[Congressional Record Volume 170, Number 13 (Wednesday, January 24, 2024)]
[Senate]
[Pages S228-S229]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]



                           National Security

  Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, Vladimir Putin's reelection campaign is 
employing a slogan that the Russian people--and the rest of the world--
have actually heard before. Here is what it is: ``Russia's borders do 
not end anywhere.''
  ``Russia's borders do not end anywhere.'' That is Vladimir Putin.
  The map of Europe illustrates what he means in the starkest possible 
terms. A brazen war of conquest is headed toward its 11th year. Two 
years of Russia's brutal escalation in Ukraine has subjected a 
sovereign nation to horrific losses and heinous war crimes.
  Since well before Russian troops made their first run toward Kyiv in 
February of 2022, I have been pushing for the decisive capabilities 
Ukraine needed to defend itself. And I have held President Biden to 
account for not doing more sooner to give our friends a decisive edge 
against Putin's aggression and for not investing more seriously in 
rebuilding America's military strength.
  But I have never been under any delusion about why America was 
backing Ukraine's fight. This has never been about charity. It is not 
about charity. It is not about virtue signaling or abstract principles 
of international relations.
  This is about cold, hard American interests. It is in the United 
States' direct interest for authoritarians not to feel free to redraw 
maps by force. It is in our interest to help degrade the military of a 
major adversary without committing American lives to the effort. It is 
in our interest to help blunt aggressive behavior before it triggers 
wider conflict and directly threatens our closest allies and trading 
partners.
  We cannot pretend that America is inoculated against the consequences 
of a war in Europe. We can't afford to

[[Page S229]]

harbor the notion that leaving Russian aggression unchecked would 
somehow enhance America's posture and strategic competition with China. 
Accelerating Russian defeat in Europe is precisely what will help 
ensure we don't wind up dealing with simultaneous aggression from 
adversaries in Europe and the Indo-Pacific.
  Even as a global superpower, this is not a burden America should 
resign to bear alone, and, fortunately, we don't have to. Over the past 
2 years, our European allies have taken a more serious and sober 
accounting of the requirements of a collective defense. They are now 
fast overtaking America's share of overall security assistance to 
Ukraine, and we already trail the contributions of 13 allies measured 
as a share of GDP.
  This is certainly good news for collective defense and for the urgent 
demands that press upon American strength.
  The United Kingdom, for example, just pledged to invest more than $3 
billion in Ukraine's fight over the next 2 years. This is on top of the 
tremendous leadership Great Britain has displayed since the earliest 
days of Putin's escalation.
  Germany created a =100 billion special defense fund, enacted major 
military reforms, and continues to make progress toward NATO's 2 
percent defense spending target.
  Denmark is expanding its domestic industrial base and participating 
alongside U.S. forces in coalition operations in the Red Sea.
  Smaller frontline allies like Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania are 
continuing to make massive relative commitments to the cause. Estonia 
has pledged $1.3 billion to Ukraine over the next 4 years. Just today, 
even the new, right-leaning Government of Slovakia expressed clear 
support for the Ukrainian cause in a visit to Ukraine.
  More good news came yesterday. NATO is one step closer to admitting 
another strong and capable member to the transatlantic alliance.
  I am glad that Turkey's Parliament voted to ratify Sweden's 
accession. Unfortunately, this step took far too long and created 
unnecessary friction within the alliance.
  Sweden will bring major defense and technological capabilities into 
NATO on day one. The Swedes are increasing their defense budget and 
expanding their defense industrial capacity. This is not just good for 
NATO; Sweden's entry into NATO, just like Finland's before hers, is in 
our national interest.
  I know colleagues on both sides of the aisle share my expectation 
that Hungary--the final remaining ally to approve Sweden's accession--
will act soon to finish the job. Washington is watching.
  These are promising developments. Allies are taking important steps 
toward greater burden-sharing, but we cannot mistakenly conclude from 
this progress that there is also declining demand for American 
leadership--quite the opposite. The West's efforts to deter and defend 
against our adversaries in Europe, in the Middle East, and in the Indo-
Pacific still require an engaged America. They require that we continue 
to invest heavily in new capabilities for our Armed Forces and in 
greater defense industrial capacity to meet soaring demand and sustain 
long-term competition.
  This is what national security supplemental legislation would do: 
invest tens of billions of dollars right here at home and continue to 
bring new, cutting-edge capabilities--made in America by American 
workers--into our arsenal.
  The Senate will very soon have a chance to restore our sovereignty at 
the southern border, to invest in our strategic competition with China, 
and to rebuild our credibility in the eyes of allies and adversaries 
alike.