[Congressional Record Volume 169, Number 206 (Thursday, December 14, 2023)]
[House]
[Pages H6947-H6961]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
CONFERENCE REPORT ON H.R. 2670, NATIONAL DEFENSE AUTHORIZATION ACT FOR
FISCAL YEAR 2024
Mr. ROGERS of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and
pass the bill (H.R. 2670) to authorize appropriations for fiscal year
2024 for military activities of the Department of Defense and for
military construction, and for defense activities of the Department of
Energy, to prescribe military personnel strengths for such fiscal year,
and for other purposes.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
(For conference report and statement, see proceedings of the House of
December 6, 2023, at Book II, page H6213.)
Parliamentary Inquiries
Mr. GRIFFITH. Mr. Speaker, parliamentary inquiry.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman will state his parliamentary
inquiry.
Mr. GRIFFITH. Mr. Speaker, I would ask if now is the appropriate time
to make points of parliamentary inquiry and motions related to the
properness of H.R. 2670, the conference report, being before this
House?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman may state an inquiry at this
time, if he has one about the pending measure.
Mr. GRIFFITH. Mr. Speaker, parliamentary inquiry.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman will state his parliamentary
inquiry.
Mr. GRIFFITH. Mr. Speaker, I would inquire as to whether or not when
originally filed, H.R. 2670 complied with the requirements of the rules
of the House to have a single purpose stated, and if so, what was that
single purpose?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair will not provide an advisory
opinion. The Chair would advise the gentleman that consistent with
prior clarifications by the Chair, including on December 19, 2007, a
motion to suspend the rules waives all points of order that would have
otherwise applied to this measure.
Mr. GRIFFITH. Mr. Speaker, point of parliamentary inquiry.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman will state his parliamentary
inquiry.
Mr. GRIFFITH. Mr. Speaker, that is why we tried to do it before the
motion was made. I am questioning how can a Member exercise his rights
under the rules to raise objections when the rule clearly says it must
be done before the commencement of debate. Now we are told that once a
measure has been called up and the motion has been made, we can't make
the inquiries or challenge the properness of the conference report.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Alabama has made a motion
to suspend the rules. The effect of such motion is that all points of
order are waived.
Mr. GRIFFITH. That is if the resolution passes. I am trying to
establish whether or not this is even properly before the body.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The motion to suspend the rules was properly
offered.
Mr. GRIFFITH. Mr. Speaker, point of parliamentary inquiry.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman will state his parliamentary
inquiry.
Mr. GRIFFITH. Mr. Speaker, is the Chair confirming that there was, in
fact, a single purpose declaration made at the time of the filing of
the bill, because otherwise it is not properly before the House at all.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair is confirming that the gentleman
has offered a motion to suspend the rules to adopt a conference report,
and that is what is pending right now.
Mr. GRIFFITH. Mr. Speaker, point of parliamentary inquiry.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman will state his parliamentary
inquiry.
Mr. GRIFFITH. Mr. Speaker, is the Chair indicating that the mere
motion to suspend the rules, therefore, suspends the rules until such
time as that motion is defeated?
[[Page H6948]]
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman is correct.
Mr. GRIFFITH. Mr. Speaker, point of parliamentary inquiry.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman will state his parliamentary
inquiry.
Mr. GRIFFITH. Mr. Speaker, I would ask the Chair if that also applies
to any germaneness that might apply that would otherwise be in
violation of the conference reports stated in rule XXII.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. As the Chair just stated, that applies to
any and all points of order.
Mr. GRIFFITH. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. ROY. Mr. Speaker, with respect to the discussion about who is
controlling the time, I would rise in true opposition to claim time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Smith)
opposed to the conference report?
Mr. SMITH of Washington. Mr. Speaker, no, I am not.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Rogers) and
the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Roy) each will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Alabama.
Mr. ROGERS of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, I yield one half of my time to
the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Smith), and ask that the gentleman
be allowed to control that time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Without objection.
General Leave
Mr. ROGERS of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all
Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and
insert extraneous material on the conference report to accompany H.R.
2670 and that I may include tabular material on the same.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Alabama?
There was no objection.
Mr. ROGERS of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
=========================== NOTE ===========================
December 14, 2023, on page H6948, in the second column, the
following appeared: Mr. ROGERS of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I yield
myself such time as I may consume.
The online version has been corrected to read: Mr. ROGERS of
Alabama. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
========================= END NOTE =========================
I rise in strong support of FY24 National Defense Authorization Act.
The NDAA is one of the most consequential bills Congress considers.
Passage of this bill each year sends an important signal to the men and
women defending our freedom that Congress can function and will
prioritize their needs above all else.
Enacting the NDAA has never been more valid than today. America and
our allies face unprecedented and rapidly evolving threats from China,
Russia, Iran, North Korea, and terrorist organizations throughout the
world.
These threats are real. We all just witnessed terrorist acts on their
threats against one of our closest allies in the Middle East, and we
all pray for Israel as it counters the most vile attack on Jewish
people since the Holocaust.
To stay ahead of these threats, DOD came to Congress this year, as
they do every year, to request critical new authorities as a part of
the National Defense Authorization Act.
We took those requests seriously. We held dozens of hearings to
examine them, then we worked to improve them and add our own priorities
through the committee and floor processes.
We followed regular order and had a conference committee for the
first time in 2 years. We fought the Senate for weeks over each other's
priorities, and we came to a compromise. That is what is before us
today.
I will be the first to admit, I am disappointed we didn't get all the
priorities we wanted, but the Senate is pretty disappointed they didn't
get the priorities they wanted either. It takes compromise to move
legislation in a divided government, and this bill is a good
compromise. It is laser-focused on deterring our adversaries,
especially China.
The conference report includes critical new authorities to ensure our
warfighters have what they need to deter our adversaries and to prevail
in future battles. It goes a long way toward ending woke policies being
forced on our servicemembers by leftwing bureaucrats.
It includes provisions that ban critical race theory and require
promotion based on merit. It includes several provisions that require
accountability from the administration, like a Special Inspector
General for Ukraine aid and a deadline for the DOD to finally pass an
audit.
It improves the security of Israel by extending weapons transfers and
expanding joint military training.
Finally, the conference report carries important new quality-of-life
improvements for our servicemembers and their military families,
including the largest pay raise in over 20 years.
Mr. Speaker, this bill is a compromise, but it is a good compromise.
It puts the need of our servicemembers and our national security before
all else.
Mr. Speaker, I urge Members to support, and I reserve the balance of
my time.
Mr. Speaker, below is a table representing $37.6 billion in savings
over the Future Years Defense Program included in the National Defense
Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2024.
=========================== NOTE ===========================
On December 14, 2023, page H6948, in the third column, the
following appeared: Madam Speaker, below is a table representing
$37.6 billion in savings over the Future Years Defense Program
included in the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year
2024.
The online version has been corrected to read: Mr. Speaker,
below is a table representing $37.6 billion in savings over the
Future Years Defense Program included in the National Defense
Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2024.
========================= END NOTE =========================
SAVINGS TABLE, FY 2024 NATIONAL DEFENSE AUTHORIZATION ACT
(In Thousands of Dollars)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
TOTAL FYDP
SERVICE/COMPONENT DESCRIPTION OF SAVINGS/PLATFORM DIVESTED SAVINGS
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
AIR FORCE F-15EX, Other support costs unjustified growth 26,730
AIR FORCE KC-46A MDAP, Commodities activation excess to need 41,000
AIR FORCE Combat Rescue Helicopter, Obsolesence ahead of need 22,784
AIR FORCE F-16, Comms suite upgrade kits previously funded 5,705
AIR FORCE F-16, Comms suite upgrade installation delays 5,454
AIR FORCE F-22A, Sensor enhancement delays 434,997
AIR FORCE F-15 EPAW, SEPM unjustified growth 15,681
AIR FORCE Other Production Charges, T-7A depot activation ahead of need 33,609
AIR FORCE Cartridges, Small cal/ground munitions - (A143) 7.62MM ball linked unit 500
cost adjustment
AIR FORCE General Purpose Bombs, Previously funded items 14,855
AIR FORCE Massive Ordnance Penetrator (MOP), Unjustified request 12,824
AIR FORCE Joint Direct Attack Munition, PSC other government costs unjustified 3,877
growth
AIR FORCE Joint Light Tactical Vehicle, Utility unjustified unit cost growth 6,059
AIR FORCE Fuels Support Equipment (FSE), Fuel storage bladder unjustified unit 3,239
cost growth
AIR FORCE General Information Technology, Insufficient justification 25,000
AIR FORCE Afnet, Insufficient justification 2,293
AIR FORCE F-35, Flyaway unit cost growth 103,740
AIR FORCE Other Production Charges, Excess to need 229,400
AIR FORCE KC-46A Mdap, Cost overestimation: Other government costs 6,571
AIR FORCE B-2A, Excess to need: IFF transponder 3,600
AIR FORCE B-52, Cost overestimation: Tactical data links program support 3,199
[[Page H6949]]
AIR FORCE F-16, SLEP costs previously funded 25,440
AIR FORCE Combat Training Ranges, Unit cost growth: P6CTS 3,050
AIR FORCE Fuels Support Equipment (FSE), All Terrain Berm Storage System schedule 7,215
discrepancies
AIR FORCE HC/MC-130 Recap RDT&E, Program decrease 20,000
AIR FORCE F-35 C2D2, Program decrease 1,993
AIR FORCE HC/MC-130 Recap RDT&E, Excess to need 5,000
AIR FORCE Hypersonics Prototyping, Air-Launched Rapid Response Weapon (ARRW) 150,340
AIR FORCE B-52 Squadrons, Scheduling delays 20,639
AIR FORCE VC-25B, Excess to Need 57,000
AIR FORCE Advanced Weapons Technology, Excessive cost growth 10,000
AIR FORCE Modular Advanced Missile, Program decrease 105,238
AIR FORCE Advanced Pilot Training, Program delay 2,272
AIR FORCE Future AF Integrated Technology Demos, Program reduction 42,200
AIR FORCE Advanced Aerospace Sensors, Multi-Spectrum Sensing Demonstration excess 2,200
to need
AIR FORCE Advanced Technology and Sensors, Imaging and Targeting Support excess 2,470
growth
AIR FORCE Operational Energy and Installation Resilience, Excess growth 10,402
AIR FORCE Stand In Attack Weapon, Aircraft integration delays 13,000
AIR FORCE Airborne Sigint Enterprise, Underexecution 2,202
AIR FORCE C-5 Airlift Squadrons (IF), SIL early to need 1,216
AIR FORCE KC-135S, Comm 2 early to need 1,583
AIR FORCE Air Force Studies and Analysis Agency, Modeling and Simulation 3,000
Development excess growth
AIR FORCE Classified Programs, Classified adjustment 212,081
AIR FORCE Survivable Airborne Operations Center (SAOC), EMO excess to need 69,716
AIR FORCE Survivable Airborne Operations Center (SAOC), Test and evaluation 12,657
excess to need
AIR FORCE Survivable Airborne Operations Center (SAOC), Management services 15,919
overestimation
AIR FORCE HH-60W, Support costs excess to need 892
AIR FORCE KC-46A Tanker Squadrons, Direct mission support excess to need 7,168
AIR FORCE KC-46A Tanker Squadrons, Aircrew training system previously funded 9,864
AIR FORCE KC-46A Tanker Squadrons, Test and evaluation previously funded 20,175
AIR FORCE Specialized Undergraduate Flight Training, T-6 avionics replacement 1,182
program delay
AIR FORCE High Frequency Radio Systems, Program support costs unjustified request 5,000
AIR FORCE ISR Modernization & Automation Dvmt (IMAD), Unjustified growth 5,110
AIR FORCE Contractor Logistics Support and System Support, Underexecution 40,000
AIR FORCE Flying Hour Program, Underexecution 115,000
AIR FORCE Base Support, Underexecution 115,000
AIR FORCE Flight Training, Underexecution 12,241
AIR FORCE Other Servicewide Activities, Underexecution 45,000
AIR FORCE Primary Combat Forces, Unjustified growth 30,000
AIR FORCE Contractor Logistics Support and System Support, Unjustified growth 18,000
AIR FORCE US Centcom, Office of Security Cooperation-Iraq reduction 6,000
AIR FORCE Undistributed, Unobligated balances 200,000
AIR FORCE Undistributed, Unobligated balances 28,000
AIR FORCE Undistributed, Unobligated balances 21,900
AIR FORCE Primary Combat Forces, Unjustified growth 30,000
AIR FORCE Combat Enhancement Forces, Unjustified growth 36,000
AIR FORCE Global C3I and Early Warning, Unjustified request 18,400
AIR FORCE Other Combat Ops Spt Programs, Unjustified growth 13,000
AIR FORCE Administration, Program decrease - contract support 500
AIR FORCE Air Operations Training (OJT, Maintain Skills), Unjustified growth 19,000
AIR FORCE Aircraft Operations, Unjustified growth 20,000
AIR FORCE Air Force end strength underexecution 564,000
AIR FORCE Air National Guard AGR end strength underexecution 33,000
AIR FORCE A-10 aircraft divestment 4,494,727
AIR FORCE B-1B aircraft divestment 406,851
AIR FORCE C-130H aircraft divestment 692,418
AIR FORCE E-3/AWACS aircraft divestment 764,689
AIR FORCE E-8 JSTARS aircraft divestment 1,464,417
AIR FORCE EC-130H aircraft divestment 496,521
AIR FORCE EC-130J aircraft divestment 186,030
AIR FORCE F-15 C/D aircraft divestment 3,699,838
AIR FORCE F-15E aircraft divestment 1,723,000
AIR FORCE F-16 C/D aircraft divestment 1,239,576
AIR FORCE HH-60G aircraft divestment 1,462,747
AIR FORCE KC-10 aircraft divestment 2,054,206
AIR FORCE KC-135 R/T aircraft divestment 1,533,002
[[Page H6950]]
AIR FORCE T-1A aircraft divestment 631,948
AIR FORCE Classified Programs, Program justification review 14,737
ARMY Aircraft Survivability Equipment, B-Kit unit cost adjustment 5,230
ARMY Precision Strike Missile (PRSM), Unjustified growth: Software 6,250
maintenance
ARMY Bradley Program (Mod), Unjustified growth: modification 7 installation 6,204
ARMY Signal Modernization Program, Program decrease 10,400
ARMY COTS Communications Equipment, Program decrease 7,100
ARMY Armored Multi Purpose Vehicle (AMPV), Program decrease 2,500
ARMY M-SHORAD - Procurement, Excess fielding growth 10,500
ARMY Handheld Manpack Small Form Fit (HMS), Excess to need 5,043
ARMY Joint Battle Command - Platform (JBC-P), Unjustified Cost Growth - 5,224
Fielding and Systems Engineering
ARMY IAMD Battle Command System, Excess Interim Contractor Support 17,100
ARMY Ground Soldier System, Excess to need 12,867
ARMY Mobile Protected Firepower, Excessive growth - systems technical 8,000
support
ARMY Stryker Upgrade, Excessive growth - fleet modifications 4,600
ARMY CTG, 25mm, All Types, Excess to need 7,257
ARMY Joint Light Tactical Vehicle Family and Vehicl, Unit cost increases 2,095
ARMY Tactical Network Technology Mod In Svc, SATCOM obsolescence previously 12,003
funded
ARMY Counter Small Unmanned Aerial System (C-SUAS), Execution delays 60,000
ARMY Night Vision Devices, Restore acquisition accountability: Government 3,284
program management costs
ARMY Emerging Technology Initiatives, Program decrease 51,440
ARMY Lethality Advanced Technology, Program decrease 2,827
ARMY Aviation - Adv Dev, FARA - Excess to need 13,356
ARMY Soldier Systems - Advanced Development, Slow expenditure rate - Advance 523
Development
ARMY Soldier Systems - Advanced Development, Excessive growth - Program 1,333
management
ARMY Maneuver - Short Range Air Defense (M-SHORAD), Delayed expenditure - 7,245
Contract Award Delay
ARMY Medium Tactical Vehicles, Incomplete development goals 25,000
ARMY Light Tactical Wheeled Vehicles, Incomplete development goals 43,893
ARMY Night Vision Systems - Eng Dev, Slow expenditure - Joint Effects 5,028
Targetting System (JETS)
ARMY Manned Ground Vehicle, OMFV slow expenditure 120,900
ARMY Joint Light Tactical Vehicle (JLTV) Engineering and Manufacturing 1,100
Development Ph, Slow expenditure
ARMY Improved Turbine Engine Program, Excessive Growth - Government Planning 1,721
ARMY Improved Turbine Engine Program, Slow expenditure rate 8,464
ARMY Combat Vehicle Improvement Programs, Slow expenditure - Stryker Combat 10,445
Vehicle Improvement Program
ARMY 155mm Self-Propelled Howitzer Improvements, Slow expenditure - Extended 6,200
Range Cannon Artillery
ARMY 155mm Self-Propelled Howitzer Improvements, Excess growth - ERCA range 5,900
prototype build
ARMY Environmental Quality Technology - Dem/Val, Program decrease 2,500
ARMY Suite and Survivability Enhancement Systems - Emd, Maintain program 1,200
management level of effort
ARMY Small Unmanned Aerial Vehicle (SUAV) (6.5), Unjustified growth 3,923
ARMY Maneuver Units, Unjustified growth 100,000
ARMY Force Readiness Operations Support, Unjustified growth 54,000
ARMY Servicewide Communications, Insufficient justification 25,000
ARMY Echelons Above Brigade, Unjustified growth 7,000
ARMY Theater Level Assets, Unjustified growth 2,000
ARMY Aviation Assets, Unjustified growth 11,000
ARMY Force Readiness Operations Support, Unjustified growth 5,000
ARMY Aviation Assets, Unjustified growth 40,000
ARMY Base Operations Support, Unjustified growth 27,669
ARMY Specialized Skill Training, Unjustified growth 15,000
ARMY Central Supply Activities, Unjustified growth 25,000
ARMY Manpower Management, Unjustified growth 3,000
ARMY Other Service Support, Unjustified growth 5,000
ARMY Echelons Above Brigade, Underexecution 14,000
ARMY Theater Level Assets, Underexecution 10,000
ARMY Land Forces Operations Support, Underexecution 14,000
ARMY Base Operations Support, Unjustified growth 2,000
ARMY Army, Underexecution of strength 787,901
ARMY UH-60A aircraft divestment 3,400
ARMY UH-60L aircraft divestment 15,300
CBDP Chemical and Biological Defense Program - Advanced Development, Program 35,419
decrease
CBDP Chemical and Biological Defense Program - Dem/Val, Excess growth 24,847
CBDP Chemical and Biological Defense Program - EMD, Execution risk 20,597
CYBER Robust Infrastructure and Access, Unjustified growth 34,647
DARPA Sensor Technology, Program decrease 5,250
DARPA Advanced Aerospace Systems, Program decrease 10,000
[[Page H6951]]
DARPA Biomedical Technology, Program decrease 10,000
DARPA Tactical Technology, Program decrease 20,000
DARPA Advanced Electronics Technologies, Reduce carryover: Next generation 10,000
microelectronics manufacturing
DARPA Space Programs and Technology, Excess growth 12,500
DCMA Defense Contract Management Agency, Unobligated balances 3,000
DCSA Defense Counterintelligence and Security Agency, Unjustified growth 35,000
DEFENSE-WIDE Other Items <$5M, Program decrease 2,500
DEFENSE-WIDE Undistributed, Historical unobligated balances 15,000
DEFENSE-WIDE Savings from Foreign currency fluctuations 785,200
DEFENSE-WIDE Classified Programs, Classified adjustment 70,968
DHA Consolidated Health Support, Historical underexecution 6,018
DHA Base Operations/Communications, Historical underexecution 2,500
DHA In-House Care, Baseline adjustment 93,989
DHA Private Sector Care, Unjustified growth 25,151
DHRA Defense Human Resources Activity, Underexecution 45,000
DISA Defense Information Systems Agency, Program decrease 25,000
DISA Defense Information Systems Agency, Unobligated balances 9,900
DLSA Defense Legal Services Agency, Historical unobligated balances 2,000
DODEA Department and Defense Education Activity, Historical unobligated 7,000
balances
DOE EM Waste Treatment Immobilization Plant Commissioning 36,000
DOE EM Program support - Defense Environmental Cleanup 20,956
DOE EM Defense Uranium Enrichment D&D 2,228,000
DOE NNSA Weapon technology and manufacturing maturation, Program decrease 20,000
DOE NNSA Community Capacity Building Program, Insufficient justificationl; 356,184
Academic Programs and Community Support, Underexecution
DOE NNSA Maintenance and Repair of Facilities 18,000
DOE NNSA Infrastructure and Safety 12,000
DOE NNSA International nuclear security 48,535
DOE NNSA Nonproliferation and Arms Control 100,000
DOE NNSA Proliferation detection 50,000
DOE NNSA NNSA Bioassurance Program 180,144
DOE NNSA Federal Salaries and Expenses, Progam direction 20,000
DOE NUCLEAR ENERGY Nuclear Energy 17,733
DSCA Defense Security Cooperation Agency, Program decrease - Border Security 120,000
DTRA Defense Threat Reduction Agency, Program decrease 10,000
JCS Joint Chiefs of Staff, Unobligated balances 3,600
JCS Joint Chiefs of Staff - JTEEP, Unjustified growth 3,000
MDA AEGIS BMD, Program decrease 4,000
MDA BMD Enabling Programs, Poor justification 807
MDA AEGIS BMD Test, Excess growth 5,049
MILITARY PERSONNEL Unobligated balances 89,645
NAVY Common Ground Equipment, Program decrease 5,000
NAVY LCS In-Service Modernization, Excessive cost growth 17,030
NAVY Shipboard IW Exploit, Excessive cost growth 16,925
NAVY Afloat ATC Equipment, Excessive cost growth 2,118
NAVY In-Service Radars and Sensors, Insufficient justification 15,000
NAVY LCS MCM Mission Modules, Excess to need 14,291
NAVY FFG-Frigate, Insufficient justification 10,000
NAVY AS Submarine Tender, Late contract award 1,485,234
NAVY MQ-25, Scheduling delays 199,000
NAVY MQ-25 Ap, Scheduling delays 12,600
NAVY Joint Strike Fighter CV, Flyaway unit cost growth 28,500
NAVY JSF STOVL, Flyaway unit cost growth 42,666
NAVY Special Support Equipment, Flyaway unit cost growth 19,328
NAVY F-18 Series, F/A-18 C/D/E/F and EA-18G training equipment previously 5,812
funded
NAVY C-130 Series, Technical insertion (OSIP 019-14) Block 7 GFE unjustified 4,027
growth
NAVY MQ-4 Series, OSIP (003-23) previously funded 3,788
NAVY Conventional Prompt Strike, Early to need 85,358
NAVY Sidewinder, AUR Block II unit cost increase 2,859
NAVY Small Diameter Bomb Ii, AUR unit cost growth 1,366
NAVY Tomahawk Mods, Contract award delays 32,489
NAVY CVN Refueling Overhauls Ap, Excess growth 14,658
NAVY Outfitting, Outfitting early to need 17,684
NAVY LPD Class Support Equipment, HWISW obsolescence installation cost 6,616
growth
NAVY Marine Group 5 Uas, Ancillary Equipment carryover 3,500
NAVY Next Generation Jammer (NGJ), Contract savings 2,520
[[Page H6952]]
NAVY Surface Combatant HM&E, DDG 51 ship control system cost growth 5,341
NAVY Marine Corps Communications Systems, Marine Electromagnetic Warfare 7,200
Ground Family of Systems
NAVY Marine Corps Communications Systems, Tactical Communication 1,700
Modernization
NAVY Next Generation Jammer (NGJ) Increment II, Next Generation Jammer - Low 50,932
Band
NAVY F-35 C2D2, TR-3/B4 Unplanned cost growth 35,503
NAVY F-35 C2D2, TR-3/B4 Unplanned cost growth 31,568
NAVY CHALK CORAL, Program decrease 165,000
NAVY Marine Corps Ground Combat/Support System, Slow expenditure 9,593
NAVY Link Plumeria, Project 2937: Unjustified requirements 50,000
NAVY Marine Corps Air Defense Weapons Systems, Slow expenditure 10,500
NAVY Ground/Air Task Oriented Radar (G/ATOR), Slow expenditure 8,600
NAVY Unmanned Aerial System, ILS support previously funded 3,172
NAVY Frigate Development, Live fire test and evaluation early to need 2,800
NAVY Small and Medium Unmanned Undersea Vehicles, Medusa unexecutable 16,515
contract award date
NAVY Advanced Undersea Prototyping, Program delays 21,725
NAVY Medium Unmanned Surface Vehicles (MUSVs), Program de!ays 11,552
NAVY Unmanned Surface Vehicle Enabling Capabilities, Prior year 4,281
underexecution
NAVY Other Helo Development, Project 3406 insufficient justification 17,595
NAVY Electronic Warfare Development, Prior year underexecution 3,034
NAVY Surface Combatant Combat System Engineering, Software SW factory 9,750
insufficient justification
NAVY Surface Combatant Combat System Engineering, Aegis capabillty package 5,500
2024 delays
NAVY Standard Missile Improvements, Prior year underexecution 29,376
NAVY Lightweight Torpedo Development, Project 3418 testing ahead of need 8,500
NAVY DDG-1000, Prior year underexecution 8,334
NAVY F/A-18 Squadrons, Next generation naval mission planning system 12,000
Insufficient justification
NAVY USMC Ground Combat/Supporting Arms Systems - Eng Dev, OPF-M termination 20,181
NAVY SSN(X), Unjustified growth-shipbuilder studies 18,000
NAVY SSN(X), Unjustified growth-NSWC studies 13,804
NAVY SSN(X), Unjustified growth-management and support costs 7,950
NAVY Unmanned Carrier Aviation (UCA), Test excess to need due to EDM delays 20,403
NAVY Administration, Program decrease 12,000
NAVY Mission and Other Ship Operations, Underexecution 10,000
NAVY Weapons Maintenance, Underexecution 25,000
NAVY Enterprise Information, Insufficient justification 18,000
NAVY Undistributed, Unobligated balances 4,200
NAVY Combat Support Forces, Unjustified growth 20,000
NAVY Base Operating Support, Unjustified growth 20,200
NAVY Specialized Skill Training, Unjustified growth 5,000
NAVY Navy Reserve, Projected underexecution 10,000
NAVY Navy end strength underexecution 600,000
NAVY Terminate COBRA Block II Development 290,000
NAVY Disestablishment of Amphibious Construction Battalion (ACB) 2 87,400
NAVY Continuous Process Improvement/Underexecution Reviews 166,000
NAVY AV-8B aircraft divestment 64,800
NAVY C-2A aircraft divestment 29,400
NAVY CH-53E aircraft divestment 36,700
NAVY E-2C aircraft divestment 16,300
NAVY F/A-18C aircraft divestment 126,400
NAVY F/A-18D aircraft divestment 33,800
NAVY F/A-18E aircraft divestment 60,000
NAVY F/A-18F aircraft divestment 10,500
NAVY MH-53E aircraft divestment 3,500
NAVY MH-60R aircraft divestment 2,700
NAVY MH-60S aircraft divestment 1,900
NAVY P-3C aircraft divestment 2,100
NAVY RQ-21A aircraft divestment 5,900
NAVY TH-57B aircraft divestment 7,300
NAVY TH-57C aircraft divestment 15,300
NAVY UH-1Y aircraft divestment 6,900
NAVY VH-3D aircraft divestment 1,200
NAVY VH-60N aircraft divestment 800
NAVY CG 69 - USS Vicksburg decommissioning 524,300
NAVY LCS 6 - USS Jackson decommissioning 300,323
NAVY LCS 8 - USS Montgomery decommissioning 306,429
NAVY/USMC General Purpose Bombs, O2181 laser guided bombs contract award delay 4,626
[[Page H6953]]
NAVY/USMC Airborne Rockets, All Types, MK 66 rocket motor unit cost growth 5,195
NAVY/USMC Practice Bombs, 01050 BLU-109 contract award delay 6,156
NAVY/USMC Infantry Weapons Ammunition, AB39, CTG. 7.62 millimeter MK 316 mod 602
contract award delay
NAVY/USMC 5 Inch/54 Gun Ammunition, Insufficient justification 5,030
NAVY/USMC Infantry Weapons Ammunition, Excess to need: Cartridge, caliber 50 4 157
API M8/1 API-T M20 linked
NAVY/USMC Infantry Weapons Ammunition, Excess to need: Cartridge, Caliber 50 1,226
Linked MK322 Mod 1/Ball (1000m cap)
OSD Environmental Security Technical Certification Program, Program 30,600
decrease
OSD Chief Digital and Artificial Intelligence Officer (CDAO) - Dem/Val 32,900
Activities, Insufficient justification
OSD Trusted & Assured Microelectronics, Program decrease 21,000
OSD Information Systems Security Program, Program decrease 6,000
OSD Operational Energy Capability Improvement, Prior year underexecution 5,635
OSD Trusted & Assured Microelectronics, Unjustified growth 63,299
OSD Net Centricity, Prior year underexecution 1,312
OSD Advanced Innovative Technologies, Classified adjustment 28,600
OSD Office of the Secretary and Defense, Program decrease 91,443
SPACE FORCE Special Space Activities, Space Force realignment of funds 497,000
SPACE FORCE GPSIII Follow On, Request for Equitable Adjustment 49,300
SPACE FORCE GPS III Space Segment, Unjustified growth SV 03-10 production 18,100
SPACE FORCE Space Force It, Data Analytics, Digital Solutions, Program decrease 10,000
SPACE FORCE Global Positioning System III - Operational Control Segment, Excess to 45,400
need
SPACE FORCE Space Science and Technology Research and Development, Prior year 21,980
carryover
SPACE FORCE Space Technology Development and Prototyping, Inadequate justification - 25,000
other activities
SPACE FORCE Space Systems Prototype Transitions (SSPT), Underexecution 9,473
SPACE FORCE Protected Tactical Service (PTS), Unjustified request - management 4,300
services
SPACE FORCE Weather System Follow-On, Unjustified increase - management services 1,600
SPACE FORCE Wideband Global Satcom (Space), Underexecution 2,200
SPACE FORCE Next-Gen OPIR - Ground, Underexecution 23,100
SPACE FORCE Next Generation OPIR, Underexecution 5,000
SPACE FORCE Next-Gen OPIR - Geo, Unjustified increase - management services 4,265
SPACE FORCE Next-Gen OPIR - Polar, Unjustified increase - management services 3,265
SPACE FORCE Narrowband Satellite Communications, Inadequate justification - 9,450
management services
SPACE FORCE Satellite Control Network (Space), Underexecution 2,100
SPACE FORCE Undistributed, Unobligated balances 19,000
SPACE FORCE Space Operations, Unjustified growth 2,500
SPACE FORCE Education & Training, Unjustified growth 5,000
SPACE FORCE Contractor Logistics and System Support, Unjustified growth 2,000
SPACE FORCE Global C3I & Early Warning, Unjustified growth 25,000
TJS COCOM Exercise Engagement and Training Transformation (CE2T2) - Non- 6,300
MHA, No JLVC acquisition strategy
USMC Amphibious Combat Vehicle Family and Vehicles, Unjustified growth - 3,500
Program Management
USMC Common Aviation Command and Control System, Unjustified fielding growth 2,474
USMC Items Under $5 Million (Comm & Elec), SBNVG unit cost growth 4,879
USMC Marine Corps Enterprise Network (Mcen), Network transport excess growth 14,565
USMC Unmanned Air Systems (Intel), Unit cost growth 3,364
USMC Command Post Systems, Unit cost growth 1,958
USMC Radio Systems, Unexecutable growth 39,732
USMC Undistributed, Unobligated balances 32,000
USMC Undistributed, Unobligated balances 1,000
USMC Field Logistics, Unjustified growth 25,000
USMC Base Operating Support, Unjustified growth 42,750
USMC Operational Forces, Unjustified growth 14,000
USMC USMC Reserve, Underexecution of strength 24,315
USSOCOM Rotary Wing Upgrades and Sustainment, Underexecution 5,000
USSOCOM Joint Service Provider, Insufficient justification 10,000
USSOCOM Non-Standard Aviation, Theater Basing Initiatives excess to need 4,000
USSOCOM Special Operations Command Theater Forces, Program decrease 8,726
USSOCOM Special Operations Command Maintenance, Program decrease 24,300
USSOCOM Special Operations Command Management/Operational Headquarters, Program 2,606
decrease
USSOCOM Special Operations Command Intelligence, Program decrease 6,000
USSOCOM Special Operations Command Operational Support, Program decrease 18,992
USSOCOM Special Operations Command Maintenance, MQ-9 Unmanned Aerial Vehicle 4,000
unjustified increase
USSOCOM EC-130J aircraft divestment 2,500
USSOCOM MC-12W aircraft divestment 29,700
USSOCOM A/MH-6M aircraft divestment 3,900
WHS Washington Headquarters Services, Program decrease 10,000
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
[[Page H6954]]
TOTAL FYDP SAVINGS ....................................................................... 643,455
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Mr. SMITH of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 2 minutes.
Mr. Speaker, I concur with the Chairman's conclusions. We worked this
process as bipartisan and as open as any process in Congress. We had
the markup in committee, we had the floor vote, and we had a bunch of
amendments. The Senate did the same. We went to a conference committee,
and we had a very robust discussion.
We had disagreements. There are a lot of things in this bill that I
do not like, but we have bipartisan control here. We have the Senate
controlled by the Democrats, the White House controlled by the
Democrats--they have to sign the bill--and the House controlled by the
Republicans. So we worked a good compromise.
Mr. Speaker, what this bill does is it supports our troops in their
efforts to defend this country and to meet our national security needs.
It has a robust pay increase, it has increases in basic housing
allowance, and a number of other provisions to support our troops and
their families.
Critically, it solidifies our alliances with our European allies,
with our allies in Asia and with Israel and our allies in the Middle
East, to meet the threats that we face.
You cannot oppose this bill and claim that you support the national
security of this country because this bill represents that bipartisan
compromise that we worked for to get a good bill, to meet our national
security needs, and again, I would emphasis, to support our troops and
to support their families.
Nothing is more important to the national security of this country
than the people who we ask to defend it. This bill protects them.
Mr. Speaker, I urge every Member in the body to support it, and I
reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. ROY. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the National Defense
Authorization Act, and I say that respectfully to both sides who
negotiated the bill, but I think the points that have been made here
make my point.
The fact of the matter is what is being stated is that it is
impossible to oppose the National Defense Authorization Act because we
put a pay raise in it, or because we put something in there that is
seemingly so important that we have to ignore the critical destruction
of our civil liberties by adding FISA extensions right on the top of
it, without doing the reforms necessary to protect the American people.
We do this every year. Then we are told: Oh, congratulations. We just
had a conference committee.
No, we didn't. Five people didn't even sign the conference report.
What happened was a deal was cut by leadership, by the four corners,
to shove down a predetermined bill into the conference, and said: Take
it.
Five people didn't sign it. They sent that conference report back to
us, and they said: Take it, pass this before Christmas or you are going
to leave our men and women in uniform stranded.
That is what occurred. That is what is actually happening.
Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman
from Florida (Mr. Gaetz).
{time} 0930
Mr. GAETZ. Mr. Speaker, I regret that I rise in opposition to this
NDAA because there is a great deal of good in it, but only in
Washington must we bring a bill to the floor so that we are able to
militarily confront China while at the same time embracing the policies
that make the United States more like China.
There is no desire on the part of our great Armed Services chairman,
and even the Democrats we worked with, to have an extension of spying
authorities put in this bill when we have already seen those
authorities just totally abused, 278,000 violations of the existing
law, as the FBI has queried information regarding Americans.
When the Obama-appointed inspector general was reviewing whether or
not the administration was complying with existing law, they found out
we were breaking the law 38 times an hour.
To extend the authorities for spying that were being violated so that
people at the FBI could do queries on their neighbors, their coworkers,
their ex-lovers, that does not belong in the National Defense
Authorization Act. Maybe we would be able to stomach some short-term
extension if the underlying bill looked a little more like the product
we sent out of the House of Representatives.
With this NDAA conference report, you almost feel like a parent who
has sent a child off to summer camp and they have come back a monster.
That is what we have done. This bill came back in far worse shape.
We had concern over these social justice warriors that were making
salaries in the hundreds of thousands of dollars at DOD, so we put a
cap on that at three times what a private or airman would make. We
claim that that's still in the bill, but the Senate was able to erode
that and say so long as that social justice warrior is assigned any
other responsibility, they are able to blow through that cap and waste
taxpayer money on something else that doesn't enhance our lethality or
capability or survivability.
We have legislation to eliminate the chief diversity officer at DOD
because that was the fountainhead of so many of these woke, bad ideas,
and yet the House receded on that position.
Many of our colleagues were concerned that when you look at our
military bases or installations, they were flying flags that weren't
the American flag. They were flying the LGBTQ flag, the Black Lives
Matter flag, whatever that flag is with all of those pink and black
triangles in it. That desire that we had to fly the American flag and
the flags of our service branches was also surrendered by the House of
Representatives to the Senate.
We wanted a parents bill of rights in DOD schools so that you
wouldn't get the strange material that goes into radical gender
ideology or race ideology. That was abandoned by the House of
Representatives.
So we also expressed a great deal of concern over the censorship that
the DOD was funding through a lot of its alliances. We put in our bill
a prohibition on marketing through those networks that have engaged in
broad-scale censorship. Unfortunately, that was replaced with a report.
Instead of stopping the money flowing to censorship through the DOD, we
have just asked to be informed about it as it is happening, even though
we already know it is happening. That is why we have conducted these
investigations.
This bill is insufficient to deal with the structural challenges that
we have at the Department of Defense where they have veered
substantially left. There is good in the bill, but it does not deserve
an affirmative vote with this just absolutely unnecessary and uncalled-
for extension of spying authorities that we already know have been
abused.
Mr. ROGERS of Alabama. Madam Speaker, before I yield to my friends
and colleagues from the committee, I will respond to a charge that was
made earlier that only five members refused to sign the conference
report. There were 35 core conferees. Thirty core conferees did sign
the conference report.
Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Colorado (Mr.
Lamborn), my friend and the ranking member of the Subcommittee on
Strategic Forces.
Mr. LAMBORN. Madam Speaker, I rise in support of this year's NDAA,
and I thank the chairman for his leadership.
I am honored to serve as the chairman of the Subcommittee on
Strategic
[[Page H6955]]
Forces. I am pleased that 53 provisions I led in this year's NDAA
received broad bipartisan support.
Through this bill, conservatives have achieved major wins that
counter harmful Biden administration plans to treat our military like a
social experiment. However, we must continue to make necessary
investments in our strategic forces. We must prepare to simultaneously
address two-peer aggressors, as well as deter the growing threats from
Iran and North Korea. This bill does that.
Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support the bill to ensure our
men and women in uniform have the resources they need to defend our
Nation.
Mr. SMITH of Washington. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I
may consume.
Just briefly on the 702 issue. Section 702 needs to be reformed.
There is no question about that. Nobody I know of, however, says that
it should completely go away. If we don't do it on this bill, it
completely goes away on January 1, which is a huge national security
threat to this country, universally agreed.
Now, I agree with the gentleman that we should debate that policy,
but it is fascinating because on Tuesday we were set up to debate that
policy. We had a couple different choices there, and the very people
now who are screaming that we can't extend this without reform blocked
the rule that would have allowed us to reform 702. It really doesn't
make any sense.
What this bill does is it gives us time to do the reforms that need
to be done without jeopardizing national security.
Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Connecticut
(Mr. Himes), the ranking member of the House Intel Committee who knows
this issue very, very well.
Mr. HIMES. Madam Speaker, I just reemphasize what the ranking member
said. We had a robust conversation about 702 this week, and there
should be more robust conversation. What is completely intolerable is
the notion that the authority should be allowed to expire.
As ranking member of the Intelligence Committee, by God, let's reform
it, but do not let it expire. If it expires, Americans and allies will
die.
I rise in support of the National Defense Authorization Act for 2024
and congratulate the chairman and ranking member of the Armed Services
Committee for their constructive work on this legislation which
advances our national security. The partnership between the Armed
Services Committee and the Intelligence Committee is as strong as it
has been during my time in Congress, and I believe that this
contributes to enhanced oversight of the agencies charged with
protecting national security.
Among the many provisions of the NDAA, I want to particularly
highlight the Intelligence Authorization Act, which is incorporated as
Division G of the NDAA. Under the leadership of Chairman Turner, the
Intelligence Committee has worked collaboratively and effectively to
advance the IAA. The conference agreement we have reached with the
Senate advances our national security while supporting the brave men
and women in the intelligence community.
The FY24 IAA includes numerous provisions, the vast majority of which
were developed on a bipartisan basis. To highlight just a few, the IAA
includes a number of proposals I developed jointly with Chairman Turner
intended to accelerate the IC's adoption of cutting-edge technology,
particularly artificial intelligence.
Our ability to leverage emerging technologies to the IC's mission
will determine our ability to stay ahead of our adversaries in a world
of great power competition.
The legislation also includes sweeping reforms to how the CIA handles
allegations of sexual assault and sexual harassment. These reforms came
out of a bipartisan investigation in which we found that too many CIA
officers have experienced sexual misconduct and the agency's protocols
for dealing with these incidents were often frustrating and not
centered on victims. Our legislation would streamline those processes
so victims know where to turn and what to expect.
Madam Speaker, there is no question we face dangerous and complex
challenges around the world. The IC's unique capabilities are what will
continue to give us the edge over our adversaries and keep Americans
safe. I urge support of the NDAA and with the IAA, which is included.
Mr. ROY. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I want to clear up one misconception, that somehow there was a block
of us who were denying the ability to have a rule on the floor with
respect to FISA 702.
The fact is, the question was, was there going to be a rule for
something called queen of the hill, in which two bills would have been
put forward with no amendments, none. There would have been no debate
on the House floor. There would have been no ability to amend it here
on the floor.
As usual, it would have been the people who say they are the only
ones who know the information needed to make the decisions for the
American people to do it in a committee, behind closed doors, often in
the SCIF, without half of us knowing any of the information, and then
bring it to the floor and say take it or leave it. That was what was
going to occur.
We said we shouldn't do it that way, that what we should do is bring
a bill to the floor that would reform FISA, allow us to offer
amendments, have a debate on the warrant requirements, have a debate on
who it applies to, and decide whether or not we are going to actually
protect the civil liberties of the American people.
Instead, no, no, what we are going to do is pile on an extension of
FISA on the back of our defense authorization; that is, on the back of
our men and women in uniform. We are going to allow it to be extended
and the procedures extended until April of 2025. That is what your
people's House is going to do.
Madam Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Montana
(Mr. Rosendale).
Mr. ROSENDALE. Madam Speaker, in July, the House Republicans passed
the most conservative NDAA in history that ended Biden's taxpayer-
funded abortion travel fund, stopped taxpayer-funded gender transition
surgeries, and prevented American citizens from being indefinitely
detained without charge or trial. I was proud to vote for that
legislation.
I understood that this bill would change in the Senate and knew that
compromise was inevitable.
However, I cannot support a bill written by the D.C. uniparty that
removes all of the reforms and watch as leadership once again suspends
the rules we fought to restore, preventing Members from even amending
this flawed legislation.
Even worse, this legislation includes a clean extension of FISA
section 702, which has allowed the FBI to spy on U.S. citizens more
than 278,000 times without a warrant. The FBI, under President Biden,
has been weaponized against the American people, and major reform is
needed.
FISA should not be combined with our national defense, and it is
unacceptable that leadership is bypassing regular order to jam Members
by forcing them to vote on two unrelated bills with one vote. Make no
mistake about this, folks: This one vote will allow the United States
Government to spy on you and the United States military to lock you up
in Guantanamo Bay without representation.
Mr. ROGERS of Alabama. Madam Speaker, I yield such time as he may
consume to the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Wilson), one of the
most senior members of the Armed Services Committee and a real leader
on national defense issues.
Mr. WILSON of South Carolina. Madam Speaker, I congratulate Chairman
Mike Rogers and Ranking Member Adam Smith for the diligent work for
this bipartisan NDAA, which I support.
The axis of evil, war criminal Putin, the regime in Tehran, the
Chinese Communist Party, dictators with rule of gun invading
democracies with rule of law makes the passage of this bipartisan
legislation more important than ever.
I am grateful to have provisions included such as authorization for
operations for critical missions at Savannah River Site, including
plutonium pit production and the Tritium Finishing Facility; the U.S.-
Israel Future of Warfare Act, which provides for collaboration on
defense and technology
[[Page H6956]]
for border security; the Foreign Extortion Prevention Act, which is
protecting American companies from demands for bribes by corrupt
foreign officials. This is the most significant anticorruption law
since the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act of 1977.
Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this legislation,
which promotes peace through strength.
Mr. ROY. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I would note that even if section 702 lapses at the end of December,
the intelligence community will remain able to conduct 702 collection
and queries until April 11, 2024. By the way, that is even setting
aside Article I authority, which the President of the United States can
go exercise under the current FISC certification.
Number two, if the NDAA is passed with a FISA extension, as I said
before, to April 19, 2024, it will enable the Biden administration to
seek another yearlong certification which would kick it until April of
2025.
Both of those points have been independently corroborated by CRS
attorneys as recently as August of this year and by Trump
administration attorneys under similar circumstances as reported in The
New York Times in 2017, an article that laid that out.
Madam Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from
Pennsylvania (Mr. Perry).
Mr. PERRY. Madam Speaker, we all know it is Christmas and you can
sure tell because here we go with the ornaments. We have got a
Christmas tree headed out, and we have got to put some ornaments on it.
That is what is happening right now.
Of course, we are going to violate our rules. You saw it here just a
few moment ago. This violates the single-subject rule because Americans
are literally sick of their Representatives coming home and saying to
them: Well, I didn't want to vote for that, but this was on it, and we
had to get this so I had to vote for that. That is how this town works.
That is how you end up $34 trillion in debt, and that is how you spy on
278,000 Americans under the Federal Government's authority.
It violates the germaneness rule. People say what does that matter?
Why does it matter if it is germane? Madam Speaker, the House passed a
bill, a pretty good bill, thanks to the chairman, a pretty good bill.
The Senate passed a bill. I don't think it was pretty good, but they
passed a bill. Either way, you know what wasn't in either of those
bills? The Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act used to spy on
Americans. That wasn't in the bill, but at the last minute it was
airdropped into this bill.
{time} 0945
In this House, we put in the rules that we need to know the single
purpose of a bill. When we asked, ``What is the single purpose of this
bill?'' this House said, ``We are not even going to tell the American
people. We are not going to tell them that.'' They are not going to
tell the American people that because they want to couple these two
things together and pass a terrible National Defense Authorization Act.
They are going to say the troops are not being paid when they are
being paid. They are going to allow the Federal Government, under the
guise of law, to spy on every American citizen.
It is unconscionable and unacceptable. My colleagues should vote
``no.''
Mr. ROGERS of Alabama. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Wittman), my friend and colleague and the
chairman of the Tactical Air and Land Forces Subcommittee.
Mr. WITTMAN. Madam Speaker, war is on our doorstep. With the Russian
invasion of Ukraine, Iran's proxy conflict with Israel, North Korea's
long-range ballistic missile development, and China's belligerence in
the South China Sea, an axis of evil is rising again.
These nations seek to challenge the security of the world that has
provided our Nation's prosperity since World War II. We are answering
the call with this year's NDAA. We drafted this bill to address the
growing national security threats while taking care of our
servicemembers.
The bill increases the top line of defense to keep pace with our
national security challenges.
It provides a 5.2 percent servicemember pay increase, the largest
increase in 20 years. This bill provides a path for COVID vaccine
servicemembers to be reinstated.
The bill curbs a reckless administration's diversity, equity, and
inclusion appetite that detracts from warfighting.
The bill provides needed force structure focus by retaining critical
aircraft and ships, preparing us to deter conflict before 2030.
Madam Speaker, this is the right bill at the right time. We need it
urgently to deter catastrophic conflict.
Madam Speaker, I recognize Ranking Member Norcross. He is a great
teammate. I thank the chairman and urge all Members to support this.
Mr. SMITH of Washington. Madam Speaker, may I inquire as to how much
time is remaining for the various Members.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mrs. Bice). The gentleman from Washington
has 5\1/2\ minutes remaining. The gentleman from Alabama has 4 minutes
remaining. The gentleman from Texas has 9\1/2\ minutes remaining.
Mr. SMITH of Washington. Madam Speaker, I yield myself 1\1/2\
minutes.
Madam Speaker, I want to focus on this notion that this is how this
town works and how terrible that is. I really don't understand where
people get the idea that the way the world works is that you get
absolutely everything you want and nobody else gets anything. That
isn't how this town works. This is how life works in your family, your
community, and in your neighborhood--everywhere.
I know these Members know this because we just had the vote on Israel
not long ago. I would ask: What does the IRS have to do with defending
Israel? Somehow, these Members decided that they had to put the IRS
cuts in with Israel. They all voted for it and were happy as clams.
If you don't like the deal, fine, vote ``no.'' That's cool.
The idea that you say that this is just the worst process in the
world, apparently you don't like democracy because that is what
democracy is. You compromise and work with people. You do it all the
time.
Argue against the substance of the bill, but please stop tearing down
this institution and tearing down this democracy. We have to try to get
along with people we don't agree with.
Madam Speaker, to quote ``Game of Thrones'': ``We make peace with our
enemies, not our friends.'' You have to find a way to get along with
people who you disagree with. The chairman of the committee did an
outstanding job of doing that in this bill.
Madam Speaker, I urge everybody to support this bill, and I reserve
the balance of my time.
Mr. ROY. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
The question is: Who gets to decide? That is the question. Who gets
to make these grand pronouncements of who is going to compromise? It
sure as hell wasn't any of us. That wasn't the deal.
What was tried to be done with FISA was to bring two bills to the
floor unamendable and decided by only small groups of people. That is
what was occurring.
With respect to this, it was decided by leadership, both sides, to
take and jam the FISA extension on the back of our men and women in
uniform and bring that to the floor in violation of our rules for
single subject, and then they say take it or leave it. That was what
was done. That was the compromise.
If you poke the bear in this town, they don't like to be poked
because it changes the way this town works, heaven forbid. It has been
going so well and so beautifully that we are $34 trillion in debt, and
we have rampant spying on the American people that is occurring.
In 2020 and early 2021, the FBI conducted 278,000 improper searches
of Americans, according to the 2022 FISC report. We are supposed to
trust the FBI to fix that.
In June 2022, an FBI analyst conducted four queries of section 702
information using the last names of a United States Senator and a State
senator based on information that a foreign intelligence service was
targeting those individuals.
We have rampant abuses going on, and this body is just going to
extend
[[Page H6957]]
the very mechanism of those abuses on the back of the National Defense
Authorization Act. They say: Have a nice day. Merry Christmas. Go
home and have your turkey. Go home and be with your families.
That is what is actually occurring.
Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr.
Gaetz).
Mr. GAETZ. Madam Speaker, in the last round of debate, House
Republicans were criticized for providing a pay-for for our plan to
support Israel out of the IRS. The theory is that it is just totally
unrelated, but a pay-for for the things we are doing, that is always
related. It is only in Washington, certainly not in many of our State
capitals, where you can have an ambition to go fund something and then
not identify the offset that would naturally allow you to engage in
that.
The only real substantive debate I have heard in favor of this bill
is that it does good pay increases for our servicemembers. Undeniably,
that has universal agreement within this body.
I think about the 8,600 servicemembers who were forced to separate
from our military because of an ill-conceived, now withdrawn, vaccine
requirement. We were told over and over again that there would be
backpay, reparations, and restoration of rank for those people who were
improperly told that they could not express their patriotism through
military service because they didn't want to take an experimental
vaccine. That is totally absent in this legislation.
In communities like mine that are military heavy, the 5 percent pay
increase will be very welcome. Every one of our military families knows
someone who now is not able to have their job and who has seen impacts
on their spouses, their marriages, and their children because of this
mandate. We ought to have really taken care of those great folks. We
did not in this bill.
I am all about compromise. To me, compromise ought to reflect the
work of the House and the Senate and then linking up those matters.
Neither the House nor the Senate version of this bill dealt with
extending spying authorities, as my colleague from Pennsylvania (Mr.
Perry) said. That was something that was added in. That is the process
objection. The objection is not that we are unable to compromise on
that which we present different views on. It is when a totally new
issue just parachutes in and drops on what would otherwise be
legislation we want to agree to.
Mr. ROGERS of Alabama. Madam Speaker, my friend from Florida (Mr.
Gaetz), who is a member of the Armed Service Committee, knows very well
there are hundreds of provisions in this bill that are good for our
servicemembers, in addition to the 5.2 percent pay raise, which is the
biggest in 20 years.
With regard to the individuals who had to leave the service because
of COVID, this bill provides a pathway for them to get back into the
service without a rank punishment.
There is much in this bill that he knows is good. To characterize it
as only having the pay raise as the reason to vote for it is
disappointing.
Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr.
Gallagher), a real leader on the Armed Services Committee. He is the
chairman of the Cyber, Information Technologies, and Innovation
Subcommittee.
Mr. GALLAGHER. Madam Speaker, I rise in support of the bill.
As we look across the world, deterrence is collapsing, and we in this
body need to do everything possible to restore it.
As chairman of the Cyber, Information Technologies, and Innovation
Subcommittee, I am proud of many of the provisions that we got into the
bill that will spark innovation across the Pentagon, strengthen
offensive and defensive cybersecurity, and ensure our warfighters are
equipped with the cutting-edge technology that they need today.
Madam Speaker, I thank the chairman for working with the select
committee on the CCP to include a lot of our recommendations, from
enhanced cyber cooperation with and prioritization of aid to Taiwan to
detailed analyses of China's defense spending.
At the end of this process, the chairman and the ranking member can
proudly say that we will have done our work on the Armed Services
Committee. We have authorized what we needed to authorize. That is a
testament to their leadership and the spirit of the bipartisanship they
have set.
However, we also need to appropriate money to the Defense Department.
We have not done that. We are having a debate about a supplemental,
which begs the question: What are we supplementing?
If we don't appropriate, we will lose $37 billion.
Mr. SMITH of Washington. Madam Speaker, I would point out that the
money from the IRS was not a pay-for. It actually increased the
deficit. Under the rules of the House, the people who decide how to
score those things scored it as adding money to it.
It wasn't a pay-for. It was going after the IRS to appease people so
they could vote for the larger package.
Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. ROY. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. ROGERS of Alabama. Madam Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the
gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Strong), an outstanding freshman who is on
the Armed Services Committee.
Mr. STRONG. Madam Speaker, I rise in support of the 2024 National
Defense Authorization Act.
Madam Speaker, I commend Chairman Rogers and Ranking Member Smith for
their leadership, and I thank both sides of the aisle for their
vigorous debate while working together to create a bill that is focused
on the defense and security of our Nation.
The NDAA passed through the House Armed Services Committee by a vote
of 59-1. This shows that Republicans and Democrats can work together to
solve our Nation's problems. This committee put national security first
and set an example on how to bring a bipartisan bill to the United
States House floor.
Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support the fiscal year 2024
NDAA on behalf of our Nation and the American warfighter.
Mr. SMITH of Washington. Madam Speaker, may I inquire again as to how
much time is remaining.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Washington has 3\1/2\
minutes remaining. The gentleman from Texas has 5 minutes remaining.
The gentleman from Alabama has 2 minutes remaining.
Mr. SMITH of Washington. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Norcross), the ranking member on the
Tactical Air and Land Forces Subcommittee.
Mr. NORCROSS. Madam Speaker, Congress has a really proud tradition of
passing our annual NDAA. Passing this bill is as important as ever. The
NDAA is the result of hard work on both sides to support our military
and provide our warfighters with the tools and the resources they need.
This bill includes my enhanced Buy American legislation to support
American jobs by ensuring the reliability, stability, and security of
our defense industrial base, strengthening relationships with our
trusted allies. A strong military begins with a U.S. defense industrial
base built with domestic components by an American workforce.
The fiscal year 2024 NDAA is a testament to compromise. I am grateful
to the chairman of the Tactical Air and Land Forces Subcommittee, Mr.
Wittman, and the professional staff for what they have done to get this
across the finish line for the American people.
Mr. ROY. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Madam Speaker, we are here because it is right before Christmas and
everybody says we must pass this. Okay, we should pass the National
Defense Authorization Act.
We should deal with FISA, but it shouldn't be an extension of FISA
that continues the same procedures that have been abused. It extends
those procedures through April 2025. That is what we are going to do.
The fact of the matter is, there was an NSA analyst's backdoor search
for the communication of two individuals the analyst had met on an
online dating service. There was an NSA analyst's backdoor search for
the communications of a prospective tenant of a rental property they
owned.
[[Page H6958]]
{time} 1000
A backdoor search was conducted for the names and dates of birth of
individuals who were registered competitors at an athletic event, a
backdoor search for 1,600 Americans who had flown through an airport
during a particular date range and were either traveling to or
returning from a foreign country, all according to a report from the
Privacy and Civil Rights Oversight Board.
The FISA Court issued opinions in 2018, 2019, 2020, and 2022 decrying
FBI agents' persistent and widespread violation of such safeguards.
Now, I do believe we have bipartisan reforms. We just passed a good
bill out of the Judiciary Committee. I believe it was a good bill that
was passed out of the Intelligence Committee. I prefer the Judiciary
Committee bill. I think we should be debating those. I think we should
have one bill on the floor, and I think we should amend them.
We have 18 days remaining in the calendar year before FISA allegedly
expires, which I already detailed. CRS attorneys and other outside
experts are detailing how they will continue to be able to collect data
under 702. Nevertheless, we could get it done by December 31 if we
actually did our job.
Instead, what we are going to do is kick the can down the road, and
we are going to empower the court to be able to set the procedures in
place for another 16 months because that is what we do. We are the
House of kicking the can down the road. That is what we do every year.
We are doing it right now, and we are doing it today.
Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. ROGERS of Alabama. Madam Speaker, as I listen to this debate, I
am reminded of how blessed we are with incredible staff on both the
majority and minority side who have spent months preparing this piece
of legislation. I think it is important for all of us to take a pause
and thank them for all of the hard work they have done in preparing
this bill, and, particularly, the overtime they have put in in the last
few weeks.
Madam Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from Florida (Mr.
Gimenez), who is an outstanding freshman member of the House Armed
Services Committee.
Mr. GIMENEZ. Madam Chair, the United States is facing a host of
pressing issues, from Communist China's increased aggression in the
Indo-Pacific to attacks by Iran-backed Hamas terrorists against our
dear friend, Israel. This NDAA ensures our military is ready and able
to meet these challenges head-on.
In south Florida and across the Nation, living and housing costs are
a priority for our men and women in uniform. This NDAA secures a 5.2
percent increase in pay to our servicemembers which is the largest in
20 years, it authorizes $394 million more than the President's budget
request for new family housing and barracks, and it increases
eligibility for cost-of-living allowances.
While this NDAA may not be perfect, it fully funds our military,
enhances capabilities and readiness, and supports our brave
servicemembers.
Mr. SMITH of Washington. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my
time.
Mr. ROY. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. ROGERS of Alabama. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my
time.
Mr. SMITH of Washington. Madam Speaker, as I understand it, I could
go second to last, but I am prepared to close at this point, as well.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Washington is correct.
Mr. ROY. I yield myself the balance of my time to close.
Madam Speaker, another point that I think merits observation is that,
as we speak, with the 18 days remaining, the Senate, rather than
working on ensuring that we get a better NDAA--but, more importantly in
this context because that process is kind of played out--rather than
figuring out how we are going to deal with FISA and reform it to make
sure Americans' civil liberties are protected, we have the Senate in
negotiations with the White House on figuring out what crumbs can be
given for border security to be attached to Ukraine funding while
Zelenskyy is paraded around Washington trying to demand more money for
Ukraine when our border is wide-open.
So the Senate has plenty of time to hold themselves here in
negotiation with the White House so we can beg for crumbs for the
protection of our sovereignty and security of the people of Texas and
the people of this country, but we don't have time to figure out how to
fix FISA. It is pretty extraordinary. It is pretty extraordinary.
In the meantime, in this very bill is $600 million authorized for
Ukraine. Now, I am actually not personally all that troubled by those
provisions. We supported them in the authorization bill in July, but I
would note, importantly, to my colleagues on this side of the aisle, a
majority of Republicans opposed an amendment for the continuation of
that funding to Ukraine in a September vote on the floor.
A majority of Republicans opposed that funding, and, yet, we are
authorizing it here on the back of a number of provisions that we don't
support and on the back of FISA being piled on the top of that Defense
authorization bill. For the life of me, I do not understand why this is
how Republicans think we should end the year heading out for Christmas.
Madam Speaker, in closing, we have come to the floor today on a bill
that all of us want to see passed. Every single one of us wants to pass
a National Defense Authorization Act. Every single one of us wants to
ensure that our men and women in uniform are paid appropriately, have
the tools they need to carry out their job, have the care they need
when they get home, and that we do our job. Every single one of us
wants to make sure that we do that.
Nevertheless, we are doing a terrible disservice to the people of
this country by piling on an extension of a FISA regime that was
abused--notably and clearly abused--against American citizens without
reforming that piece of legislation by kicking the can down the road
and by extending it not just through April but through April of 2025.
A vote for this bill is not just a bill for pay raises and support
for our men and women in uniform. A vote for this bill is a
perpetuation of the woke policies undermining our military, breaking
down morale, driving down recruiting, and now undermining the civil
liberties of the American people by not reforming FISA.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. SMITH of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of
my time.
I think the most revealing thing said by the gentleman from Texas
was: A majority of Republicans. A majority of Republicans supported
something, so how possibly could we not do it?
That really reflects their opposition. They would like the majority
of Republicans to control this bill.
Now, to the credit of the chairman and others, they recognize that
bipartisan compromise is what we have to get to. They believe that what
they want they get regardless of how anybody else votes. That is not
the way the process works.
We have worked a very good bill and got a very good outcome here. We
haven't even mentioned things like the AUKUS agreement, a crucial
agreement in deterring China and strengthening our allies. There are a
whole lot of things in this bill that are going to have a very positive
outcome on national security.
Also, I do want to point out that this is important for the House to
be involved. If we insist upon the notion that everybody has to agree,
then we become irrelevant. This is the House expressing oversight of
the executive branch, and, yes, it is on the Defense bill, but it is
also in the Intel bill, and it is in the Foreign Affairs bill. If we
aren't able to do that, then the executive branch becomes more
powerful, and we disappear.
Now, in the appropriations process we tried that. The House couldn't
pass roughly one-half of the appropriations bills because everybody
insisted on having it exactly their way, and, again, we have rendered
ourselves irrelevant.
Please vote for this bill. It is a reflection of a bipartisan and
bicameral effort of the legislative branch to assert its authority and
its obligation to exercise oversight.
Lastly, Mr. Speaker, I echo Mr. Rogers' comments. Our staff is beyond
[[Page H6959]]
fantastic. I have not had as much time in this debate to thank them as
I would like. They have done a great job. The floor staff and the
parliamentary staff pulled it all together.
On a note of personal privilege, I specifically thank Connor Stubbs,
my legislative director, for his outstanding work. He has the bad taste
to be leaving my office tomorrow and going on to bigger and better
things. He has done an outstanding job and is really reflective of the
entire staff that I have, and that Mr. Rogers has, HASC and SASC. These
are tremendous people who work more hours than anybody could possibly
calculate to make this happen. So I thank them very much for their hard
work.
Again, Mr. Speaker, please, vote for this bill. It is enormously
important that we do so, and I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. ROGERS of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my
time.
I want to close by reminding my colleagues who are considering voting
against this conference report of what it actually does and what they
would be on record opposing.
The fiscal year 2024 NDAA requires military promotions to be based on
merit and performance, bans the teaching of critical race theory in our
military, requires border wall materials to be turned over to our
Southwest border States, cuts and caps the pay of Pentagon DEI
bureaucracy, defends Israel with additional weapons transfers and
military training, prohibits the closure of Guantanamo Bay and transfer
of terrorists to U.S. prisons, bans the contracting with Chinese
companies, protects our military bases, defense research, and supply
chains from Chinese espionage, trains and equips Taiwan, provides a
path back to service for those discharged over the COVID-19 vaccine,
creates a new monthly pay bonus, improves housing and expands benefits
for junior enlisted servicemembers and their families, and, finally,
the NDAA provides for the largest pay raise in over 20 years.
Mr. Speaker, I urge all Members to keep those things in mind when
they vote today.
I thank Chairman Reed and Ranking Members Smith and Wicker. It has
been great to work with them in this process. I also thank our House
and Senate staff. They are just top-notch.
I thank the leadership on both sides, as well as the tremendous
professionals of the Office of Legislative Counsel, the Congressional
Budget Office, the House Parliamentarian, and the House Clerk for all
their help.
Finally, I thank the brave men and women in uniform for their willing
service and sacrifice around the world to keep us free and safe.
Mr. Speaker, I urge all Members to vote in favor of the conference
report, and I yield back the balance of my time.
Ms. McCOLLUM. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the National Defense
Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2024 (NDAA).
I did not vote for the Republican majority's version of the NDAA that
passed the House in July. That bill was loaded with extreme and
partisan social policy riders that had no place in legislation that
supports our national security and the service members who defend it.
That is why I'm encouraged by the bipartisan negotiations that produced
a much more balanced compromise bill. While there are still some
provisions I do not agree with, nearly all the worst policy ideas from
the Republican majority have been removed. Excluded from the agreement
are the harmful provisions that would deny reproductive health care
access to our service members and their families and attack the rights
of LGBTQ+ service members.
I do disagree with some remaining provisions that I believe will
continue discourage building a diverse military, and ones that would
inhibit the Administration's ability to improve military resilience and
readiness in the face of ongoing climate change challenges. For
example, this legislation maintains a provision banning Critical Race
Theory in our military education system. The definition is narrower
than originally proposed, but I remain concerned with how Critical Race
Theory is defined and that this provision could be used to limit how
certain eras of American history are taught. This NDAA also institutes
a salary cap and hiring freeze on the Defense Department's Diversity
Equity and Inclusion (DEI) Committee, pursuant to completion of a
department audit. I think this is unnecessary and should have been
removed.
As Ranking Member of the Appropriations Subcommittee on Defense, I am
intimately familiar with the range threats to our nation and to our
partners and allies around the world. That is why I will continue to
fight against the same outrageous and extreme social policy provisions
included by Republicans in this year's Defense Appropriations Act that
would result in deterring the American public from raising their hand
to serve.
This legislation temporarily extends the Foreign Intelligence
Surveillance Act (FISA) 702 authorization. I am supportive of reforms
to Section 702 to ensure that the civil liberties of American citizens
are protected, and Congress must consider the merits of bills on FISA
reform that are moving through the House and the Senate right now.
However, the national security risks associated with allowing this
authorization to lapse entirely in a manner of weeks with no
replacement are too grave. It is important that we allow more time for
Congress to understand the sensitive details surrounding this program,
continue constructive debate, and find a compromise solution that finds
a prudent balance that respects individual liberty and protects
national security.
I am strongly supportive of this NDAA's ironclad commitment to our
allies and partners at a time when geopolitical events increasingly
test America's resolve and unity. This legislation includes robust
resourcing toward the European and Pacific Deterrence Initiatives, an
extension of the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative, and a
provision that places limits on the President's ability to withdraw the
U,S. from the North Atlantic Treaty Organization pursuant to
Congressional approval. These are all important parts of maintaining
America's security commitments to our fellow democracies in Europe and
in Asia. Of particular significance to our Pacific deterrence efforts,
this legislation elevates our commitment to AUKUS, our tri-lateral
Pacific partnership with Australia and the U.K. Provisions that empower
our Defense and State Departments to streamline resource and
information sharing between these critical allies and measures that
strengthen our collective defense industrial capacity all embrace the
recognition that we are stronger together in these endeavors than
alone.
Also notable is how this bill takes care of our service members and
their families. This NDAA continues our commitment to invest in our
most important resource in our nation's defense arsenal--our people.
The compromise supports the administration's proposed 5.2% pay raise
for service members, strengthens the civilian workforce, and supports
military spouses and families with additional authorized investments in
housing, childcare, career opportunities, health care, and other
quality of life needs.
Mr. Speaker, this legislation is not perfect and there are provisions
in it that I disagree with. But no compromise is perfect. This
legislation is significantly improved from the Republican bill that
passed this body in July, which would have been a disaster for our
national security and our troops if it had been enacted.
I will support the conference agreement.
Ms. LOFGREN. Mr. Speaker, this NDAA conference report contains
several important provisions that I support. These include the
authorization of $300 million for the Ukraine Security Assistance
Initiative, $300 million for construction of new military childcare
centers, excluding the Basic Allowance for Housing (BAH) from the Basic
Needs Allowance (BNA), and providing a 5.2 percent pay raise for
servicemembers. The conference agreement also strikes many of the most
problematic provisions from the House-passed NDAA, including provisions
preventing female servicemembers from accessing reproductive care,
preventing gender-affirming care for transgender servicemembers, and
multiple provisions that would worsen our climate crisis. I'm relieved
these harmful provisions will not become law.
I also strongly support a provision of the bill that is especially
important to my Congressional District: the authorization of $40
million for the Fort Hunter Liggett Network Enterprise Center. Fort
Hunter Liggett is the U.S. Army Reserve's largest training
installation, but many of its facilities, including the Network
Enterprise Center, are badly in need of repair or replacement. This
funding will allow for the construction of a new Network Enterprise
Center to enable the installation to continue to meet its mission.
However, the NDAA conference report regrettably also contains a very
controversial extension of current warrantless surveillance authorities
by intelligence and law enforcement agencies. Airdropped into the NDAA
conference report is a seemingly-innocuous `short-term' reauthorization
of Section 702 of FISA until April 19, 2024. However, this `short-term'
reauthorization masks a de facto 16-month extension for surveillance
programs that law enforcement and intelligence agencies admit bypass
the Fourth Amendment. This extension greenlights continued use of
Section 702 despite its well-documented history of abuse and allows the
government's unchecked access to Americans' personal data without a
warrant. I absolutely cannot vote to
[[Page H6960]]
extend FISA's Section 702, even temporarily, and therefore will cast a
NAY vote on the NDAA conference report.
Instead of embracing the surveillance status quo, Congress needs to
reform Section 702 to protect Americans' civil liberties. Congressional
leadership must bring the Protect Liberty and End Warrantless
Surveillance Act to the floor for a vote. The Judiciary Committee
recently passed this pivotal surveillance reform bill, by an
overwhelming bipartisan vote, that is largely inspired by the
bicameral, bipartisan Government Surveillance Reform Act that I
introduced with Rep. Warren Davidson.
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this year's NDAA.
I am pleased that we were able to work in a bipartisan fashion to
finalize the Senate's State Department Authorization bill for inclusion
in this year's NDAA. In late 2021, during my chairmanship of the
Foreign Affairs Committee, we shepherded--through the House, into a
conferenced NDAA, and ultimately onto the President's desk--the first
comprehensive State Department Authorization bill to become law in
nearly 20 years. The passage of this year's bill will make three in a
row.
The bill includes many important provisions--including to: stand up a
fellowship program in honor of our late colleague John Lewis and a
transatlantic leadership institute; authorize support and economic
diplomacy to public diplomacy and beyond.
The NDAA also includes important provisions related to the
implementation of the AUKUS trilateral security partnership. By
leveraging the shared capabilities of the U.S., Australia, and the
U.K., the United States and its allies can shape a free and open Indo-
Pacific for years to come.
The Foreign Affairs Committee and the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee painstakingly and carefully negotiated the AUKUS compromise
text included in this NDAA. The compromise text includes support for
the families of Americans wrongfully detained around the globe, and
ensures that State Department personnel have the flexibilities and
authorities they need to succeed in their work--from cyber helps
advance this critical agreement and includes both Pillar 1 legislation
to support the transfer of Virginia-class submarines to Australia, and
shared financial and training efforts. It also includes bipartisan
legislation supporting Pillar 2 of AUKUS, which provides a sound way
forward for ensuring cutting-edge defense technology cooperation can
advance while maintaining critical safeguards and regulations.
This year's NDAA was not perfect. I am disappointed outbound
investment regulations were not included, and I support moving the
McCaul-Meeks bipartisan bill to the floor immediately to address this
crucial issue.
Nonetheless, the NDAA is once again the product of a serious
bipartisan work accomplished during conference, so I support the
legislation and urge all my colleagues to do the same.
Mr. GARAMENDI. Mr. Speaker, I am proud to stand here today in favor
of the Conference Report on the Fiscal Year 24 NDAA. This conference
report is the result of bipartisan efforts to strengthen our national
defense while supporting our military members, families, and
communities. I would like to thank Senator Reed, Senator Wicker,
Chairman Rogers, and Ranking Member Smith for their leadership
throughout the entire process to produce this bipartisan bill.
I would also like to thank Chairman Waltz of the Readiness
Subcommittee for his partnership, Jeanine Womble the readiness PSM, my
MLA Rob Hurd, and my Defense Fellow Taylor Brunstad. I am proud of the
work we have done to protect the Readiness of our Armed forces. This
bill continues our work, along with our Senate colleagues, to support
military families by providing more childcare centers, protect basic
healthcare rights for women service member, support energy resiliency
on our bases, increase base pay to retain and recruit top talent, and
demand DoD accountability and transparency on spending to prevent
wasteful use of taxpayer dollars.
It is of vital importance to me to support our servicemembers and
their families at bases like Travis Air force Base and ensure they have
the housing, training, equipment, and quality of life they need and
deserve. I am proud to continue my work to serve the men and women in
my district, and to serve the brave men and women volunteering to
protect our freedom. While this bill is a strong bipartisan effort to
support the military, there is still more to be done and I look forward
to building on these efforts in the years ahead.
Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 2670,
the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2024.
Congress has the solemn duty to ensure that those who wear the
uniform of the United States--and those civilians who provide
logistical and operational support--have the equipment, training, and
resources needed to carry out and complete their mission.
And we must never forget that a grateful nation has a sacred
obligation, in the words of President Lincoln, ``to care for him who
has borne the battle, and for his widow and his orphan.''
Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank Chairman Rogers, Ranking Member
Smith, and the committee staff for their diligent work that resulted in
this bipartisan, bicameral report, which includes my legislation, the
Foreign Extortion Prevention Act.
I was pleased to work with Senator Whitehouse to help negotiate the
inclusion of this legislation, which will be the most significant
international criminal anti-corruption legislation since 1977.
The Foreign Extortion Prevention Act will finally enable U.S. law
enforcement to indict foreign kleptocrats for extorting U.S. businesses
and Americans.
The harms caused by foreign bribe demands are innumerable and include
foreign officials who demand bribes and extort individuals in
furtherance of trafficking of children and drugs into and out of the
United States.
These crimes largely go unpunished.
With the passage of FEPA (through the NDAA), however, those who
violate the provisions of FEPA could face a criminal fine of up to
$250,000 and a prison sentence of up to 15 years.
As reported by Transparency International U.S. in May 2023, a recent
survey by the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development
found that foreign officials who demand or receive bribes are only
criminally punished by their home governments some 20 percent of the
time.
As many of you are aware, the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA)
prohibits U.S. companies from bribing foreign officials.
But it does not protect U.S. companies from predatory foreign
officials who solicit bribes--and then partner with the Chinese state-
owned enterprises (SOEs) that are more than willing and able to pay
them.
China does not appear to have ever enforced its own version of the
FCPA, despite the Communist Party's continued crackdowns on companies
it perceives to be corrupt or disloyal.
FEPA, by making it a crime for a foreign official to demand a bribe
from a U.S. company, would therefore not only help to level the playing
field for U.S. companies--but it will also deter and hold accountable
corrupt officials who, by betraying their oaths for Beijing's bribes,
become complicit in the Communist Party's global campaign to subvert
rule of law and upend the security order.
By joining with the United Kingdom, Germany, France, and other
democratic allies who have already enacted similar legislation to
protect their own businesses, the United States can set an alternative
example to China's use of corruption as a tool of foreign policy--one
that, in promoting honest competition and rule of law, will ultimately
benefit our national security.
In order to restore competitiveness, the United States must double-
down on the rule of law.
The kleptocrats that extort U.S. companies also cheat their own
people out of economic development and prosperity.
The United States must stand with these victims of kleptocracy.
This means combating the demand side of bribery--we must make
kleptocrats think twice before they demand a bribe.
Already, the U.S. Department of Justice is attempting to deter the
demand side of bribery with the tools that it has.
However, without a specific authority to prosecute foreign extortion,
we are leaving the DOJ without the key tool that it needs to achieve
this goal.
It is long overdue that we expand our foreign bribery laws to capture
the malfeasance of foreign kleptocrats--in this age of globalization,
we can wait no longer.
Please join me in passing the FY2024 National Defense Authorization
act, which includes my legislation, the Foreign Extortion Prevention
Act, which protects rule-abiding companies, and stands up for the
victims of kleptocracy around the world.
It is time that we expand our foreign bribery laws to capture the
malfeasance of foreign kleptocrats--in this age of globalization, we
can wait no longer.
This legislation will protect rule-abiding companies and stand up for
the victims of kleptocracy around the world.
So, I look forward to the NDAA being signed by the President of the
United States and becoming law.
[[Page H6961]]
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