[Congressional Record Volume 170, Number 6 (Thursday, January 11, 2024)]
[Senate]
[Pages S98-S101]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
COMMENDING TAIWAN FOR ITS HISTORY OF DEMOCRATIC ELECTIONS, AND
EXPRESSING SUPPORT OF TAIWAN'S DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS
Mr. SULLIVAN. Madam President, I am honored to be on the floor with
my colleague, Senator Kaine from Virginia, and we are getting ready to
pass in the U.S. Senate, unanimously, a resolution commending Taiwan
for its history of democratic elections and expressing support of
Taiwan's democratic institutions and its upcoming elections this
Saturday.
This resolution we have has half the U.S. Senate as cosponsors, and
we are going to pass it here in a few minutes. That means every Senator
in the U.S. Senate is supporting this.
So why are we doing this? Well, it is very important. Taiwan has a
Presidential election this Saturday. And, of course, the Chinese
Communist Party and Xi Jinping are doing everything they can to coerce
the Taiwanese people to interfere in the election, and that is
something that we are not supportive of at all.
This resolution goes through the history of Taiwan's democracy. It
mentions that on Saturday, January 13,
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Taiwan will hold its 8th Presidential election and 10th legislative
election since it began its transition to democracy.
It then moves to the sense of the U.S. Senate, where we are
commending Taiwan for the example it has set for self-governance--not
just in the Indo-Pacific region, but throughout the whole world where
the Senate regards the democracy of Taiwan as a great strategic
strength for the free world and an indispensable component of
contemporary United States-Taiwan relations, and a sense of the Senate
in this resolution that we all--all 100 of us--remain concerned about
the Chinese Communist Party's aggressive interference that is happening
right now.
We have had two very good articles recently in our American press.
Here is one from the Wall Street Journal.
(Mr. BOOKER assumed the Chair.)
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Wall Street Journal
article entitled ``China Isn't Backing Off Taiwan: President Xi Jinping
is using military pressure and propaganda to sway the island's
presidential election in January'' be printed in the Record.
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
[From the Wall Street Journal, Nov. 24, 2023]
China Isn't Backing Off Taiwan
(By the Editorial Board)
President Biden's recent meeting with Chinese President Xi
Jinping in San Francisco has been portrayed by both sides as
a step forward in relations. But for all the good vibrations,
Mr. Xi isn't giving up his ambition to retake Taiwan, not
least by meddling in the island's January presidential
election.
Mr. Xi warned Mr. Biden in California to stop arming Taiwan
and not to interfere in the election in favor of the ruling
Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) that China dislikes. Mr.
Biden said he told Mr. Xi that he ``didn't expect any
interference, any at all,'' in Taiwan's campaign.
But that's not how Beijing sees it. China deploys
propaganda and military intimidation to nudge Taiwanese
toward the Kuomintang, the party friendlier to Beijing.
Beijing works hard to infiltrate Taiwan's civil society--from
media to the business community.
One popular Chinese theme is to promote suspicion of the
U.S. and its intentions. A recent report by the Information
Operations Research Group in Taiwan found 84 examples over
three years of Chinese government and media suggesting that
Washington will abandon Taiwan, and that the elite of the
U.S. and Taiwan are colluding to exploit Taiwan, among other
propaganda.
The Communist Party is also ratcheting up its military
harassment. Chinese military aircraft violate the island's
air defense zone ``on an almost daily basis,'' as the U.S.-
China Economic and Security Review Commission said in a
November report to Congress.
The People's Liberation Army (PLA) ran 1,737 such sorties
in 2022, according to the report, up from a mere 20 sorties
in 2019. Jets flew over the Taiwan Strait's dividing line in
2019 for the first time since 1999--and now those median
incursions are routine.
Beijing is running increasingly sophisticated military
exercises--joint operations to seize ``control of the sea,
air, and information domains around Taiwan,'' as the report
to Congress notes. These dress rehearsals are making the PLA
more capable. Next year could be rough if the Taiwanese dare
to elect the DPP's Lai Ching-te on Jan. 13.
The U.S. will hold its own election next year, and Mr. Xi
might see an opening to strike while Americans are consumed
with internal divisions. Mr. Xi has told his military to be
ready to fight for Taiwan by 2027, but his economy is
struggling and neighbors such as Japan are building up their
defenses. He could perceive that his window of opportunity is
closing.
A D-Day-style amphibious assault is not the only scenario
the U.S. and Taiwan might face. Mr. Xi could provoke a crisis
by seizing an outlying island. Taiwan this year accused
Chinese-flagged vessels of ``deliberately cutting the two
undersea internet cables'' to Taiwan's Matsu Island, as the
report to Congress details.
Beijing could also try to choke off Taiwan in a blockade,
either on its own or as a prelude to an assault. Would
America send the U.S. Navy to escort ships and risk a
shooting war? Or watch as the island's economy runs out of
food and fuel?
The U.S. will wish it had deterred the crisis when faced
with these grim choices. Far better to avoid this conflict
than to fight it in any form. Call it an early new year's
resolution for President Biden: Arm Taiwan at a faster clip,
and show U.S. national will by building up America's Pacific
defenses so Mr. Xi believes that taking Taiwan isn't worth
the cost.
Mr. SULLIVAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the
Washington Post article entitled ``4 ways China is trying to interfere
in Taiwan's presidential election'' be printed in the Record.
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
[From the Washington Post, Jan. 11, 2024]
4 Ways China Is Trying To Interfere in Taiwan's Presidential Election
(By Lily Kuo, Pei-Lin Wu, Vic Chiang and Joseph Menn)
Taipei, Taiwan--Floating high-altitude balloons over the
island, funding pro-Beijing social media influencers, and
hosting local officials on lavish trips to China: These are
among the tactics Beijing is accused of deploying to
influence Taiwan's presidential election to be held on
Saturday.
For years, Taiwan--which Beijing claims is an
``inalienable'' part of China--has been the target of Chinese
influence campaigns aimed at convincing citizens that coming
under Chinese Communist Party rule is their best option.
Those efforts have come to the fore ahead of what is expected
to be the closest presidential and legislative race for the
island democracy in decades.
Taiwanese authorities are investigating 102 cases of
foreign interference related to this year's election,
according to the Supreme Prosecutors Office--the highest
number since Taiwan enacted an anti-infiltration law in 2019.
Many of them are related to China, which has an interest in
unseating the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP),
which it sees as promoting formal independence, and seeing a
more Beijing-friendly president in office.
How these attempts fare matter beyond Taiwan. The next
Taiwanese president's stance toward Beijing will be a factor
in whether China initiates conflict in the Taiwan Strait, one
that could draw in the United States and neighboring
countries, disrupting global shipping lanes and supplies of
critical technology.
What's more, influence tactics that prove useful in Taiwan
could be replicated elsewhere. Taiwanese Foreign Minister
Joseph Wu warned on Tuesday: ``In 2024, there are more than
40 important democratic elections in the world. If China
succeeds in Taiwan, China will use that experience to
interfere in the elections of other countries.''
But measuring the impact or even the presence of Chinese
influence efforts is becoming more difficult. Aware that
overly blunt tactics could push voters away from China's
preferred party--the Kuomintang (KMT)--and toward the DPP,
which is leading in polls, China appears wary of overdoing
it.
``There's a real potential for it to backfire,'' said
Alexander Dukalskis, an associate professor at University
College Dublin and the author of ``Making the World Safe for
Dictatorship.'' ``People don't want to be bullied and
intimidated into being told how to vote.''
The Biden administration has warned China against
interfering, while Beijing has accused the DPP of ``hyping
up'' the military threat from China for votes.
``The Chinese have been hammering away at them with so many
different kinds of mechanisms, and it looks at least right
now that their least favorite candidate is going to win,''
said a senior U.S. administration official, who spoke on the
condition of anonymity because of the matter's sensitivity.
``So that is an indication that the system is more
resilient.''
Whether or not these measures affect the election, they can
still further China's aims in Taiwan steadily and gradually.
``If I can influence 3 to 5 percent of the people, then I can
influence the election result,'' said Chang Chun-Hao, a
professor of political science at Tunghai University in
Taiwan. ``And even if you don't affect the election results,
you have still furthered the unification campaign.''
These are the four main ways Beijing has been accused of
trying to interfere in Taiwan's presidential election this
year:
1. SOWING INFORMATION CHAOS
Chinese misinformation in Taiwan used to be easier to
catch, with news articles or social media posts clunkily
written with vocabulary used mainly in China or in simplified
Chinese text instead of the traditional script used in
Taiwan. Now, that campaign has been localized, and Chinese
propagandists have been encouraged to amplify authentic local
disputes and divisions, said Tim Niven, head of research at
Taiwan's Doublethink Lab. ``It's putting Taiwanese
polarization on steroids,'' he said.
In the past year, Taiwan has been awash with rumors,
including that Taiwanese officials, under orders from
Washington, were collecting blood samples from citizens to
engineer genetic weapons against China, or that the United
States pushed Taiwanese chipmaker TSMC to set up a factory in
Arizona so it could abandon Taiwan and its chip supply
chains.
For months, the idea that the United States is not a
reliable partner, a concept known as yimeilun, or ``America
skepticism,'' has gained traction thanks to consistent
amplification by Chinese media.
Beijing's influence campaign has also tapped networks of
local Beijing-friendly content creators. Taiwanese
authorities are investigating a digital media company that
runs more than 20 Facebook pages with large followings and
regularly criticizes the DPP.
The group's owner was offered content and financial support
by a Chinese state media journalist, according to screenshots
of the conversations shared with The Washington Post by a
security officer involved in the case.
The officer, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to
share details of an ongoing investigation, said Chinese
propagandists often
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pay Taiwanese influencers to spread narratives that undermine
Taiwan's democratic process. Sometimes the goal isn't
necessarily to support a particular candidate, but rather to
disrupt the election and ``make it chaotic,'' he said.
2. CO-OPTING LOCAL OFFICIALS
Over the past year, China has taken hundreds of local-level
Taiwanese officials to Chinese cities. There, sway efforts
have been as blatant as handing out vouchers for the
streaming platform iQiyi and instructing the visitors to vote
for pro-unification candidates, according to Taiwan's
prosecutors office.
These exchanges, in which Taiwanese officials are hosted in
China on heavily subsidized trips, have long been seen as an
avenue for grass-roots influence operations, with the
expectation that they will return with a pro-China message.
Taiwanese authorities are investigating 40 people in relation
to these visits and potential election interference.
In other cases, the message was more subtle. Chinese
officials told their Taiwanese guests to remember that the
two sides of the Taiwan Strait are ``one family,'' according
to officials who went on these exchanges. In some, the
Chinese hosts were careful not to say anything about the
election for risk of jeopardizing these visits.
``They would say that the mainland very much hopes the two
sides of the Taiwan Strait can be united and that everyone
can sit down and talk,'' said one village chief from the
Taipei area who went on two trips to China last year. He
spoke on the condition of anonymity because he is among those
being investigated.
``They all want to push unification, or to infiltrate your
thinking. It's just some use more subtle methods and others
use more crude methods,'' he said.
3. WIELDING ECONOMIC STICKS AND CARROTS
Starting Jan. 1, China canceled preferential tariffs on 12
chemical compounds from Taiwan. On Tuesday, China's Commerce
Ministry said it was studying the possibility of canceling
other tariff concessions for agriculture, fish, machinery,
auto parts and textiles, measures that Chinese officials said
would continue if the DPP maintains its ``pro-independence
position.''
At the same time, Beijing is dangling carrots to others
that show some fealty to China. In June, Chinese authorities
resumed previously banned imports of sugar apples from some
companies after the mayor of Taitung, where the fruit is
grown, visited China along with the KMT's vice chairman.
In December, China said it would resume some imports of
grouper after banning it in June. But only imports from six
individuals and one company, whose chairman visited China the
month before, will be allowed.
``The goal is telling those voters who have economic ties
with China that they better vote for the candidate [Beijing]
prefers,'' said Chiou Yi-Hung, an associate professor of
international relations at National Yang Ming Chiao Tung
University.
4. RAMPING UP `GRAY ZONE' MILITARY INTIMIDATION
China's military, the People's Liberation Army, has
increased military incursions near Taiwan over the past year
to remind citizens of Beijing's promise to ``reunite'' with
Taiwan by force if necessary.
Ahead of the election, China appears to be using new forms
of ``gray zone'' tactics, aggressive measures that stop short
of open conflict and are meant to intimidate. Since December,
China has sent at least 31 high-altitude balloons--similar to
the one discovered and shot down over the United States last
year--into Taiwan's airspace. Taiwan's Defense Ministry
described the balloons as ``cognitive warfare'' intended to
demoralize Taiwan's 23 million people.
On Tuesday, days before polls were to open, China launched
a satellite that unexpectedly crossed over southern Taiwan
before entering space, according to Taiwan's Defense
Ministry. The launch prompted a rare nationwide emergency
alert, whose English version mistakenly described the object
in question as ``a missile flyover,'' alarming residents.
Mr. SULLIVAN. Mr. President, we are almost certainly facing a
volatile and maybe even dangerous period in the Taiwan Strait because
of the Chinese Communist Party. The election is January 13. The
inauguration won't take place until May. So what we need to do as a
country is to provide steady, unwavering resolve and support of
Taiwan's democracy, and, of course, we need to continue to critically
enhance cross-strait deterrence.
I will end with one final thing before my colleague from Virginia, I
know, wants to say a few words on this important resolution. But this
is also a vulnerability for the Chinese Communist Party and Xi Jinping
himself. Think about it. This undermines--this election--all of these
elections in Taiwan--undermine the central premise of the Chinese
Communist Party's rule that one dictator knows what is best for 1.4
billion people, in perpetuity, for as long as he is alive.
What I guarantee you the dictators in Beijing are worried about is
that people in China are going to look across the Taiwan Strait and go:
Wait a minute. How come we can't do that? Chinese democracy, how come
we can't do that?
What we are doing right now is showing commitment and resolve for
Taiwanese democracy.
I am proud to say, many, many years ago, on the eve of Taiwan's first
election, the Chinese Communist Party moved its military up. They shot
missiles over Taiwan. This is now referred to as the ``Third Taiwan
Strait Crisis.'' It was a huge crisis in 1995, 1996. And President
Clinton, to his credit, sent two carrier strike groups and a Marine
amphibious ready group to show American commitment and resolve.
I was a young infantry officer on one of those Navy ships during that
time in the Taiwan Strait, showing American commitment and resolve, and
that is what we are doing with this resolution on now their eighth
Presidential election in Taiwan, and I am honored to be here with
Senator Kaine to pass this unanimous Senate resolution in support of
Taiwan democracy.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Virginia.
Mr. KAINE. Mr. President, I rise with my colleague from Alaska,
Senator Sullivan. He and I are good colleagues. We work together on the
Armed Services Committee. I work closely with him. I learn a lot from
him. And, usually, on Thursday afternoons, I am learning about an
Alaskan of the week from Senator Sullivan. But here it is on a Thursday
afternoon, and we are standing to offer a unanimous consent resolution
in support of Taiwanese democracy.
I want to drill that just a little bit more of what a good news story
Taiwanese democracy is. As many of you know, Taiwan was a single-party
nation under martial law through much of its history through the end of
the 1980s. In the late 1980s, Taiwan made a decision. It made a
fundamental decision to move toward democracy.
It had its first legislative elections in the early 1990s and its
first Presidential election in 1996. And since that election, as my
colleague mentioned, it has had numerous Presidential elections,
numerous legislative elections; and, often, those elections have led to
transfer in power--transfer of the Presidency from one party to
another, transfer of legislative majority from one party to another.
But Taiwan has built a democracy that is stable enough to withstand
that, and its respect for human rights, freedom of religion, free
press, and its successful economy has borne proof to the notion that
allowing all Taiwanese to participate in democracy has been wonderful
for Taiwanese society.
I think Taiwan is a great example. Often in this Chamber, we are
grappling with really tough issues around the world. We wonder: Will
Cuba ever be a human rights respecting democracy? Look at Taiwan. What
about Venezuela? Look at Taiwan. What about the People's Republic of
China? Look at Taiwan. What about Russia? Look at Taiwan.
It is important that we shine a spotlight on nations that have made
the transition from authoritarian to democracy and succeeded socially,
politically, culturally, economically in that transition.
As my colleague said, that is a good-news sign, but it is also a sign
that makes dictators very, very worried.
The purpose for this resolution is to stand and support Taiwanese
democracy. As my colleague mentioned, China has been very engaged in
dis- and misinformation campaigns surrounding this election.
The election is this weekend. The inauguration will not be until May.
We could even foresee some potential challenge between the election and
the inauguration, and we need to stand strong and support Taiwanese
democracy to do so.
Last thing I will say is this: I led a delegation from the Senate
about exactly a month ago to Guatemala under some similar
circumstances, and the President who was in the chair just a few
minutes before you, Senator Butler, came along with me, along with some
other Senate and House colleagues.
There was a Presidential election in Guatemala and President-elect
Bernardo Arevalo was swept into office
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on an anti-corruption campaign, promising Guatemalan citizens a real
democracy that they have deserved for a very long time.
The outgoing government was trying to disrupt the prospect of a
peaceful transfer of power, and so we took a bicameral delegation down
to talk tough to the outgoing government and to speak up for the
incoming government and try to preserve democracy in Guatemala.
Why do I bring that up now? I bring it up because Guatemala is one of
the few nations in the world that recognizes Taiwan, and there had been
a very furious and corrupt effort by China to get the government or
Presidential candidates to guarantee they would switch allegiance from
Taiwan to the People's Republic of China.
When we were there supporting the will of the Guatemalan people who
overwhelmingly elected Bernardo Arevalo to be their next President, he
made a commitment to us that they weren't going to change, they weren't
going to succumb to Chinese pressure. They were going to continue to
stand together with another democracy that is moving forward.
That inauguration will happen on Sunday. The Taiwanese election
happens on Saturday. We are standing here together, Senator Sullivan
and I, to support democracies around the world, whether it be Taiwan in
East Asia, Guatemala in Central America; the United States should stand
up for those who are embracing a democratic path, and I am proud to
support--along with so many of our colleagues on both sides of the
aisle--this UC resolution.
And with that, I yield to my colleague from Alaska.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Alaska.
Mr. SULLIVAN. Mr. President, I want to thank my colleague from
Virginia. And right here, I have the resolution. As I mentioned, half
the U.S. Senate--Democrats and Republicans--are cosponsors of this
important resolution commending Taiwan for its history of democratic
elections, expressing concern about the Chinese Communist Party's
interference in this upcoming election, and expressing our support for
Taiwan's democratic institutions.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the
consideration of S. Res. 521, submitted earlier today.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The clerk will report the resolution by title.
The legislative clerk read as follows:
A resolution (S. Res. 521) commending Taiwan for its
history of democratic elections, and expressing support of
Taiwan's democratic institutions.
There being no objection, the Senate proceeded to consider the
resolution.
Mr. SULLIVAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent the resolution
be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, and that the motions to
reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no
intervening action or debate.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The resolution (S. Res. 521) was agreed to.
The preamble was agreed to.
(The resolution, with its preamble, is printed in today's Record
under ``Submitted Resolutions.'')
Mr. SULLIVAN. Mr. President, for those watching all over the world,
this Senate resolution, with 50 Democratic and Republican Senate
cosponsors, has now passed the U.S. Senate as an official resolution
commending the people of Taiwan for their democratic elections and
expressing our support for the upcoming election this Saturday.
I yield the floor.
____________________