[Congressional Record Volume 170, Number 5 (Wednesday, January 10, 2024)]
[Senate]
[Pages S51-S52]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]



                                Ukraine

  Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, here on the floor yesterday, I warned 
that the administration's efforts to deter Iranian-backed Houthi 
threats to international shipping and American credibility were grossly 
insufficient. Just hours later, the Houthis proved my point with a 
significant escalation in the Red Sea.
  Tehran's proxies fired more than 18 suicide drones, along with anti-
ship cruise missiles and ballistic missiles, into one of the world's 
busiest shipping lanes. At great cost, American and British Navy 
vessels launched expensive interceptors to defend against these 
relatively inexpensive Houthi weapons.
  On January 3, America and coalition partners warned that ``the 
Houthis will bear responsibility for the consequences should they 
continue to threaten lives, the global economy, or the free flow of 
commerce in the region's critical waterways.'' Well, the Houthis 
crossed that redline. The question is now whether President Biden will 
finally impose sufficient consequences on the Houthis and their patrons 
in Tehran. The world is watching.

  But American credibility and security isn't just on the line in the 
Red Sea; our Nation is facing the most serious array of national 
security challenges since the fall of the Soviet Union. The Senate's 
responsibility to address them remains unfilled.
  Take the first major land war in Europe since 1945. On one side of 
the war in Ukraine is a free world that recognizes sovereignty; on the 
other is an autocrat with imperial ambitions that extend beyond 
Ukraine's sovereign borders.
  With assistance from a nuclear-armed, rogue state--the most active 
state sponsor of terrorism--and a friendship without limits with 
America's top strategic adversary, Russia has spent a decade trying to 
subjugate Ukraine militarily.
  Putin is waging a war of torture and brutality. In some cases, his 
forces' crimes--like those of the Hamas terrorists responsible for 
October 7--are documented proudly by the perpetrators themselves. And 
Moscow has mobilized a war economy, ramping up military production 
while also tapping into the industrial capacity of its axis partners in 
Beijing, Tehran, and Pyongyang.
  The war has clearly jolted our European allies out of a holiday from 
history. Producers in Norway are racing a

[[Page S52]]

streamline production of critical air defense systems. Governments like 
Poland and Germany have announced major increases in defense spending. 
Denmark, for example, has resurrected an entire dormant industry to 
contribute ammunition. But even these historic, overdue investments 
have not yet turned the tide. This conflict has also exposed the 
glaring shortcomings of America's own arsenal and supply chains for 
critical capabilities.
  As I have explained repeatedly and in great detail here on the floor, 
our supplemental appropriations to support Ukraine included heavy 
investments in expanding our defense industrial base and purchasing the 
cutting-edge weapons that our own forces need to deter our biggest 
adversaries.
  The legislation we are considering this month would do even more to 
help meet urgent requirements of our own Armed Forces. It will increase 
procurement of critical munitions, long-range fires, and air defenses, 
and invest in our own defense industrial capacity.
  This is essential for long-term competition with China and Russia. 
America and our allies still face serious shortcomings, and they extend 
well beyond the war in Ukraine. By one recent tally, Russia and China's 
arsenal of land-based air defense systems far exceeds the combined 
stockpile of the United States, Europe, and Japan combined. The West is 
outgunned in critical capabilities.
  So let's not waste time indulging the misconception that standing by 
our European allies is an obstacle to competition with China. Let's 
give no credence to the idea that America should cut and run from our 
own allies and partners--precisely as our adversaries work closer and 
closer together.
  With continued American leadership, European allies are shouldering 
more and more of the burden of collective security on the continent. 
There is just no question that our NATO allies are building military 
capacity and taking on more responsibility for restoring and 
maintaining the sovereignty of America's closest trading partners.
  But America is a global superpower, and retreating from our 
leadership of NATO before seeing the job through won't make competition 
with China any easier. Handing Russia a victory in Ukraine on account 
of a waning attention span will only shred America's credibility, 
weaken critical alliances, and force us to contend even more directly 
with two major adversaries at once. I honestly can't think of a more 
shortsighted strategic gamble.
  Only time will offer a full accounting of the missed opportunities of 
the past 3 years, but it is already clear that hesitation and self-
deterrence on the part of our Commander in Chief cost Ukrainian lives 
and chances at swift victory over Russian aggression.
  Of course, the brazen violence of Iran's terror network reminds us 
that this weakness and timidity is contagious. We cannot let them 
spread. We cannot let shortsightedness govern our approach to the 
strategic competition that will define the next century of American 
history. We cannot give China any more reasons than this administration 
already has to doubt America's resolve to stand with sovereign 
democracies and to vigorously defend our interests.
  In the very near future, it will be time for the Senate to 
demonstrate that we understand what time it is.