, and on any
further amendment thereto to final passage without
intervening motion except one motion to recommit.
Sec. 5. During consideration of H.R. 8035 and H.R. 8038,
the Chair may entertain a motion that the Committee rise only
if offered by the Majority Leader or his designee. The Chair
may not entertain a motion to strike out the enacting words
of the bill (as described in clause 9 of rule XVIII).
Sec. 6. (a) Upon disposition of the bills specified in
subsection (d), the House shall be considered to have taken
from the Speaker's table the bill (H.R. 815) to amend title
38, United States Code, to make certain improvements relating
to the eligibility of veterans to receive reimbursement for
emergency treatment furnished through the Veterans Community
Care program, and for other purposes, with the Senate
amendment thereto, and to have concurred in the Senate
amendment with an amendment inserting the respective texts of
all bills specified in subsection (d), as passed by the
House, in lieu of the matter proposed to be inserted by the
Senate.
(b) In the engrossment of the House amendment to the Senate
amendment to H.R. 815, the Clerk shall --
(1) assign appropriate designations to provisions within
the engrossment;
(2) conform cross-references and provisions for short
titles within the engrossment;
(3) be authorized to make technical corrections, to include
corrections in spelling, punctuation, page and line
numbering, section numbering, and insertion of appropriate
headings; and
(4) relocate section 3 in the matter preceding division A
of the text of H.R. 8038 to a new section immediately prior
to Division A within the engrossment.
(c) Upon transmission to the Senate of a message that the
House has concurred in the Senate amendment to H.R. 815 with
an amendment, the bills specified in subsection (d) that have
passed the House shall be laid on the table.
(d) The bills referred to in subsections (a) and (c) are as
follows: H.R. 8034, H.R. 8035, H.R. 8036, and H.R. 8038.
{time} 0915
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Texas is recognized for 1
hour.
Mr. BURGESS. Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the
customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr.
McGovern), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume.
During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the
purpose of debate only.
General Leave
Mr. BURGESS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members
may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their
remarks.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Texas?
There was no objection.
Mr. BURGESS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, late last night, the Rules Committee met and reported a
rule, House Resolution 1160, providing for consideration of four
measures: H.R. 8034, the Israel Security Supplemental Appropriations
Act, under a closed rule; H.R. 8036, the Indo-Pacific Security
Supplemental Appropriations Act, under a structured rule; H.R. 8035,
the Ukraine Security Supplemental Appropriations Act, 2024, under a
structured rule; and H.R. 8038, the 21st Century Peace through Strength
Act, under a structured rule.
The rule further provides that after the House's consideration of
these measures, the Senate will be quickly able to move to
consideration of the legislation that we pass.
Mr. Speaker, today, it is important that we support the underlying
rule and the underlying legislation. Specifically, I rise in support of
our allies after the attack on Israel by Iran 10 days ago. That
unprecedented attack has reaffirmed the need for strong American
leadership and support for our allies abroad, especially Israel and now
our allies in the Indo-Pacific.
I am well aware there have been concerns in our Conference and really
on both sides of the House about the southern border and national debt.
As a Member from Texas, as a member of the Budget Committee, I fully
understand these concerns and share all of them, but the requirement
for America to insert itself as the leader of the free world is not
optional. It is not a requirement we can put on pause.
Israel has been attacked. China talks menacingly about reunification
with Taiwan. Ukraine is in crisis and is in need of our help to survive
Russian aggression.
Now, I would say to the President that this legislation on the floor
today perhaps could have been facilitated by some leadership from the
executive branch, but despite the circumstances that brought us here,
we stand before the House to support our allies and reaffirm America's
leadership on the world stage.
H.R. 8034, the Israel Security Supplemental Appropriations Act, will
provide much-needed material support to the Jewish state as it faces
twin threats from Hamas and the Islamic Republic of Iran. This includes
$4 billion to replenish Israel's Iron Dome and over a billion dollars
for the Iron Beam defense system.
H.R. 8036, the Indo-Pacific Security Supplemental Appropriations Act,
2024, will work to counter the Chinese Communist Party and create a
strong deterrence in the region.
H.R. 8035, the Ukraine Security Supplemental Appropriations Act, will
assist Ukraine as they counter Russian aggression.
Of the latter, all financial assistance to the Ukrainian Government
is converted into a loan, ensuring that the Ukrainian Government is
held accountable to the American people.
Mr. Speaker, there is no doubt that our failure in Afghanistan was
the spark in the tinderbox that led to the subsequent invasion of
Ukraine in 2022.
[[Page H2528]]
That conflict had been smoldering for a long time, certainly at least
since 2014 and two previous administrations. Had the administration in
2014, as well as the current administration, had more foresight to
provide aid and arms to Ukraine before February 2022, there might have
been a different set of circumstances that we were contemplating today,
and there might have been a more swift resolution to this conflict,
with the saving of untold lives.
Mr. Speaker, I stand with my colleagues requesting more information
from the administration. The American people deserve answers about how
previous funding has been used. They deserve answers about what the
long-term goals by the administration are to resolve this conflict.
I welcome more oversight. I welcome additional information from the
administration and will continue to push its accountability. Today, we
are at an inflection point, and the longer we wait, the more expensive
any solution to this conflict will become, both in terms of dollars and
lives.
Lack of aid now could cost us much more dearly later, and I don't
want that to become a reality. I would hope my colleagues on both sides
of the aisle feel the same.
Mr. Speaker, I urge passage of the rule. I urge passage of the
underlying legislation. I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Texas for
yielding me the customary 30 minutes, and I yield myself such time as I
may consume.
Mr. Speaker, the world is watching. It is time for Congress to act,
and act we must.
America's allies have been waiting for this Republican majority to
get their act together.
People are dying in Ukraine. Democracy is on the line in Ukraine, and
this Republican majority has been twiddling their thumbs.
I am glad my friends have finally come to realize the gravity of the
situation and the urgency of getting this aid to our allies.
What have Republicans done? Nothing. No action to help our allies. It
is all delay, distract, deny, and blame Joe Biden.
Ukrainians are fighting for democracy--theirs and ours--and they have
been set back as a result of Republican extremism. They have suffered
because of Republican inaction.
I will remind my friends that Ukrainians didn't choose this war. It
chose them.
Two years ago, when Putin illegally crossed the border and invaded,
he was banking on the United States and our allies growing weary. He
was hoping we would give up. He was hoping we would do nothing. He was
betting we would abandon our friends and our internal divisions would
leave us in disarray, at odds with one another.
I hope Putin is wrong, Mr. Speaker, because after 2 years of
unrelenting war, Ukrainians are still willing to hold the line.
I visited Ukraine with former Speaker Pelosi shortly after Putin
attacked them, and we learned about the particularly cruel nature in
which Putin has been fighting this war. If you care about human rights,
you have to care about what is happening in Ukraine. That is what this
is all about.
Ukrainians are still ready to defend their democracy, but they cannot
continue to do so without our support.
I won't sugarcoat it here. Ukraine's defense of democracy has
suffered because there is a faction here in this House, a MAGA
minority, that doesn't want to compromise. They don't want to take this
vote because they are afraid of what the outcome might be--not that it
will fail, but that it will succeed.
That argument might hold sway in the Kremlin, Mr. Speaker, but this
is the United States. We are the people's House, an institution
designed to reflect the will of the majority.
Today, the majority's voice is being heard here on the House floor--
not a majority of one State, one party, or one faction, but a majority
that wants to help Ukraine hold the line, a majority that says bring
these bills to the floor for an up-or-down vote.
Democrats are providing the votes necessary to advance this
legislation to the floor because, at the end of the day, so much more
is at stake here than petty partisan brinkmanship.
Putin is looking to rebuild the Soviet Union, and mark my words, he
will not stop at Ukraine. Anybody who thinks that is delusional.
If the world doesn't help them defend their democracy, this war will
not end. It will grow.
Mr. Speaker, I don't agree with everything in this package. I have
deep, deep problems about the unconditional aid to Israel. I was among
the first calling for a cease-fire, and I still call for a cease-fire.
I have demanded more humanitarian aid for civilians in Gaza, and I will
continue to do so. I have called for a two-state solution. I believe
Prime Minister Netanyahu is putting Israel on a path that, quite
frankly, undermines his own country's security. I am outraged by his
cruelty and inhumanity toward the people of Gaza and the West Bank.
There is no justification for that. There is none. Israel has a right
to defend itself--nobody questions that--but what is happening now, I
believe, is outrageous and unconscionable.
We will have separate debates, and we will have separate votes on all
of these bills, and people can decide where they want to be.
Quite frankly, some Republicans wanted a different path. They wanted
to extort this rule for a campaign ad on border security for Donald
Trump. We almost had no Ukraine aid because that is what some of my
Republican friends wanted and advocated for. They advocated for a bill
with no humanitarian aid for anybody who is suffering--not just in
Gaza, but also in Ukraine and other parts of the world--and they wanted
all this kind of ugly border security language attached to this
measure.
There is a lot at stake at this moment, and we are all supposed to be
grownups. We should act like it. Let's proceed in a way that allows
everyone to vote their conscience.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
{time} 0930
Mr. BURGESS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from
Oklahoma (Mr. Cole), the chairman of the Committee on Appropriations.
Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I thank my very good friend from Texas, my
classmate, my colleague when I served on the Rules Committee, and now I
am very proud to say our very distinguished chairman of the Rules
Committee for yielding. Today's rule makes in order a series of three
critical security supplemental bills, Mr. Speaker, paired with a fourth
bill covering other high-priority national security matters.
Collectively, these bills represent the commitment to move much-needed
security assistance funding for America's friends and partners.
Mr. Speaker, the members of the Rules Committee faced a serious
challenge in putting together today's resolution, but they met that
challenge in admirable, bipartisan fashion. I can't tell you how proud
I am of both sides of the aisle, including my friend, the distinguished
ranking member, for the manner in which they responded to this
particular difficulty.
Today's rule creates a full and fair process for floor consideration
of these measures. It grants ample debate time on these bills and makes
in order a series of amendments ensuring that the entire body has the
opportunity to work its will and make our voices heard.
It ensures that Members have a full 72 hours to review these bills
before the vote. After all, taking up a matter as important as this,
both Members of Congress and the American people deserve no less.
Finally, it provides an up-or-down vote on each of these bills.
Importantly, this rule allows every Member to vote his or her
conscience on every issue. Thanks to this process, the House will be
able to work its will. That is the way the Founders intended this
institution to work.
Speaker Johnson's work in setting this process in motion has been
admirable, and we all owe him our thanks for ensuring both that the
House takes up these critical funding measures and that each Member can
vote his or her conscience on every single issue.
Mr. Speaker, the need for this funding is not hypothetical. Ukraine,
Israel, and Taiwan are on the front
[[Page H2529]]
lines of the struggle to preserve democracy and freedom around the
world.
In the case of Ukraine and Israel, these two nations are, quite
literally, in harm's way. Ukraine is entering the third year of their
struggle against Vladimir Putin's unjust and illegal invasion. Its
continued ability to resist hangs in the balance dependent on foreign
aid. Its people need the weapons and ammunition provided in this bill
to keep them in the fight.
Israel, meanwhile, is involved in a life-and-death struggle against
the perpetrators of the October 7 terror attack, Hamas. Over the
weekend, Hamas' backer, the Iranian regime, launched an unprecedented
and direct aerial assault on Israel. That attack has been thwarted, and
an appropriate response is underway.
Taiwan faces ongoing threats from the Chinese Communist Party which
continue to threaten Taiwan's right of self-determination.
Around the world, the United States and our partners are confronting
a tinderbox of uninvited aggression on multiple fronts. America must
stand firmly on the side of freedom.
Peace through strength cannot be delivered through appeasement. Taken
together, these measures protect our friends and partners and replenish
American stockpiles of ammunition, weapons, and supplies. This is not
only about safeguarding our ideals of democracy and peace but is
central to our own national security.
Mr. Speaker, I encourage all Members to vote to support the rule and
the underlying legislation.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Doggett), a champion for human rights.
Mr. DOGGETT. Mr. Speaker, those who committed atrocities against
Israelis on October 7 were not martyrs. They were murderers and
rapists. But neither were those murderers children, and the children of
Gaza have paid an incredible cost for Netanyahu's massive assault. His
policies have shown conscious indifference to children, journalists,
humanitarian aid workers, and civilians in general. I believe strongly
in Israel's right to self-defense, but that does not require dropping
hundreds of 2000-pound nonprecision ``dumb'' bombs in densely populated
areas, nor does it require a medieval-type siege denying water, food,
and medicine, using famine as a weapon of war, nor does it require
killing, not only World Central Kitchen aid workers, but so many
others.
This rule gives us a proper opportunity to finally, belatedly, vote
to help desperate Ukraine from Putin's war crimes and offensive without
voting to support Netanyahu, but the rule, I believe, improperly
rejected amendments that would have permitted a vote in support of
Israel's right to self-defense without embracing Netanyahu's wrongful
policies, which are killing the innocent, sacrificing the hostages, and
endangering Israel's long-term security.
Sending more offensive weapons to Netanyahu while begging him not to
use them simply does not protect Rafah and others from an assault. I
would vote to defend Israel but do not want to be complicit in
providing weapons for an assault on Rafah that will cause thousands of
deaths and likely lead to a wider and tragic war.
Mr. BURGESS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Kentucky (Mr. Massie), a valuable member of the Committee on Rules.
Mr. MASSIE. Mr. Speaker, I truly thank the chairman for yielding me
time because he knows I am slightly opposed to the rule, so he is very
gracious.
I am concerned that the Speaker has cut a deal with the Democrats to
fund foreign wars rather than to secure our border, but what I want to
talk about today is process.
The bill that will come out of the House after all of this is a bill
that began as H.R. 815 to expand the eligibility for veterans to
receive reimbursements for their emergency care. How did a bill that
was intended for veterans that came out of the House become a bill that
may bring us to the brink of war in at least three places on the globe
by sending $100 billion to military contractors?
Well, it started in the House, and then the Senate took it and
stripped every word from the bill.
Why did they do this? Were they trying to get around the origination
clause in the Constitution? Were they trying to shortcut some process?
It is one of those things.
What we have got now is a collection of bills, and I do appreciate
that we get individual votes on four of these bills. They include $100
billion, but they don't include securing our border. They include a
bill called the REPO Act, which could call into question the value of
our Treasury bills when we go out to auction those next if we are going
to confiscate Treasury bills that we sold to other countries. It also
includes a bill that allows the President to ban websites based on his
discretion. I am concerned about that.
This bill, H.R. 815, started as a veterans bill, went to the Senate,
got gutted, and then became the foreign aid package bill. Now, here in
the House, we are going to vote on four separate titles, but we are
going to package them back as amendments to that H.R. 815. So we are
actually going to send it back to the Senate as the bill they sent to
us, which is the gutted veterans bill.
I know this is all confusing, but why is this all being done this
way? Some will say to force the Senate's hand, but really what it is
going to do is jam the conservatives in the Senate who would like to
have a more fulsome debate.
I am opposed to the rule, and I thank the chairman for the time.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished
gentlewoman from New Mexico (Ms. Leger Fernandez), a valued member of
the Rules Committee.
Ms. LEGER FERNANDEZ. Mr. Speaker, today, after months of delay that
cost the loss of the Ukrainian military advantage, that cost children's
lives and access to food and aid, that allowed China to threaten the
Indo-Pacific, Congress will finally vote. Congress is finally going to
vote to fund the fight against the tyranny of Russia, Iran, and China,
the fight for democracy and peace.
Why did it take us this long?
Yesterday in Rules, the Republican chair of the Foreign Affairs
Committee noted that every Republican President since the Soviet Union
era has stood on the right side of history and stood up to Russia.
Presidents from Eisenhower to Reagan, George Bush, Sr., and George
Bush, Jr., they all knew that Russia's desire to reassert its empire by
bombing and invading its neighbor also harms America and American
interests--every Republican President, that is, until Donald Trump.
In contrast to every President before him, Trump praised Putin, tried
to do business in Russia, allowed Putin to gain the upper hand, and
eventually denied Ukraine military aid that Congress had approved
unless Ukraine gave him dirt on Biden. Donald Trump became the pied
piper for Putin.
Some of Trump's most ardent followers in this House became Putin-
protecting Republicans and denied the Members of Congress this vote
until now.
Now is the moment history has its eyes on this Chamber as Democrats
and Republicans stand up and stand together for what we love--
democracy. Democracy is the very reason we get to sit here together
today and debate in the people's House. Democracy is the best answer to
tyranny, aggression, and depravity.
It is our shared bipartisan love for democracy that best unites us
with our allies around the world, allies that are once again united in
our fight against the war in China and Russia thanks to the leadership
of President Biden, who repaired the damage Trump inflicted on our
international relationships.
I hope that shared love of a world where democracy is defended will
also unite us in this Chamber. I remind my colleagues, Republicans and
Democrats, that bipartisanship is a good thing. It is how America
expects us to govern, and it is how we move one step closer to
defeating the cruel regimes that seek to take the world backward.
Mr. BURGESS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Texas (Mr. Roy), another valuable member of the Rules Committee.
Mr. ROY. Mr. Speaker, I thank my distinguished colleague from Texas
for yielding me time, and I very much appreciate his service. I
apologize that I am here on the floor in opposition to a rule in his
first week as chairman of the Rules Committee. I have great respect for
him.
[[Page H2530]]
The gentlewoman was just essentially implying that for some reason
this is somehow Donald Trump's fault. Ukraine was invaded by Russia
under the watch of this President. That is the truth. This incompetent
President has led to the situation that we sit in right now. People are
dying in Ukraine, yes, but the problem is they are being funded with
American debt. There is no skin in the game for the American people. We
are not talking about tax increases. We are not doing anything to say
that we are going to pay for this stuff as we rack up a trillion
dollars of debt every 3 months.
The truth is, Americans are dying, not just Ukrainians, at the hands
of wide-open borders, while literal hostiles flood into our country,
fentanyl pours into our streets, and people are chanting, ``Death to
America.''
The response by Republicans is to pass a $1.7 trillion, cap-busting,
spending bill under suspension of the rules, handing the keys to the
NSA and intel to continue spying on Americans. Now, we are on the floor
under a rule to give another $100 billion to fund war, unpaid for, with
zero border security under a rule which Republicans should oppose
because it is a process predesigned to achieve the desired
predetermined outcome, with no border security.
The individual votes on Ukraine, Israel, Taiwan, and a sweetener bill
for TikTok are belied by the fact they are being packaged together as
an amendment to the Senate-passed foreign aid bill. This was all
precooked. It is why President Biden and Chuck Schumer are praising it.
The problem is, there were 9 amendments handpicked by leadership to
be made in order despite 300 amendments having been filed.
Speaker Johnson said in January: ``If President Biden wants a
supplemental spending bill focused on national security, it better
begin with defending America's national security. We want to get the
border closed and secured first.''
To that I say, amen, and I would say to Speaker Johnson, where is
that?
{time} 0945
Mr. McGOVERN. Wow, Mr. Speaker, I guess the gentleman from Texas is
unaware of the fact that there was a bipartisan border security deal
that was agreed to that, unfortunately, House Republicans and Trump
decided to kill.
I ask unanimous consent to insert in the Record an Axios article
titled: ``Trump, House Republicans plot to kill border deal.''
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Massachusetts?
There was no objection.
[From AXIOS, Jan. 29, 2024]
Trump, House Republicans Plot To Kill Border Deal
(By Stef W. Kight)
Republican and Democratic senators are taking to the
airwaves, scrambling to pass severe restrictions on migrants
flooding across the U.S.-Mexico border. There's just one
thing: Their plan is all but dead.
Why it matters: The Senate might pass the plan, which would
be one of the harshest immigration bills of the century.
President Biden is ready to sign it. But House Republicans--
egged on by former President Trump--already are planning to
shut it down.
State of play: Illegal immigration has rocketed to the top
of voters' concerns, and Biden has become increasingly
desperate for a solution. Trump and conservative Republicans
see a political opportunity to squeeze Biden and Democrats on
the issue.
Trump, whose front-runner status in the Republican
presidential race has solidified his leadership of the GOP,
has loudly vowed to kill the bipartisan border deal.
It's not going to happen, and I'll fight it all the way,''
Trump said Saturday in Nevada.
Zoom in: House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) has fallen in
line. He called the deal ``dead on arrival'' on Friday, then
doubled down over the weekend, claiming it wouldn't do enough
to stop illegal border crossIngs.
He has said he talks frequently with Trump about the
border.
Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) warned
senators last week that Trump's opposition would make it
difficult to get a border plan through Congress.
A sign of Trump's influence: Oklahoma's GOP voted Saturday
to censure Sen. James Lankford (R.-Okla.) for being a lead
negotiator in the border policy discussions.
The details: The text of the border bill is expected to
drop soon. It will include a measure that effectively would
block illegal border crossers from asylum once the number of
migrant encounters hits a daily average of 5,000 in a week or
8,500 on a single day, as Axios has reported.
Those restrictions would remain until illegal crossings
drop and remain low for an extended period of time.
The deal also would expedite the asylum process and limit
the use of parole to release migrants into the U.S.
The big picture: The migrant crisis at the border and in
major U.S. cities is one of the most jeopardizing issues for
Biden and Democrats this November.
It's also Trump's marquee political issue. He has every
incentive to keep it front and center as he heads toward a
likely rematch against Biden.
Biden has doubled down on a tougher border image in recent
months, and has signaled his willingness to ``shut down the
border'' if he's given new authority under the Senate
agreement.
What they're saying: The White House is accusing
Republicans of flip-flopping for politics--first supporting
their own strict immigration bill and now saying Biden
already has the authority to close the border
``If Speaker Johnson continues to believe--as President
Biden and Republicans and Democrats in Congress do--that we
have an imperative to act immediately on the border, he
should give this administration the authority and funding
we're requesting,'' White House press secretary Karine Jean-
Pierre said in a statement.
``Right now [the plan's critics] are functioning off of
internet rumors of what's in the bill, and many of them are
false,'' Lankford said on ``Face the Nation,'' defending the
plan he has been negotiating.
``I want to know how house R's square their support for
H.R. 2 with their position now that we should do nothing,''
one senior GOP Senate aide told Axios, referring to a
sweeping border bill passed by House Republicans last year.
Republicans ``are redefining the terms of any debate for
the future,'' one former Biden official told Axios. ``A very
extreme, enforcement-heavy package is now being rejected as
not tough enough.''
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. BURGESS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
Kentucky (Mr. Barr) from the Financial Services Committee.
Mr. BARR. Mr. Speaker, while I rise in support of the rule, and I
thank Chairman Burgess for his leadership on giving Members the
opportunity to vote on these packages, I also rise to express my
profound disappointment that the Biden administration and Democrats in
this Chamber have blocked from being ruled in order my amendment to cut
off a blank check to Russia's war machine.
President Biden, the U.S. Treasury Department, and congressional
Democrats are so concerned about my amendment that they have prevented
it from even being considered or debated before this body. Last
October, the Biden administration renewed General License 8, which
authorizes certain energy-related transactions involving Russian
financial institutions. This license has now been renewed eight times
since the start of Russia's full-scale, unprovoked invasion of Ukraine,
and it continues to undermine measures designed to curtail Russia's
energy revenues.
This license, which is the architecture of the Biden foreign policy
on Ukraine has become a lifeline for Vladimir Putin. It is the symbol
of President Biden's weakness on Russia, the primary avenue through
which he is financing Russia's war machine. It is the most prominent
example of how the Biden administration's radical climate agenda has
collided with its stated policy to counter Russian aggression, and it
shows how the Biden administration's climate policy conflicts with our
national security.
Coincidentally, the current general license is set to expire on May
1. My very timely amendment would prevent this renewal and would erode
the energy profits that are refilling Putin's coffers and funding his
war in Ukraine. The sanctions put in place by the Biden administration
on Russia's energy sector, a principle source of revenue for the
Kremlin, had been wholly inadequate.
Russia's oil and gas revenues have been rising, and countries like
India and China have been buying Russian oil well above the price cap
put in place. Enforcement of the price cap has been poor, which has
enabled Russia to find non-G7 insurers and ships for the transport of a
seaborne crude much more quickly than anticipated. The ease with which
Russia has been able to evade the price cap calls into question the
efficacy and enforceability of the price cap.
Moreover, another renewal of the general license next month would
completely ignore the efforts Europe has finally made to diversify its
energy supplies and reverse its dangerous prewar
[[Page H2531]]
reliance on Russian energy. General License 8 originally reflected the
need to get countries that were dependent on Russian energy sufficient
time to diversify their energy resources, but many of those countries
have now effectively diversified their energy suppliers.
Continued issuance of an overly broad general license in this
instance threatens to repeat the mistakes made in relation to the Nord
Stream 2 pipeline, where the Biden administration's refusal to
implement strong sanctions against the pipeline not only removed
deterrents before the full-scale invasion----
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. BURGESS. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 1 minute to the
gentleman from Kentucky.
Mr. BARR. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for the additional time.
The Biden administration's refusal to implement strong sanctions
against the pipeline not only removed deterrents before the full-scale
invasion and invited Putin's invasion of Ukraine, but also allowed
parts of Europe's dangerous reliance on Russian energy to continue
until Putin's tanks had already rolled across Ukraine's borders.
Rescinding the license would encourage our allies' efforts to rid
themselves of reliance on Russian energy sources.
It makes no sense to fund a needed resistance against Russia's
unprovoked war against Ukraine while also allowing Russia to fill its
war machine coffers through its sale of energy to the rest of the
world. Biden can't have his cake and eat it too. It is just ridiculous.
He cannot pursue a radical anti-fossil energy climate crusade at home
and hope to keep energy prices low. Similarly, he can't keep the flow
of Russian crude on the world markets to bolster global supply while
reducing Moscow's revenues through an unenforceable price cap.
The only way to truly punish Moscow and deprive Putin of the
financial support he needs to materially--to prosecute the war is by
removing the general license on the energy-related transactions
facilitated by sanctioned Russian banks. I urge my colleagues to
support this rule.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. BURGESS. Mr. Speaker, I would just ask if the gentleman from
Massachusetts has additional speakers. If not, I am prepared to close,
and I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I am prepared to close, and I yield myself
the balance of my time to do so.
Mr. Speaker, the Democrats have had to make some tough decisions
about how to vote on this rule, and let me tell you why I voted to
support it last night. I have disagreements with many aspects of the
various pieces of legislation that will come before us, and there are
some of these pieces that I will vote against.
Again, there will be separate votes, and there will be separate
debates, but as we learned last night in the Rules Committee, the
alternative that some of my Republican friends were pushing to this
approach was an Israel-only package with no humanitarian aid, not just
for the people of Gaza, but for any suffering people that the aid would
benefit and some really ugly border provisions, which I found
unconscionable and some other bad stuff as well.
Democrats, once again, will be the adults in the room, and I am so
glad Republicans finally realized the gravity of the situation and the
urgency with which we must act. But guess what, Mr. Speaker? You don't
get an award around here for simply doing your damn job. President
Biden told us last year, 6 months ago--over 6 months ago--that this was
urgent and important, that Ukraine needed us, that Putin was not going
to stop, that the war against Ukrainians was particularly vicious.
Every major human rights organization in the world has told us the
impact of Russia's attack against Ukraine.
The Senate voted months ago. The Senate can barely agree on what to
have for lunch, and they voted months ago. What did the House do? What
did my House Republican friends do? They did nothing. There was no
action to help our allies. It is all delay, distract, deny and blame
Joe Biden. I would just say to my colleagues, look at what MAGA
extremism has gotten you; nothing. It has gotten you nothing, not a
damn thing.
In fact, it has empowered Democrats. At every critical juncture in
this Congress, it has been Democrats who have been the ones to stand up
for our country and do the right thing for the American people.
Democrats ensured the U.S. didn't default on its debt last year in case
anybody forgot. Democrats supplied votes to keep the government running
in September of last year, in November of last year, and in March of
this year. Democrats supplied the votes to pass the National Defense
Authorization Act. Democrats supplied the votes for the tax relief bill
that passed earlier this year. Democrats have done the job that
Republicans have refused to do.
Again, we have different priorities, and I think, based on what I
have heard in this last Congress, different values. We don't even agree
on a lot of what has come before the full House. Democrats have done
the job that Republicans have refused to do. We don't want an award for
it. We don't want a trophy for showing up to work. All we want is for
Republicans to do their job, stop blaming Joe Biden for their own
incompetence, and work with our side to find common ground. We are in a
divided government. A Democrat is President, we have a Democratic
controlled Senate, and we have a narrow Republican majority in the
House. Nobody is going to get everything they want. We have to work
together. We have to compromise.
I hope today's vote loosens the grip that MAGA extremism has on this
body, and especially when it comes to supporting our allies. You know,
the Rules Committee is the committee that has been known as the traffic
cop of Congress. Every bill of consequence comes through the Rules
Committee. I mean, we set the bills for debate on the House floor.
The last bill that the Rules Committee reported that actually became
law was almost 10 months ago. All the other bills that we have sent
that made it over to the White House and become law had to be brought
up under different processes and procedures. I mean, let that sink in.
Something is not working here. You either want to be a body that is
constructive and that gets stuff done, or you just want to be a party
that just obstructs everything and gets nothing done, because at the
end of the day, there is nothing to show for all the yelling and
screaming and finger-pointing that we see on a regular basis on this
House floor.
My friends have to choose. History is going to judge them by how they
answer one simple question: Are they going to work together with
Democrats; in this case, stand with our allies and stand for America,
or are they gonna throw in their lot with MAGA Trump and Putin? We are
living in very uncertain times, Mr. Speaker, and people around the
world are counting on this country to stand up and lead.
People in Ukraine, people in Taiwan, people in Gaza, people in
Israel--you know, the eyes of the world are on this body. There are a
lot of things in this package I disagree with. And in my opening
statement, I talked about my concern about the unconcerned aid package
to Israel. My concern is that Netanyahu's government is not moving in a
direction that, quite frankly, is a direction that I think will lead to
more security for Israel; it is exactly the opposite. I worry that what
he is doing is, quite frankly, a violation of the human rights of so
many innocent people in Gaza and in the West Bank.
I was hoping that they would pursue a different pathway. Instead, we
now hear that he wants to go into Rafah. There is a famine happening in
Gaza. People are starving to death. Aid is being frustrated from
getting there, food medicine, important supplies. People are dying.
Surely we should all care about that. We should be able to advocate for
Israel's security but also advocate for the people of Gaza, children of
Gaza, senior citizens. People are just trying to get on with their
lives.
Notwithstanding the fact that we may have disagreements--and some of
my Republican friends obviously disagree whether we should be helping
Ukraine or not. I disagree with you, fine, but we have a process that
you will be able to vote on all of these things separately, and you
will be able to make your views clear. I have got to tell you, you
know, you don't have to
[[Page H2532]]
agree on everything to agree on something. We ought to agree that these
issues are important enough to debate and to have up or down votes on.
The people who are advocating that we do nothing, you know, or that
we--you know, that we attach things to this bill that will guarantee
that it goes nowhere in the Senate, and therefore, we help nobody, I
don't understand why you are even here quite frankly. We need to move
this process forward.
The House has to function. As we have seen, under Republican control,
that only happens when Democrats are the adults in the room. I say that
not to be partisan. I say that because that is what has been happening.
I gave you a list of things that needed to be done, you know, not just
in terms of helping our allies, but in terms of saving our economy,
that could not have been done unless Democrats stood up and behaved
like adults.
{time} 1000
Mr. Speaker, this should have been dealt with a long time ago, months
ago, but here we are. Here we are.
Mr. Speaker, I hope that as we proceed, we have rational and
thoughtful debate, knowing that we will have disagreements and knowing
that some of us will have different ideas on how we should proceed
forward.
This is the United States House of Representatives. We are supposed
to debate issues. We are supposed to vote on things. Unfortunately,
this has become a place where trivial issues get debated passionately
and important ones not at all.
Well, these are important issues that are in this bill. Some of them
I agree with; some of them I don't agree with. Let's debate them, let's
vote on them, and then let's move on.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. BURGESS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, our adversaries, notably Russia, China, and Iran, are
watching to see how we will respond. Our reaction to these crises will
determine how they will choose to proceed. An important difference
between this package of bills today and the previously passed Senate
supplemental is the addition of the 21st Century Peace through Strength
Act. The legislation is important as it includes sanctions and policies
that counter our adversaries through the inclusion of the REPO Act, the
removal of our payment for foreign pensions, and requiring the
administration to provide a game plan in Ukraine, something that many
of us have been asking for, for some time.
Ronald Reagan told us peace comes through strength. By failing to act
now, it will signal the opposite of strength. It will invite future
aggression, as failure to act has done so often in the past.
Mr. Speaker, I also feel obligated to point out that this Congress
has had two votes on providing aid to Israel. One occurred in October,
right after Speaker Johnson was elected. Indeed, it was one of his
highest priorities. I thought that aid package was responsibly offset
through cuts to other Federal agencies here. Senator Schumer didn't see
it that way and said we have never conditioned aid to Israel with
anything, so there can be no offset, that it can't be paid for.
In the House, in February of this year, I think it was Mr. Calvert of
California who introduced a bill to provide the same aid to Israel
without the offset. It was blocked, this time by people on my side.
The Speaker said, okay, let's bring it up under suspension, and maybe
we can get agreement between Members on both sides. In fact, under
suspension, the two-thirds majority required was not achieved, so that
bill failed in February, as well.
Had any one of those bills passed, we might not be here today because
we all know 1 week--10 days ago--Iran attacked Israel, the missiles and
drones originating from Iranian soil, the first time that has ever
happened, and the crisis advanced.
Yes, we did have an opportunity to provide that aid to Israel. It
might not have been what my friend from Massachusetts would have
wanted, but at the same time, we had the opportunity to provide that.
Unfortunately, now, even members of my committee are upset with where
we are today, but we had the opportunity to sort of head off all of
this by simply passing that aid package last February, and we wouldn't
do it.
What happens if we don't do this today? Does it get better or worse
for us down the road? Nobody knows the answer to that, but history
tells us it is very likely to get worse.
We have two votes now, Mr. Speaker, on Israeli aid. On both counts, I
think most of us in this body want to see that pass.
I will stress again that weakness invites aggression, and we cannot
allow our allies in the Middle East, the Indo-Pacific, and Ukraine to
be abandoned. By doing so, we will not prevent future aggression but
will invite it.
Today, we have an opportunity to deliver critical aid to our allies,
and I believe it is appropriate to do so.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the
previous question on the resolution.
The previous question was ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on adoption of the
resolution.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. BURGESS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, further
proceedings on this question are postponed.
____________________