[Congressional Record Volume 169, Number 204 (Tuesday, December 12, 2023)]
[House]
[Pages H6843-H6851]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
{time} 1730
UKRAINE IS THE SCRIMMAGE LINE FOR LIBERTY
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Ms. Lee of Florida). Under the Speaker's
announced policy of January 9, 2023, the gentlewoman from Ohio (Ms.
Kaptur) is recognized for 60 minutes as the designee of the minority
leader.
General Leave
Ms. KAPTUR. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members
may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks
and include extraneous material in the Record.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentlewoman from Ohio?
There was no objection.
Ms. KAPTUR. Madam Speaker, I rise tonight as co-chair and a founding
member of the bipartisan, 94-member Congressional Ukraine Caucus. Our
caucus supports the immediate consideration of legislation that will
provide further supplemental funding for Ukraine to support our partner
in liberty against the aggression of Putin's tyranny.
This is a moral struggle for liberty in our era. Liberty faces a new
era of conflict being forced upon the free world by a burgeoning axis
of tyranny and terrorism, including the likes of Russia, China, Iran,
Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Houthis. Ukraine is the scrimmage line of
that conflict for liberty. Their fight is our fight. The America I know
does not cower in the face of tyranny.
Many Americans believe that the history of the struggle against
global tyranny ended with the defeat of Nazi Germany and the fall of
the Soviet Union. I am here today to tell them that liberty's history
is still being written. We face not a new enemy but an old one. This is
not a new struggle but one which America and our alliances of free
nations have fought for nearly a century. Ukraine has fought for its
liberty for centuries.
[[Page H6844]]
Let us not forget a key reason why there is a war in Ukraine. When
the Soviet Union collapsed, as a newly independent nation in 1991, it
became the third largest nuclear power in the world. However, as a
responsible nation, Ukraine signed the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation
of Nuclear Weapons at the behest of the United States and the demand of
Russia and gave up its stockpile of nuclear weapons.
In exchange, Ukraine's security was to be guaranteed under the 1994
Budapest Memorandum signed by the United States, Russia, and the United
Kingdom. However, Russia, even though it was the recipient of Ukraine's
nuclear arsenal, betrayed its commitments when it invaded Ukraine in
2014. We must not betray ours.
Ukraine has been building her fledgling democracy since 1991
following the collapse of the Soviet Union's tyranny that President
Ronald Reagan called the ``evil empire.'' That remains one of the most
consequential moments in world history. Liberty won. Ukraine has faced
many challenges in her endeavor for liberty as it steadfastly moves to
join the European Union of free nations, America's closest allies.
To thwart Ukraine's desire for liberty and independence from Russia's
malevolent influence, Putin first invaded Ukraine in 2014, 4 days after
Russia's hosting the international Sochi Olympics with all of that
fancy publicity. Now, 8 years later, Putin launched his war of
unprovoked aggression on Ukraine in 2022. Much of the world was
convinced there was no way the Ukrainian David could defeat a Russian
Goliath. Ukraine's entire territory encompasses only 3 percent of the
territory of Russia and its population is only 25 percent of Russia's,
and yet Ukraine fights and fights hard. She has never asked us to fight
for her, only for global allies to arm her so she can defend herself.
So far, we have done so, and to great effect. We must stay the course,
not waiver.
President Zelenskyy, who is again visiting Washington today, and the
Ukrainian people have stood up to Putin. Ukraine's valiant soldiers
have actually moved their military to liberate 50 percent of all the
territory that was once occupied by Russian tyranny and decimated as
much as 40 percent of Russia's military capacity.
It is important to put the resources that we have provided for
Ukraine's defense against Russia into perspective. To date, Congress,
in a repeated bipartisan fashion, has appropriated roughly $113 billion
for Ukraine, of which every penny has been accounted for.
Furthermore, we know that at least 60 percent of the money that is
appropriated for Ukraine is spent right here in the United States, not
in Ukraine, to purchase important commodities. It is funding that is
going directly toward bolstering our diminished military industrial
base, and our American workforce benefits, including those in Lima,
Ohio, which produces the greatest tank in the world, the Abrams tank.
Every dollar spent is closely and appropriately accounted for to ensure
none of the funds fall into the wrong hands.
During the Cold War, we spent $13 trillion measured in 1996 dollars
to combat Russian aggression, equivalent to $26 trillion today. The sum
per year that we provide supporting Ukraine is no more than 20 percent
of what we spent each year for four decades to contain Russia.
America's alliance with our NATO partners has helped ensure European
nations have bolstered our support to Ukraine with their own. As a
percent of GDP, 15 European countries have so far provided a higher
level to Ukraine than the United States.
This is the costliest war in human casualties and plunder since World
War II in Europe, the continent on which over 500,000 U.S. soldiers are
buried from World War I and World War II. They bequeathed liberty to
us, and we must never fail their memory. The murderous dictatorships of
Nazism, communism, and imperialism lay dead, and the 20th century's
most consequential achievement was, in fact, that. Now, that cost in
blood is being borne by Ukraine and the Ukrainian people alone.
The fact remains that if America were to end its support of Ukraine,
Russia would be able to defeat it. Putin is not counting the numbers of
rubles or Russian lives he is spending on this conflict. What he
is counting are the number of votes for Ukraine that remain in this
U.S. Congress. He knows that American support will decide the victor of
this conflict. So should we.
If Putin succeeds in Ukraine or if we grow tired of a forever war we
are not even fighting in, then we allow tyranny to ascend over liberty.
Putin has made clear he would then test our resolve over smaller, much
harder-to-defend NATO members, a move that would force the United
States and our NATO allies into direct war with Russia. America and the
free world have much at stake.
As one European ambassador reminded me, there is an old saying that
states: If you think you are an isolationist, if you take no interest
in foreign affairs, take my word, foreign affairs will find you.
We face a choice now. America can repeat the mistakes of the 1920s by
withdrawing our nearly century-long support for liberty, inevitably
forcing the free world to pay a higher price for freedom as tyranny
deepens its roots in our world, or America must take a stand now and
provide further funding for Ukraine to help secure liberty for a new
generation.
I call upon the Speaker and my colleagues in the House to choose the
path of liberty.
Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Rogers).
Mr. ROGERS of Alabama. Madam Speaker, we are rapidly approaching the
2-year anniversary of Putin's illegal and brutal invasion of Ukraine.
The American people have responded with extraordinary support for
Ukraine. Millions of Americans have donated their time and money to
charitable organizations helping the Ukrainian people. Some have even
volunteered to fight alongside the Ukrainian defense forces.
Congress has responded by providing over $50 billion in security
assistance and billions more in humanitarian assistance. These are
unprecedented numbers, and it requires unprecedented oversight by
Congress.
I am here to tell my colleagues, who are concerned about where the
money is going, that we are doing that oversight. The Armed Services
Committee has conducted vigorous oversight of U.S. military assistance
to Ukraine.
Every month since the war, the committee has held a classified
briefing with DOD officials over Ukrainian aid. This morning, I was a
member of a briefing that was the 12th in that series. We have also had
multiple visits to sites in Europe where the aid is being staged to go
into Ukraine. We have held open hearings on the topic where we have
heard from the DOD Inspector General.
In the next couple days, the House will take up the conference report
on the FY24 NDAA. That bill creates a special inspector general for
Ukraine, dedicates $8 million to swiftly set up the office, and
provides direct hiring authority to quickly staff it.
We will continue to stay on top of this, but I want to assure my
colleagues that there has been no evidence of diversion of weapons
provided to Ukraine or any other assistance.
What most folks don't realize is that the money DOD is spending on
Ukraine is actually going toward creating high-skilled, good-paying
jobs right here at home. The DOD so far has spent $45 billion on
Ukraine-related security assistance. All of that money has been spent
in the U.S. by U.S. companies, supporting thousands of highly skilled
American jobs.
These include jobs in Arizona to build Stingers and Javelins; jobs in
Pennsylvania, Ohio, Iowa, and Missouri to build ammunition; and jobs in
Texas, Florida, and Alabama to build Patriot missiles. It also includes
over $3 billion to expand floor space, open new lines, and hire
additional workers at weapons factories in Tennessee, Florida,
Virginia, Missouri, and West Virginia. This investment in retooling and
revitalizing our industrial defense base is helping us get ready for
potential conflict with China. That is incredibly important.
Equally important to deterring China is standing by our commitment to
Ukraine. Walking away sends the wrong signals to President Xi and the
Chinese Communist Party. Let's not do that. Let's quickly come to a
compromise that secures our border and keeps our commitment to Ukraine.
Ms. KAPTUR. Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from New York
[[Page H6845]]
(Mr. Meeks), the esteemed ranking member of the Foreign Affairs
Committee.
Mr. MEEKS. Madam Speaker, I want to start by making clear that
congressional support for Ukraine remains broad and bipartisan. We
know, from previous votes on the floor amendments and the standalone
bill on Ukraine funding, that assistance to Ukraine has overwhelming
bipartisan support in Congress.
While I am especially proud of the work the United States has done
and President Biden has done to build a global coalition in support of
Ukraine, Congress' inability to pass a Ukraine supplemental is sending
a dangerous message to the world that America cannot be relied upon as
a partner.
The question for the Speaker now is: When will the House be allowed a
vote to continue to support Ukraine?
In these times of crisis, leadership matters. Those of us who
continue to stand against Vladimir Putin's aggression, who continue to
stand with the brave Ukrainians fighting on the front lines defending
their democracy and their people, history will judge us favorably.
How will history judge those who have cynically chosen to use aid to
Ukraine as a wedge issue, to play partisan politics with assistance
meant to support Ukraine's fight against Russia's aggression?
This is a critical moment for Ukraine and for this body. The
administration's top national security officials have made clear that
continued support is essential for Ukraine as it continues its fight.
We know the consequences if we cannot agree to additional funding for
the arms they need to win, to the economic and development assistance
that has been critical to Ukraine's livelihood. All of this will be
impacted.
I think it is also important we are all working from the same set of
facts. In particular, I continue to hear from some of my colleagues who
oppose Ukraine funding as they propagate misinformation regarding the
management of our assistance.
The administration has instituted robust monitoring for all of the
assistance we provide to Ukraine. The State Department, the Defense
Department, and our Ukrainian partners are all ensuring this assistance
is carefully tracked and accounted for. This misinformation both
undermines Ukraine's courageous efforts while benefiting one person,
Vladimir Putin.
The world is watching, and what we say in this body and what we are
able to pass has consequences. Our allies, including Finland and
Sweden, where I recently visited, are proudly joining NATO. They are
doing their part. The EU and partners across the globe are increasing
commitments to help Ukraine. What signal does it send if the United
States of America, the country that has led this coalition, is the
first to step back?
It is not only friends who are watching. Our foes are as well. Putin
wants us to get tired, to get distracted. The Kremlin is active in
supporting anti-Ukraine candidates of any political stripe, and China
is strategically hedging its bets. The only person who thought this
would be a small, victorious war and a quick war was Vladimir Putin.
There is no simple, predictable end. As long as Ukraine continues to
push back Russia's brutal, unprovoked assault, our commitment to
Ukraine should stand. If the large bipartisan majority in this House
that I know believes in standing there and believes in this commitment,
if we stay united with all of our allies, we will prevail.
{time} 1745
Ms. KAPTUR. Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Illinois
(Mr. Quigley).
Mr. QUIGLEY. Madam Speaker, once again, President Zelenskyy is in
Washington to make the case for the survival of his country and to show
the American people and Congress why this war is so important. He
shouldn't have to.
As Americans, we have experienced fighting to save democracy and
oppose tyranny. That is why we fought the Second World War and why we
formed the United Nations and NATO.
Right now, Ukraine is fighting for those principles. We owe it to our
parents, grandparents, and great-grandparents to help Ukraine defend
against Putin's autocratic threat.
We simply cannot stand by while a sovereign democratic country is
wiped off the face of the Earth.
Autocratic regimes around the world are watching to see how the U.S.
responds to this conflict. So far, we have shown them what a united
NATO, coupled with the bravery and determination of the Ukrainian
people, can achieve in the face of tyranny. We must now continue to
show them that that commitment is unshakeable.
When President Zelenskyy made his first visit to the U.S. last year,
he emphasized the impact of this fight and what it will mean for
generations to come. He said that the Ukraine struggle will define in
what world our children and grandchildren will live. He was right.
This fight for freedom and democracy has never been partisan. Now
should be no different.
In these months, we have seen alarming examples of a shift. This
week, allies of Viktor Orban met with conservatives to push for an end
to U.S. military support for Ukraine. Over the years, we have been
warned of the far right's fascination with Orban and the influence he
could impose on their policy. Obviously, these warnings were warranted.
Ukraine's fight is our fight. Anyone who tells you otherwise isn't
paying attention. I encourage them to imagine a world in which Putin is
successful.
Should we fail to aid Ukraine further, we will hand Putin a victory,
and he will expand his attacks. I have seen firsthand the devastation
he has imposed in places like Bucha, with maternity hospitals in ruins
and bodies piled in mass graves following the Russian army's onslaught.
Our aid has contained this bloodshed for now, but Putin has plans far
beyond Ukraine. If Putin were allowed to take Ukraine, he would seek to
reconstitute the former Soviet Union. He would form a federation with
Belarus and Ukraine by installing puppet governments and then target
Moldova, the Baltics, Georgia, and others.
Should Russia expand its attack and cross a border into one of these
NATO countries, we are bound by Article 5 of the NATO charter to defend
them. The aid we have delivered has helped prevent this scenario from
unfolding. Rest assured, Putin is patient. He has the time that Ukraine
and apparently we lack. Congress has been wasting the time that we
should have spent passing a supplemental package.
Congressional dysfunction has reared its ugly head. We have fumbled
several opportunities to pass this funding.
There are those who argue that we must choose to support Ukraine or
Israel. Now, they argue that we must choose Ukraine or our own border.
These are false choices. In the words of NATO Secretary General
Stoltenberg: ``We have the capability, the strength, to address
different challenges at the same time. We don't have the luxury of
choosing only one threat and one challenge.''
The conflict in Israel and the conflict in Ukraine are linked. After
October 7, Hamas and Iranian representatives met with Putin in Moscow.
Just as Iran is supporting Hamas' attack on Israel, Iran is also
assisting Putin in his invasion of Ukraine.
To defeat the terrorist threat in Israel, we must also help Ukraine
defend itself from an evil autocrat. When it comes to our border,
Congress can and will tackle immigration reform and international aid.
In fact, we should be addressing both.
That means passing a clean supplemental and having a separate,
broader conversation about our immigration system's needs. Rushed
policy reforms are not the answer.
When it comes to Ukraine, we are running out of time. What we do or
don't do with Ukraine aid will be one of the most important foreign
policy votes we take in our lifetimes. We must do the right thing. The
fate of the free world is hanging in the balance.
Ms. KAPTUR. Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from South
Carolina (Mr. Wilson), and I thank him for his leadership on his side
of the aisle.
Mr. WILSON of South Carolina. Madam Speaker, I thank Congresswoman
Marcy Kaptur for her leadership in promoting the bipartisan remarks
tonight, which reinforce what former Chairman Greg Meeks has already
stated, and that is that there is
[[Page H6846]]
overwhelming bipartisan support, Democrats and Republicans, for the
people of Ukraine as they will achieve victory over war criminal Putin.
I support the supplemental with clear consistency. There should be
security for all borders--American borders, Ukrainian borders, Israeli
borders, and Taiwanese borders--to achieve peace through strength to
prevent global conflict.
On February 24, 2022, war criminal Putin launched a full-scale mass
murderous invasion of sovereign, democratic Ukraine, claiming Ukraine
does not exist. Patriotic Ukrainians, even grandmothers, raced to arm
themselves and protect their land and families.
The world underestimated the resolve of Ukrainians. I was in Kyiv in
December 2021, prior to war criminal Putin's murderous invasion, when
the planning for resistance and guerilla warfare was anticipated to be
overwhelmed. Ukraine valiantly fought back for freedom and proved the
world wrong.
I visited again in May of this year and saw firsthand courageous
Ukrainians led by the very courageous Volodymyr Zelenskyy.
Ukrainians are the front line in a conflict we did not choose as
dictators with rule of gun invade democracies with rule of law. The
axis of evil fights first for the death of Ukraine and then the death
of Israel, and then they chant ``death to America.''
All Americans should know that we have a treaty obligation to support
the territorial integrity of Ukraine. In 1994, with the signing of the
Budapest Memorandum between the United States, the United Kingdom, and
the Russian Federation, Ukraine gave up its nuclear weapons in exchange
for security guarantees and territorial integrity.
A consequence now, sadly, is that other countries will not give up
nuclear weapon capabilities because Russia violates every treaty it
signs.
It is not realistic to believe that any peace can be achieved without
full Ukrainian victory, which is territorial integrity.
I appreciate that President Donald Trump worked to avoid the war
criminal Putin invasion by providing Javelin missiles to Ukraine,
placing American troops in Poland, and stopping the Nord Stream II
pipeline, which financed the dictatorship in Moscow.
Just as America would fight for territorial integrity, as there is no
State that we would abandon, there is no State that would abandon a
county.
We know that appeasement to invaders would actually promote something
warned by Speaker Mike Johnson. Speaker Johnson states that Putin would
continue his deranged dream of a resurrected Soviet Union, threatening
Moldova, Georgia, Armenia, and NATO members Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania,
and Poland, along with all the countries of Central Asia.
The Republican tradition has been bipartisan for peace through
strength with Eisenhower-Nixon, reinforced by Barry Goldwater and: Why
not victory over communism? He also explained the alternative of
victory is defeat. Then there was the ultimate Ronald Reagan expression
to our enemies: ``We win. You lose.''
This is why it is so critical that we commit today to protecting the
borders of America, Ukraine, Israel, and Taiwan for peace through
strength.
Ms. KAPTUR. Madam Speaker, may I inquire as to how much time is
remaining.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentlewoman from Ohio has 35 minutes
remaining.
Ms. KAPTUR. Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Connecticut
(Mr. Himes).
Mr. HIMES. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from Ohio for
having this critical conversation today.
Just outside this Chamber, on January 20, 1961, a new young President
by the name of John F. Kennedy said, ``We shall pay any price, bear any
burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure
the survival and success of liberty.''
We would pay any price, bear any burden, and meet any hardship to
ensure the survival and success of liberty.
What has happened to America that we shrink from our traditional role
of standing up against tyrants, dictators, and genocidal maniacs in
favor of liberty? What has happened to us?
Why did Kennedy say those words? He didn't say those words because he
wanted to replicate the pain and tragedy of the world war in which he
had distinguished himself as a war hero. He didn't say those words
because he wanted young Americans to die in East Asia or around the
globe in the service of liberty.
He said those words because he understood what he had learned in the
1930s and the 1940s, which is that brutal dictators don't stop; they
are stopped. They are stopped by those with the moral fortitude and
courage to stop them.
If we accede to where half of the Republican majority is today, which
is that we are not going to support Ukraine in this fight, Putin will
not stop. Soon, the United States will have no choice but to step in to
stop Vladimir Putin.
We hear these excuses: There is not enough accounting. There is not
enough oversight.
We didn't hear that when we were supporting the Afghani regime, which
is profoundly corrupt. We didn't hear that about Iraq. We are only
hearing that about Ukraine.
We hear that we would like to know what the plan is for victory in
Ukraine. Did anybody ask Winston Churchill, the hero of World War II,
what his plan for victory was? No, they did not because he wasn't sure.
We stood by him because he stood for liberty and the moral clarity that
this institution has now lost.
If we think for one moment that Putin is the only one who is enjoying
this moment, think about what President Xi of China is learning; think
about what the Iranian mullahs are seeing; and think about what the
North Korean dictator is coming to understand: That this Congress, when
faced with the demand that we fight for liberty and freedom, we cut and
run. That is what is being learned. Anybody who reads an iota of
history will understand the tragedy that is behind that.
It is time for this Chamber to find an iota of the moral courage and
clarity that John F. Kennedy elaborated on just outside these doors. We
do it because it is right. We do it because if we fail the Ukrainians,
it may be the next generation of Americans and Frenchmen and British
who have to stop Putin.
Be assured that we will have to do that later in far, far more tragic
circumstances than we have right now to stop--as John F. Kennedy called
us to do--the march of tyranny and stand up for liberty.
{time} 1800
Ms. KAPTUR. Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from South
Carolina (Mr. Clyburn), who is one of our preeminent leaders in the
U.S. House of Representatives.
Mr. CLYBURN. Madam Speaker, shortly after the war in Ukraine began, I
attended our annual pilgrimage commemorating Bloody Sunday in Selma,
Alabama, along with Steny Hoyer. Just before our departure to return to
Washington, I was approached by one of our honored foot soldiers of
that march from Selma to Montgomery who asked to have a private word
with me. I assumed she wanted to discuss what we might or might not be
doing about voting rights which is always the major topic of that
event. Instead, she shared her serious concerns about the war in
Ukraine and stressed that it was Congress' responsibility to act in
defense of democracy at home and abroad.
I rise today to bring the concerns of that veteran of the war against
voting suppression to the attention of this body. That longtime
defender of our democracy here at home said to me that if we fail to do
that which is necessary to stop Putin in Ukraine, then we may soon find
ourselves in need of defending our homeland.
The failure to honor President Biden's supplemental request is
endangering the safety and security of our closest allies. We need to
do the right thing for freedom, for democracy, and for international
stability before time runs out.
The American people know that for the sake of our democracy we can't
let Putin win. This delay in funding is a gift to Putin, and every day
that goes by without action strengthens his position and the resolve of
other autocrats.
History teaches us that there are global consequences when we allow
dictators and would-be dictators to infringe on freedoms without
opposition.
[[Page H6847]]
Today the front line is Ukraine. Tomorrow it could be one of our NATO
allies requiring a higher price in treasure and American lives.
We made a commitment to our friends in Israel also. We must support
their efforts to eradicate Hamas, as well as provide necessary
humanitarian assistance to the innocent Palestinians impacted by this
conflict. This package will help accelerate efforts to ensure Israel's
security and create space for stability in the region so we can begin,
in earnest, the long process towards the two-state solution when this
conflict ends. None of this will or can be possible until we honor our
commitments to our allies.
Ms. KAPTUR. Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Kentucky
(Mr. Barr). Kentucky and Ohio have sent so many soldiers to war, and we
know we both benefit from their valorous service.
Mr. BARR. Madam Speaker, I thank my friend from Ohio for holding this
bipartisan Special Order because we should in a bipartisan way support
the nation of Ukraine in a multilateral way, but we must also support a
strategy of victory.
Putin is evil. He is a war criminal. He kidnapped 35,000 children,
killed women and children, and bombed hospitals. He views himself as a
reincarnation of Peter the Great. Moldova is next, Georgia is next, and
the Baltic is next. This is a conflict not just about territory, it is
a confrontation between good versus evil, between the forces of
democracy and the shadows of autocracy.
By standing with Ukraine, we reaffirm our commitment to the
fundamental principles of freedom and self-determination. Nevertheless,
we have to provide Ukraine not just with a blank check but with a
strategy for victory. That is why we call on the administration not
just to support more security assistance, but also to reverse course on
a misguided sanctions strategy that has failed.
The G-7 oil price cap strategy is a weak approach to depriving Putin
of the funding that he needs. So, yes, Congress should support security
assistance, but we should also support a sanction strategy that will
actually prevent Putin from selling fossil energy to China and India
and other parts of the world. The price cap is not working. Russian
crude is selling over the price cap. It is not enforceable. We need to
eliminate the general license in the sanctions on Russian banks so that
no energy-related transactions that are funding this brutal aggression
against Ukraine can finance this war.
There is a lesson here that deterrence requires toughness, and when
you remove sanctions like this administration removed on Nord Stream 2
and when you are not tough on sanctions, that invites further
aggression.
So, yes, security assistance, and, yes, this Congress is prepared to
act, but we want a strategy for victory for the Ukrainian freedom
fighters. That requires depriving Putin of the very financial support
that is funding this war of aggression, and that is energy sales. That
is why we want a revisiting of the sanctions strategy.
So with that, we must expedite delivery of lethal aid to Ukraine,
reinforcing their ability to defend themselves and deter further
aggression. In doing so, we will uphold the values of democracy and
freedom while safeguarding the security and stability of our partner
Ukraine.
The cost is nothing compared to what the cost would be if there was
an invasion of a NATO Article V partner where U.S. troops would be on
the ground. So let's take the fight to Putin now. Let's end this war by
depriving him of the funding that he definitely needs to prosecute this
war.
Madam Speaker, remember that weakness invites aggression. There are
broader implications of this conflict. A further escalation,
potentially drawing NATO into a direct ground conflict, would be highly
costly. It would be much more costly than what we are talking about
here. Providing Ukraine with support now is not only an investment in
Ukraine but a critical step in preventing a larger and more devastating
conflict that would require the involvement of U.S. troops on the
ground, and it sends a signal to Beijing.
Beijing is watching. Preventing and deterring Beijing from a cross-
strait invasion is a dramatic return on investment. Let's pursue a
strategy of victory, and let's get tough on sanctions.
Ms. KAPTUR. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for his words.
Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer).
Our distinguished leader, Congressman Steny Hoyer, has spent hours and
hours and days and weeks and months working on the issues of liberty
across the European Continent.
Mr. HOYER. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding, I
thank her for taking this Special Order, and I thank her for the
extraordinary work she has put in over the years.
Madam Speaker, President Zelenskyy, a brave leader of a determined
people who are defending their democracy and international law, warned
us today that the resources we sent his people in their fight for
freedom have run out. Two legislative days remain to deliver urgent aid
to Ukraine and to Israel. If we leave town on Thursday, then we will
have to wait 1 month until we get another opportunity. Our allies
cannot afford the wait. Neither can we.
Our failure sends a dangerous message to the world about our
commitment to freedom, democracy, and international law. Each week we
see: reluctance over resolve. Each day: doubt over determination. Each
hour: division over decisiveness. Each minute: contention over
conviction.
Our allies watch in dismay and our adversaries watch in delight as
the beacon of democracy that is America dims in the face of the
gathering storm. Instead, we must ensure that freedom's holy light
continues to burn bright. Winston Churchill understood that, Volodymyr
Zelenskyy understands that, and most Members understand that.
There is also an overwhelming consensus to support Israel in its
imperative mission to defeat Hamas and ensure the devastating attacks
on October 7 never occur again. If we do not pay the price of freedom
with money and material now, then we may well pay for it with American
blood and lives later. We ought to be thankful that we have that
choice. Our allies do not.
Madam Speaker, I just read a story about a Ukrainian de-miner who
lost his leg while clearing Russian mines on September 22. He is now
out doing the same thing on his prosthetic leg. He risked life and
limb, and he volunteered to do so again. The sacrifice this Congress
must make pales in comparison.
Madam Speaker, I think of the mother in western Ukraine I just read
about who lost two sons. The burden we must bear does not compare to
theirs.
A significant majority of this House remains, as has been said by
Republicans and Democrats, united in our determination to see Ukraine
prevail. We came here not as Democrats or as Republicans, but as people
who recognize this threat for what it is, an existential one.
We are the majority in this House. Until the Speaker gives us a clean
vote, however, we cannot act on this consensus.
Madam Speaker, the Speaker introduced a bill in the 115th Congress
that said one subject per bill. The Speaker must follow that premise
that he asked us to support.
I urge the Speaker not to allow an important but unrelated goal to
prevent us from doing what is necessary to achieve a victory for our
own national security and the security of the free world.
Politics should stop at the water's edge because this sort of
partisanship emboldens the enemies of freedom to set their sights on
our own shores. Rather than sending the despots and dictators of the
world a signal of retreat, let's send them a clear and unambiguous
message that we will not shrink from this challenge. Our inaction is
not worthy of the land of the free and the home of the brave. America
is better than that.
Ms. KAPTUR. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for his decades of
leadership.
Madam Speaker, may I ask how much time remains.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentlewoman has 18 minutes remaining.
Ms. KAPTUR. Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from California
(Ms. Pelosi), who is the Speaker
[[Page H6848]]
Emerita of the United States House of Representatives.
Ms. PELOSI. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding and
for her tremendous leadership over a long period of time. She is a
great intellectual resource in helping Ukraine. I thank Marcy Kaptur
very much for her leadership.
Madam Speaker, nearly 1 year ago, many of you will recall, in this
Chamber we had a joint session of Congress. We were honored by the
presence of President Zelenskyy who had come directly from the
battlefield and brought us a flag signed by the soldiers. He delivered
a magnificent speech.
President Zelenskyy made clear the necessity of American support by
saying: Your money is not charity. It is an investment in global
security and in democracy.
The fight of the Ukrainian people for democracy is just remarkable to
behold, but their fight is for their democracy and ours, as well.
Being empowered by the investment we made last Congress, passed by an
overwhelming bicameral vote, Ukraine has battled historically against
the tide of the biggest army in Europe, the Russian Army.
It is important for the American people to know that Ukraine has
reclaimed and won back 50 percent of the land previously seized by the
Russians. They have won back 50 percent. More than 60 percent, close to
two-thirds of the money that we have invested in military assistance
for the Ukrainians has been spent in the United States. It has been
spent in the United States creating jobs here as we support the
Ukrainians.
Madam Speaker, nearly two-thirds of the money has been spent here,
and 100 percent of the determination of victory belongs to the
Ukrainian people.
Others have mentioned, Mr. Hoyer included, that at the same time, our
hearts break when we hear about the atrocities committed against women
by Putin's forces.
Women are subjected to rape as a weapon of war. They have been
murdered in front of their parents or in front of their children and
raped in the same way. Tens of thousands of children have been
kidnapped by the Russian soldiers.
I said to someone who knows about these things: Isn't it sad that the
brutality of war has turned these soldiers into brutes?
They said: Make no mistake. The Russian soldiers do what they are
ordered to do.
These rapes, these kidnappings, and these murders of families in
front of family members are the direct order of Vladimir Putin, who is
a very evil person.
We must put an end to this unadulterated evil. The longer we wait to
get them the money, more people will die, more children will be
kidnapped, more women will be raped, and more uncertainty will be
injected into the situation as to whether or not we are there to
protect democracy and to support it.
{time} 1815
As the war wages on, the administration has repeatedly made clear:
America is at the end of the supply of money we have voted and Ukraine
is nearly out of time.
Today, President Zelenskyy returned to the Capitol to make a
compelling case for America's continued support to help Ukraine finish
the fight; because the battle for Ukraine, again, is a battle for
democracy itself, and we will not let death, destruction, and
dictatorship of Vladimir Putin prevail.
President Biden's supplemental funding request must be brought to the
floor as soon as possible so that we honor our duty to stand with the
Ukrainian people until victory is won. It has been said on both sides
of the aisle, the cost of war is great. Should Putin prevail and then
go on to other invasions of NATO or non-NATO countries, it will only
cost more money, more lives, more families separated. That cannot be
what we are about.
At the same time, this legislation calls for us to honor a commitment
to peace in the Middle East by our support for Israel and the
humanitarian assistance that is in the legislation for the Palestinian
people as well as others.
Madam Speaker, I thank Ms. Kaptur for her leadership during this
Special Order and for yielding time.
Ms. KAPTUR. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman and I thank every
Member, on both sides of the aisle, that have spent this much time
today in furtherance of this very noble objective so Ukraine wins and
wins soon.
Madam Speaker, I now yield to the gentlewoman from Pennsylvania,
Congresswoman Madeleine Dean, a very hardworking member of our caucus.
Ms. DEAN of Pennsylvania. Madam Speaker, I thank Representative
Kaptur for all her extraordinary work for Ukraine many Congresses over
and especially now since the brutal invasion.
Madam Speaker, it has been more than 650 days since Putin's illegal
and brutal invasion of Ukraine, the largest armed conflict in Europe
since World War II. Today, President Zelenskyy visits the United
States, yet again, to call upon us to continue to lead.
The United States, President Biden, has led a coalition of more than
50 nations to provide Ukraine with the resources to protect its people,
its land, its democracy, its sovereignty. The United States is leading,
and we cannot abandon Ukraine now.
The war has taken more than 22,000 of Ukraine's men, women, and
children in the brutal, harshest ways as the Speaker Emerita just
detailed. We cannot abandon Ukraine now because Ukraine's fight is our
fight.
We must pass the supplemental funding package currently sitting in
the Senate. It is unconscionable of us to go home for the holidays
without doing that. Without it, we impede Ukraine's ability to win. At
the same time, I hope everyone understands that we weaken our own
military readiness and our own national security because not only does
this legislation include crucial funding for ammunition and
intelligence for Ukraine, but it invests in our own military--$43.6
billion to increase our weapons capacity, including $24.5 billion to
replenish U.S. weaponry supply.
We must not abandon Ukraine now because to do so would be a failure
to protect a young democracy; to do so would be a threat to our own
military readiness, to our own national security; and to do so would be
a failure of the United States to lead, and that is simply
unacceptable. It is un-American.
Ms. KAPTUR. Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from California,
Congressman John Garamendi, a leader on so many fronts here in the
Congress, including Ukraine.
Mr. GARAMENDI. Madam Speaker, I thank my friend, Marcy, for her
leadership.
Madam Speaker, I have listened to this debate, and as it has gone on,
I am becoming more and more depressed that we do not have the courage
to continue to support Ukraine. Why? What is going on here?
I want us just to think for a moment about the blood that has been
spilled by the Ukrainians trying to protect their democracy. For more
than almost 2 years now, they have fought every way to protect
themselves. The women and children and men of Ukraine are dying, and we
are sitting here doing nothing.
This is a disgrace. There is no other way to describe it. Holding
Ukraine hostage for an unnecessary change in the asylum laws is
absolutely wrong. Yes, we do need to deal with immigration, but at what
price to Ukraine, at what price to the women, the children, the
incoming missiles from Russia?
Putin is having a glorious day, and we are a disgrace. There is no
other way to describe that the most powerful Nation in the world is
unwilling to stand up to continue to support Ukraine in its hour of
need. Who are we that we are unwilling to do this? Did anybody in this
House actually read H.R. 2, the asylum legislation? Eighty percent of
it is downright foolish.
Is there a compromise available? Absolutely. Who is working on it in
this House? Show me one Member of this House that is working on a
compromise on that. I don't know who they are.
Speaker Johnson, where are you? Where are you hiding? Where is your
leadership? Ukraine is at risk. Think about it. It will be 1\1/2\
months before any legislation will pass this House. If, in fact, we get
our act together over the holidays, what will happen? The Ukrainian
Government depends upon the American money to pay the police, the
firemen, the first responders. They
[[Page H6849]]
won't have that money and the military, the flow of equipment, the flow
of ammunition, it will diminish.
How do they get started? How are they going to replenish? It is time
for us to stand. It is time for us to act. We have 1\1/2\ days to do
it. Can we do it? You are damn right we can do it; if we find the
courage to do it. If we find the very same courage that President
Zelenskyy has exhibited over the last 2 years and, more importantly,
the men and women of Ukraine that are fighting a desperate fight for
their own future.
I wonder if we have the courage. I know I have to stand down. I know
the people of Ukraine will never stand down. The question is whether we
will stand with them.
Ms. KAPTUR. Madam Speaker, may I inquire as to the time remaining.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentlewoman from Ohio has 6 minutes
remaining.
Ms. KAPTUR. Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Cincinnati,
Ohio, Congressman Greg Landsman, a distinguished Member of our
Congress.
Mr. LANDSMAN. Madam Speaker, I thank my very good friend and
colleague from the great State of Ohio, Marcy Kaptur, for her
leadership on this. It is remarkable.
Madam Speaker, I, too, rise today in support of Ukraine and its fight
against tyranny. Imagine where we would be, the global community, had
the United States and Europe joined forces in 1939 to stop Hitler when
he invaded Poland?
The world is watching us now, and Russia wants nothing more than for
the United States and our allies to abandon Ukraine. That is the big
win for Putin.
Abandoning Ukraine would give Putin and his despots like him the
green light to further their wars of imperialism and expansion, and
history, as I mentioned, shows us that appeasing autocrats has
devastating consequences. Doing so could draw the United States and our
allies into direct conflict, putting American troops in harm's way.
Ukraine is fighting for its survival. Eastern Europe is fighting for
its survival. The United States in partnership with our allies must
stand firm by Ukraine's side as it fights to defend its freedom, its
sovereignty, and its future.
We have to pass a budget. We have to pass this much-needed investment
in our global partners. We can, if and when the Speaker realizes how
serious of a moment this is and decides to be serious and bring us a
bipartisan bill which will pass overwhelmingly.
Ms. KAPTUR. Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Tennessee,
Mr. Steve Cohen, who is such a phenomenal leader in the law and on
almost every subject we deal with here.
Mr. COHEN. Madam Speaker, it has been said that everything has been
said, but not everybody has said it. Everything really has been said. I
have heard such great oratory from such passionate, patriotic speakers.
What is clear is we have a duty as the leader of democracy in the world
to support our friends and to fight for democracy in Ukraine where they
are defending democracy and keeping us from having to go in. If Putin
wins and gets into a NATO country, saving our soldiers' blood and
lives--and that will happen. In Israel, where a similar foe, Hamas like
Russia, knows no limits, is threatening the existence of Israel.
I know the Speaker believes that we should support Israel. When he
was first elected, he went to the podium and said we will support
Israel, but later he said we will only support Israel if we cut $15
billion from the IRS and the budget, which would lose us $85 billion
overall. That is fiscally foolish and morally wrong.
Israel should be supported unconditionally and so should Ukraine--two
valiant countries whose existence has been threatened. These are
existential fights for Israel and for Ukraine. What happened in Bucha
right after the war started before the Ukrainians were able to repel
the Russians was similar to what happened on October 7 in Israel--
murders, rapes, crime.
If we allow Russia to win, which we will if we don't support Ukraine,
there will be ten times the devastation of what happened on October 7
in Israel to happen to the women and the children of Ukraine because
Russians have showed they have no respect for women, morality, or
mankind.
Madam Speaker, I urge Speaker Johnson to put these bills on the floor
to support Ukraine, to support Israel, to support Taiwan, to support
democracy, and to support human relief in Gaza for people who have been
innocent victims. Please put these bills on the floor and let us do
what America needs to do.
Ms. KAPTUR. Madam Speaker, may I inquire as to the time remaining.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentlewoman from Ohio has 1 minute
remaining.
Ms. KAPTUR. Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Texas, Ms.
Sheila Jackson Lee, who has been at almost every meeting we have held
on Ukraine and then we will yield to Congressman Josh Gottheimer of New
Jersey, a leader on both sides of the aisle.
Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Speaker, I thank my colleague for her great
leadership.
Madam Speaker, I stand here for the children. We must stand for the
children. A little boy riding with his grandmother, Oleksandr Ivanov,
was killed by the Russians and more children have been killed in all
the conflicts that are going on.
We must move forward so that the humanitarian aid comes along with
the aid that is needed to fight the Russians who have lost 87 percent
of their military since they started. This can be winnable for the
children. We need humanitarian aid in all the wars that are now going
on, and I want to stand for that fight. The bill named after Oleksandr
Ivanov is to protect our children wherever they are, humanitarian aid
and war aid to ensure that the children are our priority. I hope that
this fight will be won, and we will win for democracy and we will win
for our children.
Madam Speaker, I rise today to support Ukraine as it stands up to
tyranny and defends their sovereignty in the face of Russia's
continued, unprovoked aggression. But I rise for the children in all
wars--and I ask and demand humanitarian aid for children in all the
wars.
We must send the unmistakable message that in the 21st Century, a
dictator cannot conquer or carve up neighboring territories.
On February 24, 2022, Russia, under the leadership of Vladimir Putin,
launched a premeditated war against Ukraine in an attack on democracy
and a grave violation of international law, global peace, and security.
The war in Ukraine continues to severely impact people's lives and
damage civilian infrastructure, triggering evacuations from front-line
areas and driving humanitarian needs.
According to the United Nations Refugee Agency, as of July 2023,
there are a recorded 5.1 million internally displaced people in
Ukraine, 6.2 million refugees from Ukraine globally, and 17.6 million
Ukrainian people in need of humanitarian assistance.
The unjust and brutal war has put millions of Ukrainian women and
children at risk of trafficking. Millions of children have been
deprived of their education and are experiencing trauma, and according
to a report by Yale University, more than 6,000 children are in
Russians custody.
According to a report by Yale University Humanitarian Research Lab
(Yale HRL), at least 6,000 children from Ukraine ages four months to 17
years have been held at camps and other facilities within Russia-
occupied Crimea and mainland Russia since Russia's full-scale invasion
began.
Forcibly transferring children of one group to another group is a
violation of Article II(e) of the Convention on the Prevention and
Punishment of the Crime of Genocide 1948 and the Geneva Convention IV,
including articles 24, 25, 50, 78 and 82.
Today, I call my colleagues to action and ask that they join me in
seeking liberty and justice for all those in Ukraine.
Ukrainian children are being forcibly taken to Russia and put up for
adoption into Russian families in an apparent effort to assimilate
them, a practice that genocide scholar Timothy Snyder has said could be
considered genocide under the 1948 Genocide Convention.
Ukraine's Office of the Prosecutor General has confirmed more than
17,000 cases of Ukrainian children abducted to Russia. But the number
is likely much higher.
The U.S. State Department has said it has reliable information that
Russian authorities have deliberately separated Ukrainian children from
their parents during so-called ``filtration'' procedures and abducted
others from Ukrainian institutions before putting them up for adoption
inside Russia and estimates that the number may be as high as 260,000.
[[Page H6850]]
This is only the first step in what appears to be a deliberate
Russian policy.
Once Ukrainian children arrive in Russia--or in Russian-controlled
part of Ukraine such as Crimea--they are put into Russian orphanages.
After a short period, they are given Russian citizenship.
This is done because Russian law allows for the adoption of foreign
children.
Last Spring Putin signed decrees streamlining the process for
children to receive Russian citizenship and for adoption.
Families are also given financial incentives to adopt children.
In Russian custody, Ukrainian children are subjected to reeducation
programs meant to ``Russify'' them, told that their parents no longer
want them, and convinced that their future lies in Russia.
Disgustingly, Russian propaganda cynically portrays its adoption of
Ukrainian children as an act of generosity that gives new homes to
helpless orphans.
Russian state media shows local officials hugging and kissing newly
arrived Ukrainian children and handing them Russian passports.
Many of these children are not orphans at all.
Ukrainian institutions also house children whose parents were not in
position to take care of them for a period of time or who had special
needs.
Once adopted, children's names and dates of birth are often changed,
making it extremely difficult to find them and reunite them with their
families in the future.
We need to act now to stop the abduction and forced assimilation of
Ukrainian children to Russia.
We need to raise our concerns loudly and often and speak out to
counter the disgusting Russian propaganda that would use children in
this way.
We should consider whether there is a need to establish a registry to
record data on children believed to have been taken to Russia or
Russian-occupied territories to assist law enforcement and also future
family reunification in the future.
Of course, any such system must protect children's personal
information.
In addition, we should also look at what role international
organizations might play in tracking and rescuing these children,
including the Red Cross.
Further, Ukraine's children are suffering serious injury and trauma
due to Russia's genocidal war on Ukraine.
According to the United Nations, almost two-thirds of the country's
children have been displaced.
Thousands have been injured and, although UNICEF has said more than
1,000 children have been killed, that number is likely much, much
higher as there is no reliable way to verify how many civilians have
been killed in the most decimated areas of Ukraine, like Mariupol,
where, just as one example, Russian forces bombed a theater housing
hundreds of civilians despite clear markings that children were
present.
In addition to the immediate dangers of war, the effects of war on
children could have lasting consequences.
Many Ukrainian children have witnessed unimaginable violence,
including the murders of their own parents or family members.
They have had to endure the stress of being under almost constant
bombardment, in fear of their safety.
Others have experienced hunger, cold, and weeks spent hiding in wet,
frigid basements without daylight or fresh air and without sanitation
or healthcare.
This constant stress takes a heavy toll on the youngest victims of
war.
Moreover, disruptions to education may never be fully recovered.
In this regard, I would like to recognize the Ukrainian government's
exceptional campaign to keep children linked to their schools by
mobilizing the remote learning infrastructure built up during the
COVID-l9 pandemic, as well as the many European countries which have
opened their schools to Ukrainian refugee children.
Children--and their families--need support to heal from the trauma
they have experienced.
There are organizations on the ground providing psychological
treatment, art therapy, humanitarian aid, and for some even new homes.
We all need to support such programs and to act now to ensure their
continued action and expanded reach.
The longer children go without receiving treatment for their trauma,
the longer it will take to heal.
There is also significant concern for the physical, mental, and
psychological well-being of women in Ukraine.
Amnesty International reports that women in the country face grave
risks, an increased burden of caring responsibilities and immense
stress and hardships when living in war zones.
Amnesty International's Secretary General explains that ``Time and
time again, women bear the brunt of war's brutality. They are
consistently on the frontlines of conflict--as soldiers and fighters,
doctors and nurses, volunteers, peace activists, carers for their
communities and families, internally displaced people, refugees, and
too often as victims and survivors.''
Women confront increased sexual and gender-based violence and
perilous health conditions, while being forced to make life and death
survival decisions for their families.
At the same time, women are often excluded from the decision-making
processes and their rights and needs remain unprotected and unmet.
While many women in Ukraine have joined the resistance to Russian
aggression, very often caregiving responsibilities for children and
family members fall disproportionately on women.
Managing these caregiving responsibilities is especially difficult in
the perilous conditions of the conflict.
A woman living in the conflict zone in Donetsk Oblast, told Amnesty
International how the invasion has impacted her as a mother and
caregiver for her parents: ``All changed for the worse. Men [from the
family] are at war, women are left alone, many with small children on
their backs without any income. There is no help--no physical help, no
financial aid.''
The invasion has also had a distinct detrimental effect on women's
mental, physical and sexual and reproductive health.
For menstruating women and girls, limited supplies any increased
prices for menstruation management products are forcing them to choose
between food and sanitary products.
I am especially concerned about reports of rape and sexual assault
committed by Russian troops, not only of women, but also of children
and men.
Gender-based violence is aggravated and intensified for those living
in the conflict-affected regions for many reasons.
These include the lack of security, the absence or erosion of the
rule of law, the pervasiveness of impunity for the perpetrators, and
lack of trust in the occupying authorities, as well as the stigma
attached to disclosing experiences of sexual and gender-based violence.
This is not only an effort to humiliate and terrorize, but also could
amount to genocide as some women report being told by their tormenters
that they would be raped until they could no longer have Ukrainian
children.
Russia must be held accountable for their heinous actions and the war
crimes they have committed against the women, children, and people of
Ukraine.
I urge Congress to act to protect the safety, security, and well-
being of the people of Ukraine, especially vulnerable populations like
women and children.
Congress cannot remain complicit in the face of Russian aggression.
We must act to defend the rights and freedoms of Ukraine's children
and all its people.
To hold accountable those who have committed these atrocities and
have put the lives of thousands of Ukrainian women and children at
risk, I introduced H.R. 5800, the Oleksander Ivanov Act.
H.R. 5800, THE OLEKSANDER IVANOV ACT
This bill will help rescue and support the children of Ukraine from
Russian aggression and to prevent human trafficking in refugee flows.
Specifically, under this bill, the United States will:
Support programs for trauma treatment and healing, rehabilitation and
where necessary prostheses, for Ukrainian children affected by the war
including nationwide educational programs of psychological support to
address emotional trauma and stress for all of Ukraine's children,
integrated into school curriculum and offered through clinical and
social services.
Support programs to rebuild the education system in Ukraine and
education for Ukrainian child refugees, in cooperation with other
countries, international organizations, and civil society.
Support the development of a unified and consolidated searchable
registry of missing Ukrainian children in order to facilitate
identification of children and family reunification. The registry
should ensure strict data protection and availability in the Ukrainian,
Russian, and English languages. In addition, the public should be made
aware of its existence and use.
Support the creation of a unified central emergency call center hub
linked to law enforcement in Ukraine and in other countries to enable
reporting on and interventions on behalf of missing children originally
from Ukraine and suspected cases of human trafficking and sexual
exploitation, including online, of children originally from Ukraine.
The bill will also undertake new global actions to protect refugees
and combatting human trafficking by:
Supporting the creation of an international mechanism to facilitate
vetting of volunteers and other non-governmental front-line responders
working with refugees or with victims
[[Page H6851]]
of other major crises or natural disasters by government authorities or
law enforcement. Such an international vetting system could include
internationally recognized certifications verifying individuals who
have been recently cleared to work with refugees.
Supporting efforts to only allow appropriately vetted and
credentialled individuals (such as described above) access to refugees.
Continuing to support efforts by the Ukrainian government to increase
collaboration with their European counterparts on anti-trafficking
investigations and increased awareness efforts.
Supporting the development of robust child protective mechanisms for
vulnerable children, including those from Ukraine, in Ukraine and in
countries that have received Ukrainian refugees, that include social
assistance and protection to help prevent human trafficking and sexual
abuse of Ukrainian children.
And working with Ukrainian authorities to ensure that law enforcement
officials stationed at major border crossing points during a refugee
crisis are appropriately trained to prevent human trafficking and
support other measures to monitor for indications of human trafficking
targeting refugees in areas surrounding border crossings.
Further, my bill directs sanctions to hold Russia responsible for its
actions against the children of Ukraine by doing the following:
Imposing financial blocking and visa sanctions on any foreign person
or organization that the President or Secretary of the Treasury, in
consultation with the Secretary of State, determine are responsible for
engaging in or facilitating the transfer of Ukrainian children to
Russia or Russian-controlled areas of Ukraine or for their forced
assimilation, adoption, or placement in a foster home, and engaging in
or facilitating the human trafficking of Ukrainian refugees.
The actions laid out in this bill would represent a major step
forward for the children of Ukraine, illustrate America's strong stance
against Russian aggression, and protect the most vulnerable during this
time of conflict and crisis.
Holding Russia accountable for war crimes is crucial.
There can be no impunity for these heinous crimes.
And so today, I call on my colleagues to join me in continuing our
support for a victorious Ukraine, and to put an end to these heinous
crimes Russia continues to commit.
It is important that we continue to do everything we can to help
Ukraine succeed on the battlefield and protect its people, and we
cannot under any circumstances allow America's support for Ukraine to
be interrupted.
{time} 1830
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentlewoman has expired.
Mr. McCaul. Madam Speaker, We are witnessing the largest land
invasion of Europe since the Second World War.
The similarities to Poland in 1939 are chilling.
Russia's unprovoked war of aggression has led to countless war
crimes, the death of innocent civilians, and the mass deportation of
Ukrainian Children.
Make no mistake, Putin's imperialist ambitions do not stop at the
Ukrainian border. A loss in Ukraine could lead to a larger conflict in
Europe.
The implications and fallout from this war could reach far beyond
Ukraine's borders. Our adversaries are watching, and if Putin wins, it
will embolden dictators and despots around the globe to advance their
malign agendas and challenge U.S. interests.
No one has more to gain from a Russian victory than Chairman Xi, who
is eyeing his own military invasion of Taiwan. If Putin is allowed to
succeed, it will serve as a green light for Chairman Xi. And it will
definitively show a failure in U.S. resolve to stand for freedom and
democracy.
Ukraine today could be Taiwan tomorrow.
We must commit to success in Ukraine to demonstrate that the U.S.
will not be intimidated or accept threats to our partners and allies.
If history has taught us anything, it is that weakness only invites
aggression. As Winston Churchill famously said, ``an appeaser is one
who feeds a crocodile, hoping it will eat him last.''
We need to give Ukraine the weapons they need to win, without delay.
We need to tighten sanctions on the Putin regime and transfer frozen
Russian assets to Ukraine.
Putin started this war, and Putin must pay.
We also need to address the growing national security threat at our
Southern border.
The House is ready to move to support Ukraine, but the Senate
Democrats have failed to work with Republicans and make any meaningful
policy changes to address the crisis at our own border.
We are experiencing record numbers of illegal aliens daily. Over
2,000 migrants and counting have died trying to make the dangerous
journey across the border in the last three fiscal years.
And 35 percent of women and children are sexually abused throughout
their journey at the hands of brutal cartels.
And tragically, over the last two years, nearly 150,000 people died
from fentanyl crossing the border from Mexico.
That is nearly triple the number of American deaths during the entire
duration of the Vietnam War. And we only expect these deaths to
continue to grow.
Put simply, the President and Secretary Mayorkas are aiding and
abetting this crisis at our Southern border.
It is time for the White House and Senate Democrats to work with
House Republicans to finally secure our border through meaningful
policy changes, such as reinstating Remain in Mexico, and Asylum
Cooperative Agreements.
Only after we secure our border and deal with the national security
threats at home can we look abroad to assist Ukraine, Israel, and
Taiwan.
The world is watching, and history will judge how we respond.
____________________