[Congressional Record Volume 170, Number 8 (Tuesday, January 16, 2024)]
[Senate]
[Pages S113-S117]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                    MOTION TO DISCHARGE--S. RES. 504

  Mr. SANDERS. Madam President, under section 502B of the Foreign 
Assistance Act of 1961, I move to discharge the Committee on Foreign 
Relations from further consideration of S. Res. 504.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report the motion.
  The senior assistant legislative clerk read as follows:

       Motion to discharge from the Committee on Foreign 
     Relations, S. Res. 504, a resolution requesting information 
     on Israel's human rights practices pursuant to section 
     502B(c) of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961.

  Mr. SANDERS. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the 
following Senators be permitted to speak prior to the vote: Senator 
Sanders for up to 25 minutes, Senator Merkley for up to 5 minutes, and 
Senator Cardin for up to 5 minutes.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. SANDERS. Madam President, let me apologize to my colleagues for 
being late. It turns out today was not a great day to travel by plane. 
I thank the leadership for delaying the vote as well.
  We will soon be voting on a resolution requesting information on 
Israel's human rights practices under section 502B(c) of the Foreign 
Assistance Act.
  There has been some confusion as to what this resolution does and 
does not do. I would like to say a few words about why it is critical 
that this resolution come to the floor, why it is imperative that this 
resolution be passed, imperative that we have this debate and recorded 
vote, and why Congress must have the information requested in this 
resolution.
  Very sensibly, the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, as amended, 
requires that any security assistance or military equipment provided by 
the United States of America to any country must be used in line with 
internationally recognized human rights. This is not a radical idea and 
something I hope that we all agree with. This act prohibits assistance 
to any government that engages in a consistent pattern of human rights 
violations.
  This is U.S. law established over 50 years ago--not a new idea. The 
act also provides Congress with several oversight tools to ensure that 
this law is followed. One such tool is section 502B(c), which allows 
Congress to direct the State Department to provide information on the 
human rights record of any country--any country--receiving U.S. 
military assistance.
  That is what this resolution does, in line with 50-year-old existing 
law. It directs the State Department to provide any credible 
information it may have on potential violations of internationally 
recognized human rights by Israel in its military campaign in Gaza.
  It focuses on the denial of the right to life caused by 
indiscriminate or disproportionate military operations as well as by 
restrictions on humanitarian access.
  It also asks for information on steps the United States has taken to 
limit civilian risk in this war, a certification that the Leahy laws 
are being fully applied, and a summary of the arms and munitions 
provided to Israel since October 7.
  This is a simple request for information. That is all this resolution 
is about. It does not alter aid to Israel in any way; it simply 
requests a report on how U.S. aid is being used. This is a very modest, 
commonsense proposal, and, frankly, it is hard for me to understand why 
anyone would oppose it.
  So we will soon be voting on a very simple question: Do we support 
asking the State Department for information on whether human rights 
violations may have occurred using U.S. assistance in Israel's military 
campaign? That is it. That is what this resolution is about. It is 
noncontroversial, and it should be passed in large numbers. This is not 
the case today. We don't have the information.
  The State Department will provide a report. The information requested 
in this resolution is straightforward to provide--not hard for the 
State Department--and it is critical to congressional oversight. The 
State Department should have it readily available, as required under 
current U.S. law and policy. Further, in the highly unlikely event the 
30-day deadline is not met by the State Department, the law allows 
Congress to pass a measure continuing aid. After the report is 
received, Congress may then consider any changes it deems necessary for 
security assistance to the country in question. Any such resolution 
must pass both Houses of Congress and be signed by the President.
  But, again, what we are voting on today is simply a request for 
information. Let me say a few words as to why this resolution is 
necessary, and these rather horrific photographs behind me I think say 
it all.
  First, it is necessary because of the scale of the destruction in 
Gaza, the indiscriminate nature of the military campaign, the 
humanitarian catastrophe that is now occurring, and the limits on 
humanitarian access--food, water, medical supplies, and fuel.
  Second, because of the extensive use of U.S. weapons in attacks that 
have killed thousands of civilians. Much of the destruction that has 
taken place in Gaza has been done with U.S. weapons.
  Thirdly, I am concerned about the implications of some of the very 
extreme statements and unclear intentions coming out of the Netanyahu 
government.
  (Mr. WARNOCK assumed the Chair.)
  It has been more than 100 days since this war began with the horrific 
Hamas terrorist attack which killed 1,200 innocent men, women, and 
children in Israel, and which took more than 200 hostages, over 100 of 
whom are still cruelly being held in captivity as of today.
  While there is no question in my mind that Israel has the right to 
defend itself and go to war against Hamas, who started this terrible 
situation, Israel does not have the right to go to war against the 
entire Palestinian people, innocent men, women, and children in Gaza. 
Tragically, that is what we are seeing right now.
  As we all know, the military campaign being waged by the rightwing 
Netanyahu government has led to massive destruction and widespread 
civilian harm. This has been far and away the most intensive bombing 
campaign of the 21st century. As President Biden has said repeatedly 
and the press and human rights monitors have exhaustively documented, 
this bombardment has been largely indiscriminate.

  The results of this bombing campaign have been catastrophic, and I 
underline the word ``catastrophic.''
  Since October 7, the start of the war, over 24,000 Palestinians have 
been killed by Israeli bombs and over 60,000 have been injured and 
wounded. Seventy percent of these victims are women and children, and 
it is believed that thousands more victims lie under the rubble of 
destroyed buildings in Gaza.
  Since the beginning of this war, 1.9 million Palestinian men, women, 
and children have been driven from their homes. That is 85 percent--85 
percent of the total population of Gaza has been forced out of their 
homes. Where are they going? They have been driven here. They have been 
driven there. They do not even know today whether they are ever going 
to be able to return to their homes. These are impoverished people who 
have no idea as to what their future is or will be.
  Despite the sharing of coordinates with Israeli forces, 40 United 
Nations facilities have sustained direct hits, 61 U.N. installations 
have suffered collateral damage, and 150 U.N. workers have been 
killed--150 U.N. workers have been killed.
  United Nations reports that over 234,000 housing units have been 
damaged and more than 46,000 homes completely destroyed in Gaza, 
amounting to nearly 70 percent--70 percent--of the housing stock, a 
figure confirmed by academic analysis of satellite radar data. That 
means--and this is rather an incredible reality--that means that the 
destruction of Gaza after 100 days has surpassed the destruction of 
Dresden during World War II, where half the homes in that city were 
destroyed, and is beyond the damage in dozens of

[[Page S114]]

other German cities subjected to years of bombing during World War II.
  Today, not only are the vast majority of people in Gaza homeless, but 
they lack food, water, medical supplies, and fuel. A recent U.N. report 
indicates that half of the population of about 2.2 million people are 
at risk of starvation, and 90 percent say they regularly go without 
food for a whole day. Parents there go out of their way to make sure 
their kids eat first.
  The chief economist at the World Food Programme said that the 
humanitarian disaster in Gaza was among the worst he had ever seen. Aid 
groups say that in the coming weeks, the entire population of Gaza 
could face famine.
  Let us be clear. The reason as to why this resolution must be passed 
today is that right now, right now as we speak, hundreds of thousands 
of children in Gaza, innocent children, are starving right before our 
eyes. We cannot turn away. We must act.
  Tragically, despite the efforts of the U.N. and others, despite the 
growing humanitarian crisis we are seeing, the situation has actually 
gotten worse in terms of getting aid to the people in need, to these 
children. Aid groups say that humanitarian access actually deteriorated 
in January compared to December. Trucks are crossing the border much 
too slowly, much too few, but even these trucks can't go beyond the 
immediate border area because the Netanyahu government won't let them 
proceed in a way that is safe.
  That is the situation as it stands today. Humanitarian workers who 
have spent decades serving in war zones say that this catastrophe goes 
beyond anything they have ever seen.
  Let me repeat. This is not some tragedy taking place in Asia, in 
Africa--God knows there are enough tragedies all over the world--but 
this is a tragedy in which we, the United States of America, are 
complicit. Much of what is happening, much of the bombardment and the 
other actions that we are seeing now, is happening right now with U.S. 
arms and equipment. In other words, whether we like it or not, the 
United States is complicit in the nightmare that millions of 
Palestinians are now experiencing.
  The Wall Street Journal reported on December 1 that the United States 
had provided at least 15,000 bombs and 57,000 artillery shells to 
Israel, including more than 5,400 huge, 2,000-pound bombs that can 
flatten entire neighborhoods. The Washington Post reported that in just 
6 weeks after October 7, Israel dropped more than 22,000 American-
supplied bombs on Gaza--22,000 American-supplied bombs. CNN reported 
that nearly half of these bombs were unguided, so-called dumb bombs.
  So that is where we find ourselves at this moment. Mr. President, 
24,000 Palestinians in Gaza are dead--70 percent are women and 
children--and 60,000 have been wounded. Seventy percent of the housing 
stock has been damaged or destroyed, and almost 2 million people are 
trying to survive with inadequate supplies of food, water, medicine, or 
fuel. And the humanitarian situation is getting worse by the minute. 
Hundreds of thousands of beautiful children are facing starvation.
  Given the scale of the destruction and the extensive use of American 
arms, military equipment, in this campaign, Congress must act, and that 
is why we must pass this 502B resolution. We must ensure that U.S. aid 
is being used in accordance with international human rights and our own 
laws.
  A vote for this resolution is simply to request more information on a 
tragic situation that the American people care about.
  Go back home, I say to my colleagues--red State, blue State, purple 
State--this issue, this suffering, is on the minds of the American 
people.
  That is all this resolution does.
  Now a vote against this resolution--which I have a hard time really 
understanding--it says: I don't want more information. I am going to 
vote against this resolution. I don't want a report from the State 
Department. I don't want to know how U.S. military aid in Israel is 
being used. I don't want to know what responsibility the United States 
may have for this humanitarian disaster. I want to keep my head in the 
sand. I don't want to see what is going on.
  And, frankly, no matter what your view on this terrible war may be--
agree with me; you don't agree with me--we cannot bury our eyes in the 
sand.
  The truth is that since that terrible day on October 7 when Hamas 
attacked Israel, the Senate has had little meaningful debate on this 
war, despite the horrific toll and the deep concerns of many Americans. 
We have passed symbolic resolutions, but we have not considered a 
single measure that grapples with the unprecedented destruction, the 
humanitarian crisis, or the use of American weapons in a military 
campaign that has left so many dead, wounded, and displaced.
  Now, no matter what happens on this vote, I know that this will not 
be the end of this debate. It is just the beginning.
  And, finally, I would like to say a word about this resolution's 
broader importance. Right now, we are focusing on Israel, as we should, 
given the situation in Gaza. But, in general, what this provision does 
is extremely sensible. It demands accountability as to how U.S. 
military aid is used and whether the recipients of that aid abide by 
international law and our own human rights standards. This is true for 
Israel, for Saudi Arabia, and for any country that receives U.S. 
military aid.
  Frankly, I hope this vote is the first of many as we take a hard look 
at how our military aid is being used.
  Therefore, pursuant to 22 U.S.C. 2304 and in accordance with the 
provisions of section 601(b) of the International Security Assistance 
and Arms Export Control Act of 1976, I move to discharge the Committee 
on Foreign Relations of the further consideration of S. Res. 504, a 
resolution requesting information on Israel's human rights practices 
pursuant to section 502B(c) of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator's request is already pending.
  Mr. SANDERS. Mr. President, I reserve the balance of my time, and I 
would yield the floor to Senator Merkley.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Oregon.
  Mr. MERKLEY. Mr. President, on October 7, Israel suffered a horrific 
terrorist attack by Hamas. It echoes very much the impact that we felt 
here in America on 9/11 when we suffered a horrific terrorist attack, 
and it connected our hearts to the hearts of Israelis in a powerful 
way. And, certainly, I completely supported and support now the cause 
of Israel to go after Hamas to stop this terrorist threat. I fully 
support the grief they feel with the hostages who remain and their 
desire, their goal, to get those hostages free, and I know that the 
United States has been working in partnership with Israel toward that 
objective.
  Tonight, we are further into that campaign, and we have before us a 
request for a report from the administration through the exercise of 
502B(c) on any potential violations of internationally recognized human 
rights that may have occurred in this conflict--a request for a report 
that would be due in 30 days.
  And I am here tonight still supporting strongly Israel's right to go 
after Hamas, but also saying that we have a responsibility to ask hard 
questions about how a war is conducted--every war. And we weigh in on 
human rights all around the world.
  I cochair a commission that looks into China's abuses of human rights 
in all kinds of dimensions, from Tibet to the slavery of the Uighur 
population.
  So why is this request for this information important? There are 
three reasons. They all relate to the validity of targeting Hamas but 
the invalidity--potential invalidity--of a strategy that also targets 
the Palestinian people living in Gaza and understanding this dimension, 
understanding it in terms of humanitarian aid, understanding it in 
terms of the huge toll on civilians that the bombing has taken, 
understanding it in terms of the dimension of displacement, where so 
many--so many--have been displaced, driven toward the south, crowded 
into Rafah, along the border with Egypt. So I am going to shortly 
address--briefly address--each of those.

  I was one of the first Members of this Chamber to call for an 
immediate cease-fire and a massive influx of humanitarian aid because 
of the enormous calamity that is occurring in Gaza with the strategy 
that Israel is using of mass bombing and artillery shells. One aspect 
of this is: How does

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one get humanitarian aid in to assist those innocent civilians who have 
been so profoundly impacted?
  So, earlier this month, Senator Van Hollen and I went to the Rafah 
crossing on the border between Egypt and Gaza. We talked to the 
governments. We talked to the international aid workers who work 
through the United Nations--an alphabet soup of organizations. We 
talked to the seasoned, seasoned individuals who have worked in war 
conflict zones around this globe, and they all said that getting 
humanitarian aid in is extraordinarily difficult for two reasons. And 
the first of those reasons was that it is very hard to get preclearance 
for the aid.
  Trucks filled with food, water, and medical supplies were lined up 
for miles in the desert, waiting to be granted entry into Gaza. A 
truckdriver can wait more than a week, even when items are preapproved, 
to get through the inspection.
  The inspection serves the purpose of stopping dual-use items. That is 
legitimate. But if it takes a week when aid is desperately needed, that 
means people are greatly short of food, clean water, and medical 
supplies.
  And even when inspected and precleared, they could be rejected, and 
when an item is rejected, the entire truck is rejected. And we saw a 
warehouse filled with rejected items, including things like solar-
powered refrigerators for medical uses and water decontamination 
supplies.
  And then, if trucks are cleared to get in, it is very hard for them 
to get in unless there is deconfliction. If there isn't deconfliction, 
then the drivers risk driving and dying when a bomb or artillery shell 
drops in their path. And, in fact, so many aid workers have been killed 
and truckdrivers have been killed.
  We know that, before the war, 500 trucks a day were able to get into 
Gaza. And now, just last week, it was less than an average of 150 
trucks when people are absolutely desperate.
  So there is the possibility and the hope of the United States working 
intensely with Israel to dramatically change this situation and to get 
those trucks into Gaza. But there is also the value of having a report 
from our government, understanding to which degree they have already 
worked with Israel.
  Mr. President, I ask to complete the balance of my remarks.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
  Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. MERKLEY. Thank you.
  Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, could we just have an estimate of how much 
longer the Senator is going to be?
  Mr. MERKLEY. An estimate of 5 minutes.
  Mr. CARDIN. I would not object to 5 minutes.
  Mr. MERKLEY. Mr. President, so our government should work to solve 
this problem. We have been working to solve it--so having a report 
announced by our government: to what degree these strategies of a 
dysfunctional inspection process and a dysfunctional deconfliction 
process are a part of a deliberate strategy to create and intensify the 
shortage of food and water and medical assistance.
  The second concern I have is about the bombing and artillery shells 
which our President has described as an indiscriminate campaign of 
bombing. We all understand that this terrible attack from Hamas--and 
Hamas is the enemy. But the Palestinians who live in Gaza and are not 
part of Hamas, they did not attack Israel. They are not the enemy, and 
thus it is essential that Netanyahu's government's war strategy against 
Hamas actually targets Hamas and not innocent Palestinians.
  It is estimated that two-thirds of the people killed--two-thirds 
killed--have been women and children. That is some 8,000 children and 
8,000 women. It is a massive toll.
  So a report under 502B(c) would be valuable in understanding this 
strategy. And we are closely tied to it, which is another reason we 
should want this information. We have supplied over 10,000 tons of 
military equipment since October 7. We have included 15,000 bombs and 
57,000 artillery shells.
  It would be useful to have our own government analyze this and 
understand why we are supplying the very weapons that our government 
has said Israel should quit using and do a more targeted campaign.
  That is the goal of 502B(c): to get a report, to get answers.
  My third concern is the displacement. The widespread bombing has 
produced some 85 percent of the people displaced in Gaza. A leaked 
Israeli Intelligence Ministry paper said that there are three options, 
and option C is the preferred option, involving an air campaign in the 
north, driving people to the south, hopefully displacing them into the 
Sinai. That has a spooky similarity to the facts on the ground.
  And, of course, such a displacement strategy has been called out by 
some Ministers of the Israeli Government, one of them calling for 
exactly that strategy, saying: We want a Gazan Nakba, that people will 
not be able to return.
  So we have a government paper. We have the testimony by Ministry 
officials that that was their goal.
  Is that their goal? The Government of Israel has now adamantly said 
that is not their goal.
  That is useful to have our government's best understanding because we 
should never be complicit in a displacement campaign, if that is, in 
fact, what is going on.
  So, colleagues, we look at conditions around the world, and, 
normally, it is folks we have little relationship with--although 
sometimes we have a relationship with them, but it is an ``on and off 
again,'' like the situation we have with Saudi Arabia. In this 
situation, it is our friend and partner that we have worked so closely 
with, and it may feel awkward and difficult to say we need to take a 
close look.
  But when there has been this level of casualties and we are this 
closely tied to it, it is the right thing to do to get the type of 
information that would come through this request. I encourage my 
colleagues to support it.
  Mr. RISCH. Mr. President, I rise in opposition.
  Israel is a long and close ally. And it remains the only democracy in 
the Middle East. This resolution is a blatant effort to undermine 
Israel's right to self defense. Let us not forget the facts. Israel has 
experienced the deadliest massacre of Jews since the Holocaust and the 
largest hostage crisis--including Americans--since 1979.
  The Obama and Biden administrations' failed policies toward the 
Iranian regime have allowed billions in resources to flow to Iran's 
terror proxies, including Hamas. We cannot ignore bad U.S. policy that 
helped create this mess and then sideline our support for the ally who 
must deal with their consequences.
  Instead, this resolution doubles down on those failed policies and 
represents a troubling Democrat trend: chide our closest allies and 
fail to confront our most dangerous adversaries. Hamas and Iran are our 
enemies, not Israel. It is Iran that provides Hamas with weapons, 
training, and intelligence. It is Hamas that chose to rampage across 
the border, killing over 1,200 Israelis and 13 Americans. It is Hamas 
that kidnapped over 240 innocent people for leverage.
  It is Hamas that hides its warfighting capability under hospitals, 
mosques, and other protected sites. And it is Hamas that uses human 
shields, including women and children. Where is the outrage for this 
behavior? I find the silence deafening.
  I encourage my colleagues across the aisle to focus on Iran, Hamas, 
and our adversaries and oppose this misguided resolution.
  Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. President, in the aftermath of the horrific 
October 7 terrorist attack, Israel not only has the right, but also a 
duty to its people, to defend itself and pursue the objectives of 
ending the military threat posed by Hamas and returning all the 
hostages unharmed. I support those goals and therefore do not and would 
not support a resolution to terminate all U.S. military assistance to 
Israel.
  That is why I would like to begin by making clear what S. Res. 504 is 
not about. It is not about cutting off U.S. security assistance to 
Israel. Anyone who says otherwise has not read the resolution.
  So what does this resolution do? The very first line of the 
resolution states that its purpose is ``requesting information on 
Israel's human rights practices.'' The resolution goes on to seek 
information on ``alleged violations of internationally recognized human

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rights,'' including violations related to Israel's military operations 
and the ``denial of basic humanitarian needs'' like food, water, 
medical care, fuel, and shelter.
  While these are not simple questions, the resolution simply asks 
questions. And while I understand that some may be uncomfortable asking 
questions about the conduct of a close partner, we have a duty to the 
American taxpayers to get the facts. Israel is the largest annual 
recipient of U.S. security assistance, totaling more than $39 billion 
over the past 10 years alone. The United States is not a bystander to 
this conflict, and the American people deserve honest answers about how 
our assistance is being used. The report should provide a full picture 
of what is happening, including how Hamas's despicable tactic of hiding 
among the civilian population impacts the prosecution of the war and 
any other information that the administration deems important.
  As I have repeatedly said, Israel's war against Hamas is just, but it 
must be waged justly. President Biden, Secretary Blinken, and officials 
across the Biden administration have also made this point clear. For 
example, Secretary Blinken has repeatedly stated that the ``daily toll 
on civilians in Gaza, particularly children, is far too high'' and 
called upon the Netanyahu coalition to put a ``clear plan in place that 
puts a premium on protecting civilians'' and to get ``more humanitarian 
assistance to people who so desperately need it in Gaza.''
  These entreaties have been rebuffed time and time again by Prime 
Minister Netanyahu and his ultra-extremist coalition that includes the 
likes of Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir. Despite statements from 
the Israeli Defense Forces that their operations have shifted to a more 
``targeted phase,'' there were still between 112 to 151 Palestinians 
reportedly killed in Gaza each day last week. This truth is only 
underscored by the Sunday Washington Post headline: ``Despite U.S. 
pressure on Israel, casualty count in Gaza remains high.''
  The death toll has now reached over 24,000, two-thirds of them women 
and children, with another 60,000 wounded. Meanwhile, the humanitarian 
catastrophe is getting worse, not better. The Netanyahu government 
initially declared a full siege of Gaza and then, for months, refused 
to open the main Kerem Shalom crossing. It still refuses to open the 
northern Erez crossing to get assistance to the desperate people 
trapped there. Indeed, the water pipeline to northern Gaza has been 
shut off since October 7.
  I visited the Rafah crossing about 10 days ago and witnessed the many 
obstacles to getting more aid to over 2 million people in desperate 
need. People in Gaza are on the verge of starvation, children are 
having limbs amputated without anesthesia, sewage is piling up in the 
streets, and waterborne diseases have broken out. International NGOs 
who have operated in conflict zones for decades have said they have 
never witnessed a humanitarian disaster as terrible as Gaza.
  It is painfully evident that there is a big gap between what U.S. 
officials have requested of the Netanyahu government and the actions 
taken by his coalition. This further justifies why we need answers from 
the administration to the fundamental questions posed by this 
resolution. We owe it to American taxpayers to better understand how 
the support we have provided is being used. Some of the very questions 
raised in this resolution are those we have already sought answers to. 
While I appreciate the dialogue we have had with members of the 
administration about the situation in Gaza, to date, we have received 
no written responses to our letters on the conflict.
  If this resolution were to be adopted, the process under section 
502B(c) of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 gives the Biden 
administration 30 days to answer the questions posed. That statute 
requires the report within 30 days and the only reason for the 
timetable set forth in statute is to ensure that the Senate gets those 
answers within a reasonable timeframe. It is simply not credible to say 
that the Biden administration would fail to meet that deadline and 
trigger a cut-off of assistance.
  Concerns have been raised that, if passed, and once the 
administration submits the required report within 30 days, the 
underlying statute, 502B(c) of the Foreign Assistance Act, allows any 
Senator to file a subsequent resolution to cut off security assistance 
provided to Israel under the Foreign Assistance Act. While it is worth 
noting that such a resolution would not apply to air defense systems 
authorized under the National Defense Authorization Act, like the Iron 
Dome systems, I would oppose such a blanket attempt to cut off 
assistance under the Foreign Assistance Act.
  I do believe that the United States should require all recipients of 
U.S military assistance to abide by certain principles and meet certain 
standards. That is why Senators Kaine, Schatz, Durbin, and I, together 
with ten of our Senate colleagues, have proposed an amendment to 
President Biden's national security supplemental request that would 
apply equally to Ukraine, Israel, and any other recipient of such 
assistance and require that each recipient: No. 1, use any U.S. weapons 
provided with these funds in accordance with international humanitarian 
law; No. 2, cooperate with U.S. efforts to provide humanitarian 
assistance in conflict zones where U.S.-provided weapons are being 
used; and No. 3, submit a report to the Congress on the extent to which 
these standards are being met and the extent to which the recipients 
have adopted U.S. policies and mechanisms to reduce civilian casualties 
in conflict. These standards and simple accountability measures should 
apply to all recipients of U.S security assistance worldwide, and I 
will be pressing further on this issue when the Senate takes up 
President Biden's supplemental request.
  For now, the business before the Senate is S. Res. 504, and I see no 
reason to oppose a measure requiring a report seeking facts and 
information. We have a duty to the American people to get answers to 
the questions set forth in this resolution.
  Mr. WELCH. Mr. President, I support this resolution and appreciate 
the leadership of my good friend, the senior Senator from Vermont.
  Section 502B of the Foreign Assistance Act is an important and long 
underutilized tool. It provides a practical mechanism to focus 
attention on serious human rights concerns around the world. These 
concerns should matter deeply to every Member of Congress and every 
American.
  There are some who may not support asking the State Department to 
provide the information called for in this resolution. That is 
unfortunate. The Senate should be asking the hard questions, especially 
when fundamental rights and thousands of innocent lives are at stake. 
Though there are clauses in the resolution I believe could be more 
effective if drafted differently, that is the nature of the legislative 
process.
  The people of Gaza are in the midst of a humanitarian catastrophe. 
The amount of death and destruction is staggering. An estimated 10,000 
children have been killed and many more likely buried under rubble. The 
United Nations and other humanitarian relief organizations have warned 
of widespread starvation if the amount of food, potable water, 
medicines, and other necessities of life getting into Gaza is not 
drastically increased in the coming days.
  Differences regarding this resolution and the conduct of the war 
aside, we have a shared responsibility to do whatever we can to save 
the lives of the 2 million men, women, and children who have been 
displaced in Gaza and are now completely dependent on international 
aid. That should be our immediate priority, and I look forward to 
working on this with other Members of Congress, the State Department, 
USAID, the United Nations, and other relief organizations in the coming 
days and weeks. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Maryland.

  Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, I have a great deal of respect for my two 
colleagues. I think every one of us is concerned about what we see in 
regards to the crisis in Gaza, what we see in regards to the need for 
humanitarian assistance for innocent Gazans being caught in this 
battle. But the resolution that is being presented here today is the 
wrong vehicle to deal with this issue.

[[Page S117]]

  So let me start by saying that the resolution does a lot more than 
requesting information. For the information from those partners that 
get security assistance from the United States, the State Department 
today must provide the information of their compliance with our laws. 
That report is already required for all recipients of security aid.
  What this resolution requires is a report within 30 days on specific 
issues concerning conduct in Gaza, and it is very specific as to what 
the State Department must provide. I will just give you one example, 
and there are many, many other examples here. They have to certify that 
no unit of Israel security forces that received U.S. assistance since 
January 1, 2018, has committed any gross violation of human rights. Now 
they have got to do that within 30 days or aid is suspended. And once 
they give a report, it triggers privileged resolutions on this floor to 
cut off aid to Israel.

  I strongly disagree with my colleagues. 502B was never intended to be 
used against an ally during a war. It has never been used for that 
purpose. That is not the right vehicle to deal with this.
  Mr. President, this is the 102nd day since Hamas's brutal attack 
against Israel; 102 days that hostages have been held. Our thoughts and 
prayers are with the hostages, and we all agree that Israel has the 
right to defend itself.
  The challenges are made much more difficult because they are going 
against an enemy that has sworn to destroy the nation Israel and they 
still believe that and they are still conducting themselves with a 
threat to Israel's sovereignty and safety.
  Missiles are still available to be shot into Israel. They are still 
there in Gaza.
  We know what the Houthis are doing in the Red Sea. We know what Iran 
is doing in Iraq. We know the problems on Israel's northern border by 
Hezbollah. Over 80,000 Israelis have had to evacuate their homes in 
northern Israel; 100,000 in the southern part. There is a war going on, 
and it is made much more difficult because Hamas, sworn to destroy 
Israel, embeds its operations within the civilian population; has a 
tunneling network to try to protect its military assets, making it very 
difficult for Israel to be able to eliminate the threat.
  At the same time, we know how much military might was in Gaza on 
October 7. We were supposed to have had border security to make sure 
that didn't get into Gaza. There was supposed to be inspections. It 
didn't work.
  I understand why the Israelis are concerned by the way in which the 
supplies get into Gaza, because there is a concern of ill use and 
supplying the terrorists in their efforts to destroy Israel. These are 
all very challenging issues that we have to deal with.
  Now, this resolution, as I said before, is much more than requesting 
information. Its passage would be a gift to Hamas, a gift to Iran. It 
would show a division between Israel and the United States. It is an 
indictment against Israel, make no mistake about it. It makes it more 
challenging with sensitive negotiations taking place, as we are here, 
on additional hostages being released. It makes it more difficult for 
us to deal with preventing the escalation of the conflict.
  If Iran believes that the United States is not with Israel, believe 
me, it makes it more likely we are going to see additional attacks in 
that region.
  The Biden administration is seeking to contain this conflict and not 
to see it spread and grow out of control. It is pressing for a shift to 
a more targeted campaign against Hamas military infrastructure and the 
perpetrators of the October 7 attacks. It is pressing to get more 
humanitarian assistance into Gaza. And, yes, we can and should continue 
to position toward a targeted prosecution of the war against Hamas and 
Gaza. But passing this resolution does not do that. In fact, I would 
say, it is counterproductive to it.
  Make no mistake, our passing the resolution triggers this. This is 
not a resolution that goes to the House and is signed by the President. 
If we pass this, the process is triggered to cut off aid to Israel 
during war.


                            Motion to Table

  For those reasons, Mr. President, I move to table the motion to 
discharge S. Res. 504, and I ask for the yeas and nays.
  Mr. SANDERS. Mr. President.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Kelly). Is there a sufficient second?
  There appears to be a sufficient second.
  Mr. SANDERS. Mr. President.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The yeas and nays are ordered.
  Mr. SANDERS. I ask unanimous consent for 1 minute.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. SANDERS. Mr. President, 24,000 Palestinians are dead, 70 percent 
of whom are women and children, 70 percent of the housing stock has 
been damaged or destroyed, and almost 2 million people are trying to 
survive with inadequate supplies of food, water, medical supplies, or 
fuel. And, as we speak, hundreds of thousands of children face 
starvation.
  The time is now for the U.S. Senate to act.
  I ask for a ``no'' vote on the motion to table.


                        Vote on Motion to Table

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on agreeing to the motion to 
table.
  The yeas and nays have previously been ordered.
  The clerk will call roll.
  The assistant bill clerk called the roll.
  Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from Delaware (Mr. Coons) and 
the Senator from Hawaii (Mr. Schatz), are necessarily absent.
  Mr. THUNE. The following Senators are necessarily absent: the Senator 
from Wyoming (Mr. Barrasso), the Senator from Tennessee (Mrs. 
Blackburn), the Senator from Arkansas (Mr. Boozman), the Senator from 
Montana (Mr. Daines), the Senator from Iowa (Mr. Grassley), the Senator 
from Tennessee (Mr. Hagerty), the Senator from Mississippi (Mrs. Hyde-
Smith), the Senator from Louisiana (Mr. Kennedy), the Senator from Utah 
(Mr. Romney), the Senator from South Dakota (Mr. Rounds), the Senator 
from Florida (Mr. Rubio), the Senator from Missouri (Mr. Schmitt), the 
Senator from Alaska (Mr. Sullivan), the Senator from Alabama (Mr. 
Tuberville), and the Senator from Mississippi (Mr. Wicker).
  Further, if present and voting: the Senator from Montana (Mr. Daines) 
would have voted ``yea,'' the Senator from Tennessee (Mr. Hagerty) 
would have voted ``yea,'' and the Senator from Iowa (Mr. Grassley) 
would have voted ``yea.''
  The result was announced--yeas 72, nays 11, as follows:

                       [Rollcall Vote No. 8 Leg.]

                                YEAS--72

     Baldwin
     Bennet
     Blumenthal
     Booker
     Braun
     Britt
     Brown
     Budd
     Cantwell
     Capito
     Cardin
     Carper
     Casey
     Cassidy
     Collins
     Cornyn
     Cortez Masto
     Cotton
     Cramer
     Crapo
     Cruz
     Duckworth
     Durbin
     Ernst
     Fetterman
     Fischer
     Gillibrand
     Graham
     Hassan
     Hawley
     Hickenlooper
     Hoeven
     Johnson
     Kaine
     Kelly
     King
     Klobuchar
     Lankford
     Lee
     Lummis
     Manchin
     Marshall
     McConnell
     Menendez
     Moran
     Mullin
     Murkowski
     Murphy
     Murray
     Ossoff
     Padilla
     Peters
     Reed
     Ricketts
     Risch
     Rosen
     Schumer
     Scott (FL)
     Scott (SC)
     Shaheen
     Sinema
     Smith
     Stabenow
     Tester
     Thune
     Tillis
     Vance
     Warner
     Warnock
     Whitehouse
     Wyden
     Young

                                NAYS--11

     Butler
     Heinrich
     Hirono
     Lujan
     Markey
     Merkley
     Paul
     Sanders
     Van Hollen
     Warren
     Welch

                             NOT VOTING--17

     Barrasso
     Blackburn
     Boozman
     Coons
     Daines
     Grassley
     Hagerty
     Hyde-Smith
     Kennedy
     Romney
     Rounds
     Rubio
     Schatz
     Schmitt
     Sullivan
     Tuberville
     Wicker
  The motion to table was agreed to.

                          ____________________