[Congressional Record Volume 170, Number 46 (Thursday, March 14, 2024)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2373-S2378]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
Israel
Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I rise to speak today about what I
believe can and should be the path forward to secure mutual peace and
lasting prosperity for Israelis and Palestinians. I speak for myself,
but I also speak for so many mainstream Jewish Americans, a silent
majority whose nuanced views on the matter have never been well-
represented in this country's discussions about the war in Gaza.
My last name is Schumer, which derives from the Hebrew word
``shomer'' or guardian. Of course, my first responsibility is to
America and to New York. But as the first Jewish majority leader of the
U.S. Senate and the highest ranking Jewish elected official in America
ever, I also feel very keenly my responsibility as a ``Shomer
Yisreol''--a guardian of the people of Israel.
Throughout Jewish history, there have been many shomrim and plenty
who are far greater than I claim to be. But, nonetheless, this is the
position in which I find myself now--at a time of
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great difficulty for the State of Israel, for the Jewish people, and
for non-Jewish friends of Israel. So I feel an immense obligation to
speak and to act.
I speak as a member of a community of Jewish Americans that I know
very well. They are my family, my friends. Many of them are my
constituents. Many of them are Democrats, and many are deeply concerned
about the pursuit of justice, both in New York and around the globe.
From the Talmud--``Tikkun Olam,'' the call to ``repair the world''--has
driven Jews around the globe to do what is right.
We love Israel in our bones. What Israel has meant to my generation
within living memory of the Holocaust is impossible to measure. The
flowering of the Jewish people in the desert, from the ashes of the
Holocaust and the fulfillment of the dream of a Jewish homeland after
nearly 2,000 years of praying and waiting represents one of the most
heartfelt causes of my life. And unlike some younger Americans, I
remember how hard it was to achieve that dream. I remember clutching my
transistor radio to my ear in James Madison High School, 1967, during
the Six-Day War, wondering if Israel would be pushed into the sea.
If the events of the last few months have made anything clear, it is
that Israel is surrounded by vicious enemies, and there are many people
around the world who excuse and even support their aims to expel and
kill Jews living in their hard-won land of refuge.
I will never underestimate the grave threats Israel faces and has
faced for the entirety of its existence, nor will I ever underestimate
the oppression the Jewish people have endured for millennia.
It is precisely out of that longstanding connection to and concern
for the state of the people of Israel that I speak today about what I
view are the most pressing existential threats to Israel's long-term
peace and prosperity.
After 5 months of suffering on both sides of this conflict, our
thinking must turn urgently to how we can achieve lasting peace and
ensure prosperity and security for both the Jewish people and the
Palestinian people in the Middle East.
I believe that to achieve that lasting peace, which we so long for,
Israel must make some significant course corrections, which I will
outline in this speech.
But, first, let's not forget how we arrived at this critical moment.
What Hamas did on October 7 was brutal beyond imagination. I have sat
with the families of those killed in the assault. I have seen the
footage and heard the stories of innocents murdered and raped and of
heartless cruelty. And as long as I live, I will never forget these
images--this pure and premeditated evil.
Many of my family members were killed by Nazis in the Holocaust.
October 7 and the shameless response to support that terrorist attack
by some in America and around the globe have awakened the deepest fears
of the Jewish people: that our annihilation remains a possibility.
Today, over 130 hostages remain captive in Gaza. I am anguished by the
plight of so many hostages still being trapped deep inside Hamas's
network of tunnels. I pray for them and for their families who have
inspired me with their tenacious advocacy to ensure their loved ones
are not forgotten. Many of them are Americans: Jonathan Dekel-Chen,
Hersh Goldberg-Polin; and some are my constituents in New York: Omer
Neutra, Keith Siegel, and Itay Chen, who we tragically learned this
week was brutally killed on October 7 while serving near the Gaza
border. Hamas still holds his body. His father gave me this pin, which
I am wearing in remembrance of him. As well as those of Americans Judi
Weinstein and Gad Haggai.
I have sat with many of these families. I have wept with them. Each
day that their loved ones don't come home carries enough anguish and
grief to last a lifetime.
I am working in every way I can to support the Biden administration's
negotiations to continue to free every last one of the hostages. I urge
every actor at the table--the Israelis, the Biden administration, the
Qataris, the Egyptians, and anybody else at the table--to continue
doing everything possible to get a deal. Hamas has been given a deal
already. They should say yes. It is no time to waste.
My heart also breaks at the loss of so many civilian lives in Gaza. I
am anguished that the Israeli war campaign has killed so many innocent
Palestinians. I know that my fellow Jewish Americans feel the same
anguish when they see the images of dead and starving children and
destroyed homes.
Gaza is experiencing a humanitarian catastrophe--entire families
wiped out, whole neighborhoods reduced to rubble, mass displacement,
children suffering.
We should not let the complexities of this conflict stop us from
stating the plain truth: Palestinian civilians do not deserve to suffer
for the sins of Hamas, and Israel has a moral obligation to do better.
The United States has an obligation to do better. I believe the United
States must provide robust humanitarian aid to Gaza and pressure the
Israelis to let more of it get through to the people who need it.
Jewish people throughout the centuries have empathized with those who
are suffering and who are oppressed because we have known so much of
that ourselves. As the Torah teaches us, every human life is precious;
every single innocent life lost, whether Israeli or Palestinian, is a
tragedy that, as the Scripture says, ``destroys an entire world.''
What horrifies so many Jews especially is our sense that Israel is
falling short of upholding these distinctly Jewish values that we hold
so dear. We must be better than our enemies, lest we become them.
Israel has a fundamental right to defend itself, but as I have said
from the beginning of this war, how it exercises that right matters.
Israel must prioritize the protection of civilian casualties when
identifying military targets. I have repeatedly called upon the Israeli
government to do so.
But it also must be said that Israel is, by no means, the only one
responsible for the immense civilian toll. To blame only Israel for the
deaths of Palestinians is unfair, one-sided, and often deliberately
manipulative. And it ignores Hamas's role in this conflict.
Hamas has knowingly invited an immense civilian toll during this war.
Their goal on October 7 was to provoke a tough response from Israel by
killing as many Jews as possible in the most vicious manner possible--
by raping women, executing babies, desecrating bodies, brutalizing
whole communities.
Since then, Hamas has heartlessly hidden behind their fellow
Palestinians by turning hospitals into command centers and refugee
camps into missile-launching sites. It is well documented that Hamas
soldiers use innocent Gazans as human shields. The leaders of Hamas,
many of whom live lives of luxury in places far away from the poverty
and misfortune of Gaza, do not care one iota about the Palestinians for
whom they claim to nobly fight.
It bothers me deeply that most media outlets covering this war and
many protesters opposing it have placed the blame for civilian
casualties entirely on Israel. All too often in the media and at
protests, it is never noted that Hamas has gone to great lengths to
make themselves inseparable from the civilian population of Gaza by
using Palestinians as human shields. Too many news agencies, television
stations, and newspapers give Hamas a pass by hardly ever discovering
the shameful practice that is central to their fighting strategy.
And this has led to an inaccurate perception of the harsh realities
of this war. I believe stories that justifiably mention loss of
innocent Palestinian life should also note how Hamas uses civilians as
human shields. It almost never happens.
And I believe that every protest that justifiably decries the loss of
innocent Palestinian women, men, children should also denounce Hamas
for their central role in the bloodshed. When protesters decry the loss
of Palestinian life but never condemn this perfidy, or the loss of
Israeli lives, it confounds and deeply troubles the vast majority of
Jewish and non-Jewish Americans alike who support the State of Israel.
Given that Hamas launched their attacks on October 7 to provoke
Israel, given that Hamas sought the ensuing civilian toll in Gaza,
given that Hamas wanted both Israelis and Arabs to be at each others'
throats, tensions on both sides have dramatically intensified.
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And, now, as a result of those inflamed tensions in both Israeli and
Palestinian communities, people on all sides of this war are turning
away from a two-state solution, including Israel's Prime Minister
Binyamin Netanyahu, who in recent weeks has said out loud repeatedly
what many have long suspected by outright rejecting the idea of
Palestinian statehood and sovereignty.
As the highest ranking Jewish elected official in our government and
as a staunch defender of Israel, I rise today to say unequivocally:
This is a grave mistake for Israel, for Palestinians, for the region,
and for the world.
The only real and sustainable solution to this decades-old conflict
is a negotiated two-state solution, a demilitarized Palestinian State
living side by side with Israel in equal measures of peace, security,
prosperity, dignity, and mutual recognition.
Both Jews and Palestinians have long historic claims to this land.
Contrary to the unfounded, absurd, and offensive claims by some that
the Jewish people are ``colonizers'' in their ancestral homeland,
Jewish people have lived in the Holy Land continuously for more than
three millennia--3,000 years.
For centuries, Jews have made aliyah and gone to the land of Israel
to live and settle. For centuries, at Passover, Jews at every corner of
the globe have prayed: ``Next year in Jerusalem.''
A Jewish homeland in Israel is no 20th-century contrivance. Israel is
our historic home, a home for people oppressed for centuries.
Now, the Palestinians too have lived on the land for generations,
and, in past centuries, they have formed their own distinct culture,
identity, cuisine, and literature. The idea espoused by some that
``there is no such thing as Palestinians'' is inaccurate, offensive,
unhelpful.
The only just solution to this predicament is one in which each
people can flourish in their own state, side by side. But for a two-
state solution to work over the long term, it has to include real and
meaningful compromises by both sides.
For example, too many Israelis who say they want a two-state solution
don't acknowledge how the amount and extent of expanding settlements
renders that a virtual impossibility. And too many Palestinians who say
they want a two-state solution don't acknowledge how their insistence
on an unequivocal ``right of return'' is a fatal impediment to
progress. Both ways of thinking are impeding the peace process.
And there are others on the left who view a two-state solution with
skepticism as an ideal that will never happen, a far-off goal that
allows for the continuation of the status quo in Gaza and the West
Bank, where Palestinians face unique obstacles compared to their
Israeli counterparts. As a result, they reject a two-state solution in
favor of one state, where Palestinians and Israelis would supposedly
live in democratic peace, side by side.
I can understand the idealism that inspires so many young people, in
particular, to support a one-state solution. Why can't we all live side
by side and house by house in peace? I count at least two reasons why
this wouldn't work and why it is unacceptable to most Jewish people.
First, this combined state could take an extreme turn politically,
putting Jewish Israelis in peril. This state would be majority
Palestinian, and, in the past, some Palestinians have voted to empower
groups like Hamas, which seeks to eradicate the Jewish people.
It is longstanding American policy to support democracy overseas, but
in this hypothetical single state, democracy could cost Israeli Jews
their safety if extremists were to take control of this new state of
affairs to ultimately achieve their true aim: the violent expulsion of
Jews from the Holy Land.
Now, this is no abstract fear. Thousands of years of Jewish history
show that when things go badly, the people of the country in which Jews
live, even in a democracy, all too often turn on them as convenient
scapegoats.
There is no guarantee this wouldn't happen again in a single Israeli-
Palestinian state. To have Palestinian voters be the protectors of
Israeli Jews would be a bridge too far to accept.
Second, and even more important, the Jewish people have a right to
their own state. It is so troubling to me that many people, especially
on the left, seem to acknowledge and even celebrate this right to
statehood for every group but the Jews.
If a national homeland for all peoples of the world has been the
driving goal of the anticolonial movement of the last century, then why
are only Jews seemingly penalized for this aspiration?
Jews have a human right to their own state, just as any other people
do, Palestinians included.
As I have said, there are also some Israelis who oppose even a two-
state solution, with a demilitarized Palestinian State, because they
fear that it might tolerate or be a harbor for further terrorism
against a Jewish State.
I understand these fears, but the bitter reality is that a single
state, controlled by Israel, which they advocate, guarantees certain
war forever and further isolation of the Jewish community in the world,
to the extent that its future would be jeopardized.
Let me elaborate. They say the definition of insanity is doing the
same thing over and over and expecting a different result. If Israel
were to not only maintain the status quo but to go beyond that and
tighten its control over Gaza and the West Bank, as some in the current
Netanyahu administration have suggested--in effect, creating a de facto
single state--then what reasonable expectation can we have that Hamas
and their allies will lay down their arms? It would mean constant war.
On top of that, Israel moving closer to a single state entirely under
its control would further rupture its relationship with the rest of the
world, including the United States. Support for Israel has declined
worldwide in the last few months, and this trend will only get worse if
the Israeli Government continues to follow its current path.
I appreciate that so many Israelis cannot contemplate the possibility
of two states right now because they remain so traumatized and so angry
by what Hamas did on October 7--the brutality, the viciousness, the
sexual assault, the imprisonment, and the abuse of hundreds of
hostages. I am, of course, sympathetic to this point of view. I am
upset; I am angry, too.
We will never forget what happened on October 7. But even while we
carry that anguish in our hearts, we have to think ahead to the
future--the medium, the long term--how we can ensure that something
like October 7 never happens again. We cannot let anger or trauma
determine our actions or cloud our judgment.
A two-state solution may feel daunting, especially now, but I believe
it is the only realistic and sustainable solution--on the basis of
security, on the basis of prosperity, on the basis of fundamental human
rights and dignity.
But in order to achieve a two-state solution, the reality is that
things must change. Right now, there are four--four--major obstacles
standing in the way of two states, and until they are removed from the
equation, there will never be peace in Israel and Gaza and the West
Bank.
The four major obstacles are Hamas and the Palestinians who support
and tolerate their evil ways, radical rightwing Israelis in government
and society, Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas, and Israeli
Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu. I will explain each in detail.
The first major obstacle to peace is Hamas and the Palestinians who
support and tolerate their evil ways. Hamas is for the destruction of
Israel, and, in past decades, it undermined any hope for peace at every
turn.
It was Hamas who began its vicious campaign of suicide bombings
against innocent Israelis to derail the nascent peace process in Oslo.
It was Hamas who assassinated more moderate Palestinian political
representatives in Gaza in 2007. It is Hamas who has held Gaza under
repressive, undemocratic rule for close to two decades. And it is Hamas
who targeted those brave Gazans who have spoken out against its actions
or tried to bridge the divide between Israelis and Palestinians.
Jewish Americans and Israelis alike have been appalled and hurt at
efforts to rebrand Hamas, which is designated by the United States as a
terrorist organization, as noble resistance or freedom fighters.
Attempts to excuse their horrific actions against both Israelis and
Palestinians are morally repugnant.
A permanent ceasefire, effective immediately, would only allow Hamas
to
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regroup and launch further attacks on Israeli civilians. There can
never be a two-state solution if Hamas has any significant power.
However, a temporary ceasefire, such as President Biden has proposed,
which would allow for the return of hostages and humanitarian relief
for suffering Palestinians, is quite different and is something I
support.
But any proposal that leaves Hamas with meaningful power is
unacceptable to me and most Israelis. So it goes without saying that
Hamas cannot have any role in a future Gaza, if we are to achieve
peace.
The same goes for the minority of Palestinians who support Hamas and
those who demonstrate other forms of extremism, even if they are not
card-carrying members--the Gazans who ventured into Israeli territory
on October 7 to loot and pillage, the people in the West Bank who
flooded the streets and cheered from afar the cold-blooded killing of
mothers and children.
This is appalling behavior, and while it may fall short of terrorism,
it has no place in a peaceful future for Israel and Palestinians, and
it ought to be denounced by the Palestinian public and their leaders
who believe in a more sustainable future beyond the cycle of revenge.
The second major obstacle to peace is radical, rightwing Israelis in
government and society. The worst examples of this radicalism are
Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and Ministry of National Security
Itamar Ben Gvir.
Minister Smotrich has in the past openly called for the subjugation
and forced displacement of all Palestinians in the West Bank. In the
current crisis, he has used inflammatory rhetoric and called for
punitive restrictions on Palestinian farmers in the West Bank during
the olive harvest. He has prevented the transfer of funds to the
Palestinian Authority, and he has opposed the provision of any
humanitarian assistance to Gaza, going so far as to stop agreed-upon
shipments of flour.
Minister Ben Gvir is no better. When he was a young man, he was
barred from the Israeli military service for his extremist views. Last
year, in a move only intended to antagonize the Muslim population, he
visited the Temple Mount with his supporters, as a brazen show of force
toward Palestinians. And during this current conflict, he has
facilitated the mass distribution of guns to far-right settlers,
exacerbating instability, fueling violence.
There is a nastiness to what Ministers Smotrich and Ben Gvir believe
and how they use their positions of authority and influence, an
eagerness to inflame and provoke that is profoundly irresponsible and
self-destructive.
In my conversations with Israeli leaders, I have urged them to do
more, to clamp down on the unacceptable vigilante settler violence in
the West Bank. And I have supported the Biden administration's efforts
to impose consequences for extremist settler violence.
But the unfortunate reality is that this violence is openly supported
by Ministers Smotrich and Ben Gvir, and as long as they hold their
positions of power, no true progress will be made.
While not equivalent, extremist Palestinians and extremist Israelis
seek the same goal, from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea,
they aim to push the other from the land. Ministers Smotrich and Ben
Gvir may not say they want to kill all Palestinians outright, but they
are clear in their desire to displace them from their homes and replace
them with Israeli settlers. This is also abhorrent. As long as these
two hold their positions of power, peace will be difficult, if not
impossible, to achieve.
The third major obstacle to peace is the President of the Palestinian
Authority, Mahmoud Abbas, who is beholden to his narrow political
interests, to the detriment of both the West Bank and Gaza. Over the
years, President Abbas has evaded the democratic process, declining to
hold future elections for over a decade and failing to empower future
leadership. Despite his long tenure leading the Palestinian Authority,
he has achieved few of his self-proclaimed goals.
The Palestinian Authority remains corrupt and continues to incite
instability through the martyr payment system. Palestinians are no more
prosperous, no safer, no freer than they were when Abbas first took
power. As a result, President Abbas has lost the trust of the
Palestinian people.
Furthermore, he is a terrible role model and spiritual leader. In the
past, he has participated in outright Holocaust denial, attempting to
justify Nazi actions. This embrace of anti-Semitism extended to his
refusal for weeks to condemn the loss of Israeli civilian life on
October 7.
Should Abbas remain, Palestinian people can have no assurance that a
Palestinian State would be able to ensure their safety or prosperity,
nor can they have any belief that the government would be free of
corruption.
For there to be any hope of peace in the future, Abbas must step down
and be replaced by a new generation of Palestinian leaders who will
work towards attaining peace with the Jewish State. Otherwise, the West
Bank will continue to suffer, and Hamas or some similarly extreme
organization will continue to maintain a foothold in Gaza.
The Palestinian Authority, under new leadership, must undertake a
reform process and emerge as a revitalized PA that can viably serve as
the basis for a Palestinian State with the trust of the Palestinian
people.
The fourth major obstacle to peace is Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin
Netanyahu, who has all too frequently bowed to the demands of
extremists like Minister Smotrich and Ben Gvir and the settlers in the
West Bank.
I have known Prime Minister Netanyahu for a very long time. While we
have vehemently disagreed on many occasions, I will always respect his
extraordinary bravery for Israel on the battlefield as a younger man. I
believe in his heart he has as his highest priority the security of
Israel.
However, I also believe Prime Minister Netanyahu has lost his way by
allowing his political survival to take precedence over the best
interests of Israel. He has put himself in coalition with far-right
extremists like Ministers Smotrich and Ben Gvir, and as a result, he
has been too willing to tolerate the civilian toll in Gaza, which is
pushing support for Israel worldwide to historic lows. Israel cannot
survive if it becomes a pariah.
Prime Minister Netanyahu has also weakened Israel's political and
moral fabric through his attempt to co-op the judiciary, and he has
shown zero interest in doing the courageous and visionary work required
to pave the way for peace, even before this present conflict.
As a lifelong supporter of Israel, it has become clear to me that the
Netanyahu coalition no longer fits the needs of Israel after October 7.
The world has changed radically since then, and the Israeli people are
being stifled right now by a governing vision that is stuck in the
past.
Nobody expects Prime Minister Netanyahu to do the things that must be
done to break the cycle of violence, to preserve Israel's credibility
on the world stage, and to work towards a two-state solution. If he
were to disavow Ministers Smotrich and Ben Gvir and kick them out of
his governing coalition, that would be a real meaningful step forward,
but regrettably there is no reason to believe Prime Minister Netanyahu
would do that. He won't disavow Ministers Smotrich and Ben Gvir in
their calls for Israelis to drive Palestinians out of Gaza and the West
Bank. He won't commit to a military operation in Rafah that prioritizes
protecting civilian life. He won't engage responsibly in discussions
about a day-after plan for Gaza and a longer term pathway to peace.
Hamas and the Palestinians who support and tolerate their evil ways;
radical, rightwing Israelis in government and society; President Abbas;
Prime Minister Netanyahu--these are the four obstacles to peace. If we
fail to overcome them, then Israel and the West Bank and Gaza will be
trapped in the same violent state of affairs they have experienced for
the last 75 years.
These obstacles are not the same in their culpability for the present
state of affairs, but arguing over which is the worst stymies our
ability to achieve peace. Given the complexity and gravity of this
undertaking, many different groups--many different groups--have a
responsibility to see it through.
The Palestinian people must reject Hamas and the extremism in their
midst. They know better than anybody how Hamas has used them as pawns,
how Hamas has tortured and punished Palestinians who seek peace.
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Quite frankly, I haven't heard enough Palestinian leaders express
anguish about Hamas and other extreme elements of Palestinian society.
I implore them to speak up now, even when it may be hardest, because
that is the only true way to honor the lives of all those lost--by
transcending the enmity and bloodshed and working together in good
faith for a better future.
Once Hamas is deprived of power, the Palestinians will be much freer
to choose a government they want and deserve. With the prospect of a
real two-state solution on the table and, for the first time, genuine
statehood for the Palestinian people, I believe they will be far more
likely to support more mainstream leaders committed to peace.
I think the same is true for the Israeli people. Call me an optimist,
but I believe that if the Israeli public is presented with a path to a
two-state solution that offers a chance at lasting peace and
coexistence, then most mainstream Israelis will moderate their views
and support it.
Part of that moderation must include rejecting rightwing zealots like
Ministers Smotrich and Ben Gvir and the extremist Israeli settlers in
the West Bank. These people do not represent a majority of the Israeli
public. Yet, under Prime Minister Netanyahu's watch, they have had far
too much influence.
All sides must reject ``from the river to the sea'' thinking, and I
believe they will if the prospects for peace and a two-state solution
are real.
Beyond the Israeli and Palestinian people and their leaders, there
are others who bear a serious responsibility to work towards a two-
state solution. Without them, it cannot succeed.
Middle Eastern powers like Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates,
Egypt, Jordan, and other mainstream Arab states can have immense power
and influence with the Palestinians. Working with the United States,
they must responsibly deploy their clout, their money, and their
diplomacy to support a new, demilitarized Palestinian State that
rejects terror and violence. I believe they have the leverage to do
this with the support of the majority of the Palestinian people, who
want what any other people want: peace, security, prosperity.
I believe there is enough strength in the Arab world to get President
Abbas to step down and to support a gradual succession plan for
responsible Palestinian leaders to take his place.
Hamas has so wrecked society in Gaza that it will take outside
involvement of Arab countries to help rebuild something better and more
sustainable. It may take some time to identify such leaders, but with
the considerable resources of the Arab world backing them, I believe
these leaders can and will emerge, knowing that they have support.
The outlines of a deal between Saudi Arabia and Israel that were
reported before October 7 still make a great deal of sense and can be
the catalyst for the creation of a viable Palestinian State. Saudi
Arabia and other Arab nations should continue to pursue normalization
with Israel, and this should be the foundation of a grand bargain in
the Middle East that will finally make meaningful Palestinian statehood
a reality.
For our part, the United States--the world's superpower--must work
together with our allies to bring our immense diplomatic and financial
power to bear on this situation. We can be a partner to a grand bargain
in the Middle East by deepening our relationship with the Saudis and
other Arab nations to induce them to make a deal--but only if they
actively guide Palestinians to a more peaceful future.
On the Israeli side, the U.S. Government should demand that Israel
conduct itself with a future two-state solution in mind. We should not
be forced into a position of unequivocally supporting the actions of an
Israeli Government that include bigots who reject the idea of a
Palestinian State.
Israel is a democracy. Five months into this conflict, it is clear
that Israelis need to take stock of the situation and ask: Must we
change course?
At this critical juncture, I believe a new election is the only way
to allow for a healthy and open decision-making process about the
future of Israel, at a time when so many Israelis have lost their
confidence in the vision and direction of their government. I also
believe a majority of the Israeli public will recognize the need for
change, and I believe that holding a new election once the war starts
to wind down would give Israelis an opportunity to express their vision
for the postwar future.
Of course, the United States cannot dictate the outcome of an
election, nor should we try. That is for the Israeli public to decide--
a public that I believe understands better than anybody that Israel
cannot hope to succeed as a pariah opposed by the rest of the world. As
a democracy, Israel has the right to choose its own leaders, and we
should let the chips fall where they may. But the important thing is
that Israelis are given a choice.
There needs to be a fresh debate about the future of Israel after
October 7. In my opinion, that is best accomplished by holding an
election.
If Prime Minister Netanyahu's current coalition remains in power
after the war begins to wind down and continues to pursue dangerous and
inflammatory policies that test existing U.S. standards for assistance,
then the United States will have no choice but to play a more active
role in shaping Israeli policy by using our leverage to change the
present course.
The United States' bond with Israel is unbreakable, but if extremists
continue to unduly influence Israeli policy, then the administration
should use the tools at its disposal to make sure our support for
Israel is aligned with our broader goal of achieving long-term peace
and stability in the region. I believe this would make a lasting two-
state solution more likely.
Now, I know that there are many on both sides who question how we can
discuss peace at a moment like this. So many Gazans are displaced from
their homes and struggling to meet their most basic needs. Many are
still burying and mourning their dead. Entire families have been wiped
out. In Israel, everyone knows someone who was killed on October 7. So
many Israelis feel that people around the world have no respect for the
grief and rage unleashed by Hamas's vicious attack.
So is there real hope for peace and a two-state solution? In the face
of this atrocity, who could blame even the most hopeful among us for
hardening their hearts, for giving up on the possibility of peace, for
giving in to the hate?
I seek my inspiration in the example of leaders who have come before
us and worked for peace in the face of extreme circumstances. Some of
Israel's greatest warriors and security experts have been staunch
advocates for peace because they understand better than anybody that it
is essential to Israel's security. David Ben-Gurion, Yitzhak Rabin,
Ehud Barak--all of them sought peace with the Palestinians.
On the Palestinian side, we don't have to look very far back to see a
model of responsible leadership: Salam Fayyad, the former Prime
Minister of the Palestinian Authority, who was clear in his
condemnation of violence against the Israelis.
For the Arab leaders of today, may they find inspiration in Anwar el-
Sadat of Egypt and King Hussein of Jordan, who had the courage and
vision to seek peace with Israel.
Before October 7, things were moving in the right direction. The
United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia both were on the path to
normalization with Israel and with conditions that would greatly
benefit the lives of the Palestinian people. Many believe that Iran
motivated Hamas to disrupt this process, and indeed there have been
setbacks since October 7, but recent talks between Arab and American
leaders suggest the desire is stronger than ever now to find a path
forward.
Arab leaders cannot lose their stomachs for peace now at this
critical inflection point. They must continue to pursue the path to
normalization of relations with Israel. The United States should use
all of its power and influence to bring them to the table and make them
cooperate constructively.
If my speaking out today has any effect, it will probably have
greater influence on the Israeli and Jewish side of things. But if this
conflict is to be resolved, we need comparable Palestinian and Arab
leaders to also speak responsibly to their people about the path
forward to peace. Now is the time for courageous leadership.
After Israelis and Palestinians have experienced so much horror and
loss of
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life, to not have something meaningful come out of this war would be
doubly tragic.
History will look back on what we do here. Are we prepared together
to have the courage to make an all-out push to bring about peace once
and for all, to bring to this conflict what Dr. Martin Luther King,
Jr., called the ``fierce urgency of now'' to end the cycles of tragedy
and pain?
I have always said that when horrific things happen, some turn
inwards and let their grief consume them, while others light a candle
and turn their grief into power. They are able to see hope in the
darkness.
In Scripture, we read about how God created the world from an
infinite void, that out of the greatest darkness can come the greatest
light. I hope and pray that from the brutal slaying of Israelis by
Hamas and the harrowing civilian toll in Gaza, that a two-state
solution where Jews and Palestinians can live in peace will prevail.
I know I am not alone in this prayer. There are right now
Palestinians in Gaza, some of whom are still pulling dead family
members from the rubble, who are defying Hamas and their murderous
ideology and calling for a pathway to peace. There are right now some
families of the victims of October 7 in Israel who have been calling
for peace, asking their government to transcend this cycle of bloodshed
and revenge. If they can find in their hearts a path to peace, then
surely we can also.
From the ashes, may we light the candles that lead to a better future
for all.
I yield the floor.