[Congressional Record Volume 170, Number 18 (Wednesday, January 31, 2024)]
[Senate]
[Pages S293-S294]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]



                                  Iran

  Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, the Nation received tragic news on Sunday 
morning. Three American soldiers were killed in an attack by an Iran-
backed militia against Tower 22, a base in northeast Jordan that sits 
near the border of Syria and Iraq. More than 40 servicemembers were 
also injured in the attack with 8 requiring evacuation.
  Families of the fallen and injured are in our prayers, as are the 
families of the two Navy Seals who were lost at sea off the coast of 
Somalia earlier this month, during a dangerous nighttime raid to 
interdict Iranian missile parts being shipped to the Houthis in Yemen.
  We owe all of these military members a tremendous debt of gratitude.
  There will no doubt be an investigation into how the drone that 
killed our soldiers on Sunday was reportedly mistaken as a friendly 
drone. But with more than 165 attacks against U.S. troops over the last 
several months, the risk of a U.S. fatality has been very high, and the 
half measures so far pursued by the Biden administration have failed to 
stop us from reaching this tragic milestone.
  That is because the Biden administration's posture is missing a key 
element. It is possible to deter an adversary from taking certain 
actions by having the military capabilities to deny their success or to 
impose a crippling response. But having the military might alone isn't 
sufficient for a credible deterrence. These capabilities must be--have 
to be--backed up with a clear willingness to use them.
  So when the Biden administration repeatedly asserts that we don't 
want to escalate with Iran, that we don't seek a war with Iran, the 
Iranian regime sees that as permission to set loose its terrorist 
proxies. It is unquestionably true that we would prefer to avoid 
escalation in the region. I am not here to call for war with Iran. And 
if the ayatollahs in Iran are to be believed, they say they do not want 
war either.
  But if every diplomatic admonishment and so-called proportional 
response to the Houthis or Iran-backed militias comes with a caveat 
that we are not seeking to escalate, it is interpreted as ``we won't 
escalate.'' This is not the language of deterrence, and it neuters the 
ability of our counterstrikes to compel any change in behavior.
  So what should this administration do in response to the 165-plus 
attacks against U.S. forces in Iraq, Syria, the Red Sea, and now in 
Jordan? First and most importantly, keep all options on the table. Let 
the Iranian regime guess the lengths to which we will go to protect our 
troops from attacks, combat terrorism, uphold our freedom of navigation 
in the Red Sea, and help our ally Israel. Second, the President, as 
Commander in Chief, needs to take decisive action and articulate his 
strategy to the American people. I will defer to our military leaders 
on what measures will send the clearest message to Iran that its days 
of enabling attacks against U.S. military targets are numbered.
  But there is no question that we need something more compelling than 
the President's handful of airstrikes, which have clearly done nothing 
to deter Iran and its proxies. When the stakes are this high and 
American lives are on the line, half measures will not cut it.
  When it comes to President Biden's handling of Iran, a course 
correction is long overdue. First, there was President Biden's attempt 
to reinstate the Obama administration's flawed Iran nuclear deal. Then 
there was the Biden administration's attempt to unfreeze $6 billion in 
Iranian assets as part of a deal to free American prisoners. 
Thankfully, the administration ultimately refroze those funds in the 
wake of Hamas's October 7 attack against Israel, but unfreezing them in 
the first place was a serious mistake.
  It isn't just this kid-glove treatment that has emboldened and 
enabled Iran; the President's disastrous withdrawal from Afghanistan on 
a timeline announced to our enemies seriously dented perception of 
America's resolve.
  Then there are things like the President's decision to restart 
funding to United Nations' Relief and Works Agency, otherwise known as 
UNRWA. New intelligence has confirmed what we had long suspected, and 
that is that roughly 10 percent of UNRWA workers in Gaza have ties to 
Islamist militant groups. Worse, at least 12 members actually 
participated in Hamas's October 7 attack, with two kidnapping an 
Israeli woman, two raiding an Israeli kibbutz, and another providing 
ammo to Hamas terrorists.
  President Trump stopped sending taxpayer dollars to UNRWA in 2018 in 
response to reports that its staff held affiliations with Hamas and 
promoted anti-Semitism in classrooms. So why in the world--why in the 
world--would the Biden administration restart this funding without 
certifying it wouldn't be used to support terrorism? Another unforced 
error that has harmed our credibility in the eyes of our adversaries.
  So what happens next?
  President Biden needs to demonstrate resolve and leadership in 
bringing a swift end to Iran's campaign of terror. He must forcefully 
respond to Iran and show that the United States will be unwavering in 
defending our national interests, especially our troops.
  He needs to seriously reconsider the reported plans to withdraw U.S. 
troops from Iraq and Syria based on an arbitrary timeline rather than 
security conditions on the ground, which will only be interpreted as a 
retreat by Iran and its terrorist proxies.
  It would also be nice if he stopped stifling American energy and 
unfroze the liquified natural gas export approvals he recently halted 
so that our allies aren't forced to turn to countries like Russia and 
Iran for energy supplies.
  This is a critical time. The eyes of the world and particularly the 
eyes of our adversaries are on our President. I hope--I sincerely 
hope--he will step up to meet the challenge.
  I yield the floor.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Hickenlooper). The clerk will call the 
roll.
  The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.

[[Page S294]]

  

  Mr. SCHMITT. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The Senator from Missouri.


      75th Anniversary of the Kansas City National Security Campus

  Mr. SCHMITT. Mr. President, I rise today in recognition of the Kansas 
City National Security Campus and the important role it plays in 
strategic deterrence on the occasion of its 75th anniversary.
  I stand here today at the desk of President Harry S. Truman. In 1946, 
President Truman established the Atomic Energy Commission, and in 1949, 
Kansas City was selected as the location to produce nonnuclear 
components for our nuclear arsenal. For 75 years, the Kansas City 
National Security Campus has been the primary site within the Nuclear 
Security Enterprise for procuring and producing--say that a few times--
nonnuclear parts and components for nuclear weapons.
  As the United States continues to advance nuclear modernization 
programs, the Kansas City National Security Campus plays an essential 
role in America's national security, helping to ensure the nuclear 
stockpile is safe, secure, and reliable.
  More than 6,000 hard-working Missourians go to work day in and day 
out, and the importance of their contribution to our country and its 
defenses cannot be understated. They make 80 percent--80 percent--of 
the nonnuclear components for the weapons in our national nuclear 
arsenal. In addition, they support proliferation deterrence, supply 
chain security, and our overall responsiveness to global threats. 
Kansas City National Security Campus is not only improving the 
reliability and modernity of our arsenal, they are making it more 
efficient too.
  The U.S. nuclear stockpile remains the bedrock of our strategic 
deterrence, and the security and stability it provides to our country's 
defense is paramount. It is not an exaggeration to say that this is the 
most important moment for our nuclear arsenal in generations, and the 
Kansas City National Security Campus is at the center of it all.
  At a time when the People's Republic of China is rapidly growing and 
modernizing its own arsenal, Kansas City National Security Campus and 
the critical role it plays in our defense is more important than ever. 
Never in our history have we faced so dangerous a threat as communist 
China, founded on the belief that the power to govern comes not from 
the people but from the barrel of a gun. We must therefore meet their 
strength with our own, and Kansas City National Security Campus is 
making our country and its defenses stronger each and every day.
  I am deeply proud--and there are many of them here today--to 
represent the State of Missouri and the folks from that campus in the 
U.S. Senate and to represent the dedicated workforce of the Kansas City 
National Security Campus. They are central to our Nation's security.
  I could not be more pleased to recognize the Kansas City National 
Security Campus and its 75 years of contributions to national security. 
Some of the facility's leadership is with us today in the Gallery, and 
I thank them for their service.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Pennsylvania.