[Congressional Record Volume 169, Number 204 (Tuesday, December 12, 2023)]
[House]
[Pages H6855-H6857]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
{time} 1915
CONGRATULATING THE FOLSOM HIGH SCHOOL BULLDOGS
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the Speaker's announced policy of
January 9, 2023, the Chair recognizes the gentleman from California
(Mr. Kiley) for 30 minutes.
Mr. KILEY. Madam Speaker, I wish to recognize and congratulate the
Folsom High School football team on winning the 2023 CIF Division 1A
State football championship, beating St. Bonaventure this weekend 20-
14. This is Folsom's fifth State championship since 2010, their first
since 2018. Head coach Paul Doherty got his team to buy in, and
together they were able to achieve remarkable things, with Defensive
Coordinator Sam Cole taking the reins and making life for the St.
Bonaventure offense rather difficult.
Sophomore quarterback Ryder Lyons opened the score in the first
quarter, and Folsom held the lead at halftime. St. Bonaventure battled
back and led 14-13 with less than 3 minutes left. Then Folsom's defense
stopped the St. Bonaventure offense and took over with a little more
than 2 minutes to go.
Lyons led his team downfield and completed a touchdown pass to
Jameson Powell with 20 seconds to go.
Coach Doherty and Coach Cole's defense held from there, and the
Folsom High School football team won the championship, capping off an
amazing 12-2 season.
Coach Doherty and the Folsom Bulldogs should be congratulated on
winning the championship of the entire State. We know how hard they
have worked. This team brings so much pride to the city of Folsom, and
I congratulate all the players on a very well-deserved victory and
amazing end to your season.
Free Speech on College Campuses
Mr. KILEY. Madam Speaker, Harvard University's leadership today
announced that they will be retaining President Claudine Gay, despite
acknowledging President Gay's repeated failures to adequately condemn
terrorism and anti-Semitism.
Now, the university will have to answer for why it takes these
matters less seriously than the University of Pennsylvania, which
recently forced out its president. As disappointing as this is, the
refusal of one university to make a needed personnel change is not
going to stop the momentum for far-reaching reform that we are seeing
in higher education. This is a moment of reckoning for higher education
in this country, where the true character of our universities has been
laid bare for the world to see.
Even before last week's shocking testimony by the presidents of
Harvard, MIT, and Penn, many in this country were asking the question:
How is it that our leading academic institutions have been gripped by
such an ancient and retrograde prejudice as anti-Semitism? How is it
that institutions that have been suppressing free speech for years
suddenly discovered the First Amendment as a reason not to condemn
terrorism or to stop Jewish students from being bullied and harassed?
How is it that university leaders who have waded into every political
issue of the day suddenly felt bound by institutional neutrality when
it came to the
[[Page H6856]]
murder of children? How is it that bureaucracies devoted to diversity,
equity, and inclusion turned a blind eye to the targeting the Jewish
students and, in some cases, even contributed to that hostile
environment?
Yes, this is a moment of reckoning. Our universities cost too much,
their degrees deliver too little value, and they have become among the
most intolerant places in American life. This is a time to rediscover
the purpose of higher education so that our universities are once again
leading lights in American life, are national assets, are places of
community and belonging and truly higher learning.
Tonight, I would like to take a moment to suggest a path forward by
identifying 10 principles for a fundamental cultural change at our
universities. I want to say first that this is a process, a
conversation, that should be taking place at universities themselves
with alumni, with students, with faculty, with administration, with all
stakeholders.
Congress does have a role to play. The Education and the Workforce
Committee has already announced a congressional investigation into the
three universities that we heard from last week and others about their
failure to adequately address anti-Semitism on campus.
In a broader sense, Congress has a role to play because of the large
amounts of Federal funding that go to even private institutions. The
founder of OpenTheBooks reported that Harvard and Penn are now more
Federal contractor than educator, collecting more on government
contracts and grants than undergraduate student tuition. The group
discovered that between 2018 and 2022, Harvard received $3.13 billion
in total Federal payments, which includes Federal grants and contracts,
while Penn received $4.38 billion in payments.
Yes, Congress has a clear interest in what is happening at our
universities and not just from the perspective of oversight of our
funds but also because universities are incubators for our broader
culture.
So many of the problems in our country today--censorship, the
explosion of DEI, a redefinition of merit as something unaligned with
excellence or even at odds with it--had their origins on campus, which
brings us back to the present crisis of anti-Semitism.
By now, the world has seen the shocking testimony of President Gay
and her counterparts at Penn and MIT, refusing to condemn a call for
genocide against the Jewish people as a violation of campus policies.
Even prior to that testimony, over the last 2 months, President Gay's
inaction created an environment on Harvard's campus where at the time
of our hearing, she could not even say if Jewish students will feel
safe and welcome. I asked her that several times, and she refused to
answer: Could you look the family of a prospective Jewish student in
the eye and tell them that their son or daughter would feel safe and
welcome on your campus? She refused to even answer the question.
In the aftermath of October 7, President Gay's carefully parsed
statements, her silence, her Orwellian use of the passive voice, made
it very clear that she sees the forces of anti-Semitism as a
constituency that needs to be catered to--that sends a signal on her
campus. It sends a signal that was clearly received by the forces of
anti-Semitism on her campus, that reverberated across American higher
education and seeped into our broader culture.
We can't simply say that this problem has only taken hold in the last
couple of months. The reality is that anti-Semitism has been growing on
college campuses and prior to October 7 had reached an all-time high.
Many have been speaking about this issue with a growing sense of alarm.
For me, the extent of the problem, and the extent to which the
universities themselves are serving to exacerbate the problem, really
hit home for me in early 2020 when California released a proposed
ethnic studies curriculum. This was a 550-page curriculum that was
designed by ethnic studies leaders from various school districts and
universities appointed by the State's board of education. It received
support from 22 California State ethnic studies departments and
education leaders throughout the State.
The curriculum was broadly, universally condemned on both sides of
the aisle, from people of all points of view. Indeed, Governor Gavin
Newsom said at the time that it was offensive in so many ways and would
never see the light of day. Among the problems with the curriculum, the
biggest, the most deeply problematic, was the many instances of anti-
Semitism.
This is what was written by the California Legislative Jewish Caucus,
a group of legislators in our State legislature, in response to the
proposed curriculum. They wrote that the curriculum: Erases the
American Jewish experience, fails to discuss anti-Semitism, reinforces
negative stereotypes about Jews, singles out Israel for criticism, and
would institutionalize the teaching of anti-Semitic stereotypes in our
public schools.
The letter goes on: Jews are essentially excluded from the
curriculum. We have been advised that this exclusion appeared to be
intentional and reflected the political bias of the drafters. They
called it deeply insulting, fundamentally inconsistent with the
purposes of ethnic studies, harmful to Jewish and non-Jewish students,
and indicative of an anti-Jewish bias in the curriculum that would be
dangerous to institutionalize.
The letter goes on: In the few instances where the curriculum
acknowledges Jews, it does so in a denigrating and discriminatory
manner. For example, it recommends song lyrics that inappropriately
delve into the Israeli-Palestinian conflict with a strong bias and
little nuance. The curriculum asserts that Israelis ``use the press so
they can manufacture'' a classic anti-Semitic trope about Jewish
control of the media.
The letter states: It is difficult to fathom why the State of
California would want to actively promote a narrative about Jews that
echoes the propaganda of the Nazi regime.
This was a few years ago where you had a panel of university leaders
proposing, at the behest of the California State legislature, a
curriculum that, by the way, was going to be a graduation requirement
for every high school student in the country, and the State's own
Legislative Jewish Caucus said that it echoes the propaganda of the
Nazi regime.
This has been a problem growing at our universities for some time,
and the failures of President Claudine Gay the last 2 months, and her
shocking testimony at our hearing last week, simply put the deeply
anti-Semitic currents in our universities on stark display.
Now, at the same time that we have seen this rise in anti-Semitism on
college campuses, there have been many other deeply troubling trends.
Indeed, what made President Gay's tolerance for anti-Semitism all the
more morally abhorrent was that this was coming from a president whose
university ranked dead last, 248 out of 248, in free speech rankings
released earlier this year. Yet, here she was at our committee hearing
talking about her university's ``commitment'' to free expression.
The rankings that found Harvard to have come in dead last--in fact,
Harvard got the worst score in the history of the rankings--cited
surveys of Harvard students where just over a quarter of students
reported that they are comfortable publicly disagreeing with their
professor on a controversial political topic--just over a quarter
comfortable disagreeing with a professor on a political topic. Only a
third of students said it is very or extremely clear the administration
protects free speech on campus. Even 30 percent said using violence to
stop a campus speech is at least acceptable on some occasions. Truly
shocking statistics.
These problems have both been getting worse. As anti-Semitism has
risen, so has the suppression of free speech. Indeed, even President
Obama, several years ago, spoke about this issue. In 2016, Obama said:
There has been a trend around the country of trying to get colleges to
disinvite speakers with a different point of view or disrupt a
politician's rally. Don't do that, Obama said, no matter how ridiculous
or offensive you might find the things that come out of their mouths.
There will be times when you shouldn't contradict your core values,
your integrity, and you will have the responsibility to speak up in the
face of injustice. But listen. Engage. If the other side has a
[[Page H6857]]
point, learn from them. If they are wrong, rebut them. Teach them. Beat
them on the battlefield of ideas. That is what President Obama said in
2016.
That same year, the head of the University of California, Janet
Napolitano, discussed this in an editorial where she wrote that the
sanctity of free speech in our country is hardly guaranteed, at least
not on our college campuses. Napolitano, by the way, was a member of
President Obama's cabinet and the Democrat Governor of Arizona.
She went on to warn how far we have moved from freedom of speech on
campuses to freedom from speech. She said we have moved from freedom of
speech on campuses to freedom from speech.
Indeed, the rise of anti-Semitism and the suppression of free speech
on college campuses has gone hand in hand. I saw the degree of this
when I was a State legislator and proposed the Free Speech on Campus
Act. That legislation got support from dozens of Jewish-American groups
who had seen how the suppression of free speech was used to exclude
people, to shut down speakers who represented their point of view or
were of their background.
In fact, earlier this year, we saw California university student
groups actually say they were not going to allow speakers based upon
their views on the State of Israel.
This is a very important point. It is the same university culture
that has given us speech code, safe spaces, microaggressions, bias
reporting systems, and all of the other threats to free speech and free
inquiry that we see on campus today. That same university culture has
also given us widespread prejudice of a kind we never would have
expected to see in America in the 21st century.
{time} 1930
Something has gone terribly wrong with higher education in this
country. There is a particular culture in higher education that is in
many ways detached from reality, a world unto itself, divorced from the
norms of frankly either political party, as we saw in the bipartisan
condemnation of the university presidents last week, or even basic
American institutions.
Now is the time to uproot that culture and to reform higher education
in America, to return our universities to their guiding purposes.
Figuring out the path forward is going to take a lot of different
perspectives.
I want to list, very briefly, 10 basic principles that I think can
guide that process. If pursued in earnest, it can return our
universities to being national assets rather than institutions that are
accelerating our country's decline.
The first principle, of course, is a commitment to freedom of speech.
This should be codified in a statement like the University of
Chicago's. It should be aligned with the principles of the First
Amendment with narrowly defined exceptions, as the Supreme Court has
defined. Importantly, one of those exceptions is bullying and genuine
harassment.
A second guiding principle is academic freedom so that students and
professors alike do not have to fear negative repercussions based upon
the type of research they choose to undertake or the points of view
that they choose to express.
A third principle is institutional neutrality. Fareed Zakaria, in a
widely shared clip from CNN, has said: ``The American public has been
losing faith in these universities for good reason.'' He said there has
been a ``broad shift'' as universities have gone from ``being centers
of excellence to institutions pushing political agendas.''
Universities themselves should not be political actors but rather
should be forums where ideas can be debated and discussed and where
students can be exposed to a wide variety of views and come to their
own conclusions.
A fourth guiding principle is upending the DEI bureaucracy, which has
given us safe spaces and trigger warnings. It has taught students to
look at each other through the lens of distrust, which has bred hate
and division and taught students to hate our country.
A recent op-ed in The Washington Post by Danielle Allen said this:
``I was one of three co-chairs of Harvard's Presidential Task Force on
Inclusion and Belonging, which in 2018 delivered a strategic framework
for the campus.'' She said, ``Many are chalking up current
controversies to diversity, equity, and inclusion work, and the task
force's report was a contribution to that field broadly understood.''
But, she said, ``Across the country, DEI bureaucracies have been
responsible for numerous assaults on common sense.''
A fifth guiding principle is to allow for ideological diversity among
administrators, students, and faculty. One report showed that 1 percent
of Harvard professors identify as conservative. That is not a healthy
environment for the flourishing of a free exchange of ideas.
A sixth guiding principle is eliminating foreign influence at our
universities so that our universities are not being funded by China and
other adversaries of the United States.
A seventh guiding principle is to return to core and real academic
disciplines and to get rid of those that do not have any academic value
or merit or adhere to the traditional norms of scholarship. This would
include redefining core curriculums in such a way that students have a
common set of knowledge that they come out of universities with.
An eighth guiding principle is to revive trade schools and the
teaching of practical skills, crafts, and professions at our
universities as well as, by the way, in our secondary and primary
schools. This is so every student doesn't feel like they have to go to
university in order to get the skills and qualifications to get a good-
paying job.
A ninth guiding principle is to make our universities more affordable
so that tuition does not continue to skyrocket in a way that the
Federal Government has fueled and so that students are not left
hundreds of thousands of dollars in debt in some cases.
A final principle, which in many ways encapsulates all the others, is
to return to excellence as the real, true, overarching guiding
principle of our universities--excellence in all of its forms.
This would mean getting rid of grade inflation. It would mean
revisiting admissions standards. It would mean restoring standardized
tests, which have given people from all walks of life an opportunity to
choose their excellence. It would mean having a culture of debate and
discussion on campus where the better idea wins, and each student can
make that decision for themselves.
If our universities truly come to value excellence again, then that
will be the characteristic of their graduates and the future leadership
of our country, as well.
This is a moment of reckoning in higher education. It is a moment to
rediscover the purpose of a university as a center for research, as a
place to explore cutting-edge ideas, and as a place to prepare young
people for the task of citizenship, which goes to the heart of what our
country is all about, this great experiment that our Founders started
in self-government.
Rethinking our institutions of education and higher learning is going
to be vital to making sure that that experiment continues to flourish
in the years and decades ahead.
Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
____________________