[Congressional Record Volume 169, Number 201 (Wednesday, December 6, 2023)]
[Senate]
[Pages S5794-S5802]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
LEGISLATIVE SESSION
Mrs. MURRAY. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate
resume legislative session.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The Senator from Kansas.
Unanimous Consent Request--H.R. 6126
Mr. MARSHALL. Madam President, twice before, Republicans have come to
this floor to attempt to pass by unanimous consent the House-passed
stand-alone aid package to Israel that would provide our ally with $14
billion in military assistance for their fight to destroy the Hamas
terrorists and send a loud message to Iran and its proxies.
I would like to yield the floor to the Senator from Florida.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Florida.
Mr. SCOTT of Florida. Madam President, I want to thank the Senator
from Kansas for his continued effort to make sure we get Israel aid.
The United States must always stand with our great ally Israel and
with the Jewish people. Israel is fighting against Iran-backed
terrorists for its very existence.
Iran-backed Hamas terrorists have murdered thousands with the
intention of destroying Israel and the Jewish people. Hamas terrorists
have beheaded babies, burned them alive, raped and murdered young
women.
We have seen the news reports of the sexual assaults committed by
Hamas terrorists--all too graphic to speak of here, but here are some
of the headlines.
ABC News: ``New signs emerge of `widespread' sexual crimes by Hamas,
as Netanyahu alleges global indifference.''
The Washington Post: ``Israel investigates an elusive, horrific
enemy: Rape as a weapon of war.''
The Jewish Chronicle: ``Hamas terror attack: Girls `raped next to
their dead friends' at rave massacre.''
We cannot turn a blind eye to these barbaric acts. The world must
know what these animals did to innocent Jewish women and girls.
Just yesterday in the U.S. House of Representatives, the presidents
of Harvard, MIT, and the University of Pennsylvania were asked, under
oath, if calling for the genocide of Jews violates their university's
code of conduct or rules regarding bullying and harassment.
A simple yes-or-no question. Their response? They could not even
answer yes.
We have to really let that sink in. They couldn't say yes. The
president of three Ivy League schools could not answer yes to that
simple question.
It is clear that we need to use this moment to stand with Israel and
the Jewish people.
The House took decisive action by passing this bill. They moved
quickly, and the measure is fully paid for. This bill was blocked by
the Democrats
[[Page S5795]]
once, but today the Senate can change that error and pass this bill
right now. And I am proud to colead the companion bill in the Senate
with the Senator from Kansas.
I yield the floor.
Mr. MARSHALL. Madam President, I would like to yield the floor to the
senior Senator from Tennessee.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Tennessee is recognized.
Mrs. BLACKBURN. Madam President, I appreciate the opportunity to be
on the floor this afternoon with my colleague from Kansas.
It is 2 months ago tomorrow that Hamas carried out these horrific
attacks in Israel. Now, bear in mind that the Jewish State--and this is
the world's only Jewish State--is in a fight for their very survival
because Hamas has decided that they are going to continue this. They
said October 7 was basically the beginning. And they continued to do
this over and over and over.
Now, this is why we have said let's deal with the aid to Israel and
do it separately from Ukraine and from Taiwan. And let's also talk
about our border. So there is a reason for what we are doing.
Now, I know that my colleagues on the other side of the aisle do not
want to have a pay-for. House Republicans have chosen to have the pay-
for. And yes, indeed, this Chamber needs to be working with the House
to fund a resolution to this issue. And I appreciate that my colleague
from Washington brought up the fact that we need to work through this
issue. Indeed, we do. So let's work through these issues separately.
When it comes to Israel aid, there are some urgent needs that are
there. There is $4 billion to replenish the Iron Dome. This is a
wonderful technology that we have worked with Israel in creating. It is
incredibly effective. They need $4 billion for replenishment.
Bear in mind--I said Hamas has told us--they did it once; they are
going to do this again.
They need $1 billion for munitions. They need $50 million for help to
evacuate Americans, $150 million to help secure our Embassy in
Jerusalem.
And using the money that was set aside for additional IRS agents but
has not been used--that makes sense to Tennesseans, that we would do
that.
I tell you where Tennesseans do have a problem. They look at our
national debt, $34 trillion. That is about $100,000 for every man,
woman, and child.
I have a grandbaby who will be 4 months old tomorrow--his debt share,
$100,000.
Think about what we are doing. Think about what effect this will have
18, 19, 20 years from now, when that child draws their first paycheck,
and how it is going to limit their opportunity.
Another thing that doesn't seem to make sense, while we all agree
that Israel needs to receive their funding, Tennesseans don't want this
to come attached with billions of dollars for other programs, like $10
billion for global humanitarian assistance and more than $2 billion for
assistance to resettle refugees.
This is something that separately needs our attention. If we want to
talk about securing borders, let's secure our border first. When we
talk about aid to Israel, let's do it, and let's pay for it.
I appreciate my colleague from Kansas.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Kansas.
Mr. MARSHALL. Madam President, I would like to yield some time to the
senior Senator from Alabama.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Alabama.
Mr. TUBERVILLE. Madam President, I join my colleagues to support our
ally Israel.
On October 7, Israel was suddenly and deliberately attacked by Hamas
terrorists. The terrorists targeted innocent people, not military
targets. That is very important. They killed thousands of civilians,
including dozens of Americans. They filmed their own atrocities and put
videos on the internet. They were very proud of what they were doing.
It is absolutely disgraceful.
The United States has supported Israel from the very beginning. The
first leader in the world to recognize Israel was Harry Truman.
Administrations from both parties have strongly supported Israel, but
now the Biden administration is trying to ride the fence.
Joe Biden knows that his voting base does not like it. The left
dislikes Israel. In their woke ideology, they say Palestinians are
oppressed by Israel. It is just not true.
Since the war broke out in October, liberals in Congress and around
the country have expressed sympathy for Hamas. It has been especially
bad on college campuses. I am not even going to repeat some of the
things that have been said by Democrat Members of Congress.
Joe Biden has also continued to practice appeasement of Iran. When
Joe Biden took office, Iran was dead broke. They had access to just a
few billion dollars in foreign currencies. Today, they have 10 times
that much money. This is because of loosened sanctions and because of
oil sales by Iran.
Iran is the No. 1 sponsor of terrorism in the world. Iran provides
funding for Hamas and for Hezbollah. Joe Biden is helping Iran to get
rich. There is no question that sanctions relief for Iran will end up
in the hands of terrorists. Joe Biden wants to ride the fence, but we
can't ride the fence on this one, not for our ally.
This is a battle between good and evil. This is about an ally of the
United States of America fighting terrorists who killed innocent women
and children. And let's remember, the terrorists killed Americans too.
Hamas would love to kill more Americans, and they will kill more
Americans if they get the chance. So Israel needs to wage a war of
extermination against Hamas.
I am supporting this legislation to provide $14 billion in aid to
Israel. Unlike the Democrats' request for foreign aid, this is paid
for. We pay for it by cancelling out the Democrats' plan to supersize
the IRS.
Are they more important than Israel?
Last year, the Democrats cut the IRS a check for $80 billion. Their
plan is to hire 80,000 new IRS agents. They want to double the size of
the IRS. They want to shake down the American people for every last
dime.
The wealthy will be just fine. The wealthy have tax lawyers and
accountants. It is families and small businesses that will pay this
price. A report from the Joint Tax Committee said that the Democrats'
bill last year raised taxes on almost every tax bracket.
So, last month, every Senator went on record on this bill to support
Israel. Every Republican voted for it. Every Democrat voted against it.
Now, it is clear for all the American people to see who supports
Israel. It is pretty simple. Who has other priorities? If the Democrats
block this bill today, they are just doubling down.
Democrats care a lot more about the IRS--bureaucrats shaking down
small businesses--than they do about supporting our ally Israel in
their fight against terrorism. It is time for Democrats to stop riding
the fence. Stop trying to play both sides, and let's support our ally,
Israel and ensure that the terrorists are defeated.
I yield back to my colleague.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Kansas.
Mr. MARSHALL. Next, I would like to yield the floor to my good
friend, a staunch supporter of the people of Israel, the senior Senator
from Texas.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Texas.
Mr. CORNYN. Madam President, I am here on the floor to join my
colleagues in support of Israel, and we are willing to do more than
just speak those words. We are willing to do something about it--
something that, miraculously, the majority leader has been unwilling to
do since November 2, when the House passed a $14.3 billion bill to
provide aid to Israel.
And, for some reason, the only person who has the authority to bring
a bill like that to the floor to vote has refused to do so. It makes me
wonder why. Why in the world would the majority leader, who I know
supports Israel, refuse to bring a bill to the floor to provide that
aid? So far, it is almost 5 weeks since the House passed an
appropriations bill to do exactly that.
Well, it could be that he doesn't like the pay-for, that he doesn't
want us to quit adding to our national debt. But if that is the case,
he could suggest another offset or pay-for. He could have tried to
bring the bill to the floor and eliminate the pay-for that the House
provided.
[[Page S5796]]
Frankly, I think it makes plenty of sense to keep the House pay-for
in the bill so we don't add to our national debt, which is now about
100 percent of our economy. This last year alone, the United States
Government paid over $600 billion in interest to our bondholders who
own our national debt. And, apparently, the majority leader and our
Democratic colleagues want to add to that and not stop this march
toward bankruptcy or insolvency.
So here we had a vote. The majority leader brings a bill to the floor
to deal with Israel, Ukraine, the Indo-Pacific, and to provide more
money to pay for the current broken border policies by the Biden
administration.
You might wonder: Why would he bring that bill to the floor with
those four pieces, those four components, but yet refuse to bring a
bill to the floor to fund Israel?
You would think, well, at least it is a step in the direction he
apparently wants to go. But the truth is that he is holding this Israel
aid hostage to his desire to pass this other $106 billion
appropriations bill, this supplemental.
Now, don't get me wrong. Many of us support aid to Ukraine, but we
also are going to insist on policy solutions to help prevent and stop
and reverse what we see happening at our border, which is historically
catastrophic.
So this is really a very strange way of doing business. Here we are,
almost 5 weeks after the House passed an Israel aid bill. You would
think, well, the majority leader would say: Let's pass that and send it
to the President, and then we can focus on the rest of the bill that
was on the floor this afternoon--Ukraine, the Indo-Pacific, and the
border. But, apparently, he wants to use the support for the Israel aid
to build the vote for the larger bill, understanding that, while
support for Israel is virtually universal among both parties and in
both Houses, there are some divisions on the Ukraine aid or the terms
under which that aid is provided.
So it is clear to me that he is holding up aid for Israel in order to
achieve other objectives. That is his prerogative as majority leader,
but I have to ask to our pro-Israel supporters around the country
whether they think this is a legitimate leverage that could be used in
order to achieve a larger objective, or whether it would make more
sense, if you truly are a supporter of Israel, to go ahead and get this
to the President and to get that aid to Israel and then come back and
do the rest of what I know the majority leader wants to do.
So the other part of this--which is amazing to me--is we know the
Speaker passed the Israel aid because he knows he has concerns, and he
doesn't know if he has the votes in the House to pass the larger
package. So why would you not take up and pass the Israel aid as
opposed to send the House this larger $106 billion package when it is
unlikely that the Speaker is going to be able to pass that, at least
based on his experience. Doesn't that also delay aid to Israel even
more by packaging it with other items?
Frankly, it is mysterious to me why all this time--2 months after
Israel was attacked by Hamas, 5 weeks after the House has passed an
Israel aid bill--that, finally, here we are coming to the floor,
offering to take up and pass the Israel aid, and we are going to get an
objection from the Democratic side.
It is really mysterious to me. It is very puzzling. Why in the world
would our Democratic colleagues, if they truly support Israel, if they
truly want to fight--give Israel the tools they need to fight Hamas, a
terrorist organization, bought and paid for by Tehran--why in the world
would they object to it?
Well, Washington, DC, in many ways, is a parallel universe that is
very much unlike any of the rest of the country. What makes sense here,
inside the beltway, makes no sense to our constituents back home, and
this is just another example of that.
So I applaud my colleague from Kansas for taking the initiative here
and calling us together, and not just saying we support Israel but
actually being willing to do something about it.
That is another phenomenon here in Washington, DC. There are a lot of
people who say the right words, but, when it comes to actions, they are
missing in action.
So I thank my colleague from Kansas.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Kansas.
Mr. MARSHALL. Madam President, I sure appreciate the Senator from
Texas speaking up and the wise words he shared. It reminds me of an old
saying, that a bird in the hand is worth two in the bush, that funding
Israel today is worth two of these other issues that seemingly just
never can come together as we try to solve this four-headed riddle.
As I said earlier, this is now my third time to the floor to try to
pass with unanimous consent the House-passed, stand-alone aid package
to Israel that would provide our ally with $14 billion in military
assistance.
Now, my colleagues on the other side of the aisle stood on the Senate
floor and debated with us and lectured us on why this bipartisan,
House-passed legislation that maintains the exact spending levels
requested by President Biden is somehow unreasonable. But I would like
to share with you what I think is unreasonable. I think it is the
Democrats' unwillingness to help our ally and separate this package to
get it to the President's desk today. Unreasonable is my colleagues
across the aisle using the crisis in Israel to secure more money for
Ukraine. But what is unfathomable is what this body just admitted--that
we are nowhere closer to getting this aid package passed than we were
on October 7 when the war broke out.
In case nobody is paying attention, tomorrow will be 2 months to the
day that Hamas brutally and savagely attacked the people of Israel.
I think we need to be honest with the American people. Negotiations
aren't just stalled; they never started. Meaningful negotiations never
started. We have a better chance of finding an ocean in Kansas than
this $106 billion package seeing the light of day.
Today, every single Republican sent a unanimous message to the
Democrat leadership and 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue: We will not be
bullied into voting on massive spending packages that use Israel as
leverage to fund Democrat priorities, and we will not vote for any
legislation that secures foreign nations' borders but not our own.
So here we are once again offering an olive branch to separate this
package out and address each of these issues one at a time. The House
made this easy for us. They passed a bipartisan bill that would grant
aid to Israel and allow us to break this logjam and focus on the more
pressing matter to our national security: the border. The border. The
border. The border.
Now, the Democrats showed their hands 2 weeks ago when they voted
unanimously against our bipartisan, stand-alone Israel aid bill that
would have fast-tracked this package straight to the President's desk
before Thanksgiving. But, sadly, this city loves to make the perfect
the enemy of the good.
The sensible thing for this body to do now is pass this bipartisan,
stand-alone aid bill for Israel. This legislation passed the House over
a month ago and could be delivered to President Biden's desk tonight.
We should pass aid to Israel and then continue debating a potential
broader package.
Now, I have never heard of an American asking for more IRS agents.
And if you are concerned about the pay-fors we presented, as I said
time and time again, show us another pay-for.
It is time to end the political talking points that we have heard on
this floor.
And please don't insult our intelligence. Don't insult the
intelligence of Americans with the fake border security that is in this
bigger, broader package that will only accelerate asylum, leading to
more people crossing our border illegally.
If you plan to object to this stand-alone bill's passage on the
ground that military aid to Israel should include conditions, I want to
note for the record that senior officials from the White House have
said they are not pursuing such conditions.
So, indeed, let's come together. Let's all come to the table. We
tried it your way, and it failed. This is a huge opportunity to secure
a bipartisan win and get to work on the most immediate threat to our
national security--our wide-open southern border.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the
immediate consideration of H.R. 6126, which was received from the
House. I further ask that the bill be considered
[[Page S5797]]
read a third time and passed and that the motion to reconsider be
considered made and laid upon the table.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Ossoff). Is there objection?
The Senator from Washington.
Mrs. MURRAY. Mr. President, reserving the right to object, I have
been clear about why we must deliver support for Ukraine, Israel, and
humanitarian assistance together, as have many of my colleagues. That
is actually why we just attempted to move forward on one package that
meets all of these needs--a package that Republicans blocked.
I spoke about this before the vote, but let me just reiterate how
dire the situation is right now.
Our support for Ukraine has been essential, but it has also now been
exhausted. Our allies are waiting for aid, and Putin is just waiting
for us to send a sign that it is not coming. But Putin is not the only
one watching right now. The world is watching this debate. Our allies
want to know, when they are facing a crisis, can they count on America
to stand with them or will we give up on them when it gets tough or
when we get distracted with other crises? They are all watching and
wondering, can America still lead or are we overwhelmed? Will America
pick and choose which promises it keeps?
Let's not forget, it is not just big-name allies and adversaries we
are talking about here; there are many smaller but no less important
countries that are watching. Some are in critical regions, facing
historic decisions about the paths and partnerships they will pursue in
the years ahead, and they are wondering, is the United States a
reliable partner? We have to put those concerns to rest with a strong
package that shows that our commitment to our allies and to standing up
to dictators is ironclad.
That is what is at stake here--not just our allies in Ukraine, who
are at a key moment in their battle to protect their sovereignty, not
just our deterrence to adversaries like Putin and other dictators who
would trample democracy if given the chance, but our very credibility
on the world stage.
We have to respond to all these crises or we are telling the world:
Don't count on America. We are at capacity.
That is an incredibly dangerous message to send, especially at such a
critical moment. It should be unthinkable.
I appreciate my colleague's urgency to get aid to Israel, but this is
a deeply flawed way to deliver it. This bill would not provide a single
dollar in desperately needed humanitarian assistance to civilians in
Gaza and elsewhere, and it would not address the urgent need to extend
funding for Ukraine.
There are civilians in Ukraine right now who are suffering and have
been for months. There is also an enemy in Ukraine who is on the march
and is just waiting for an opening to gain the upper hand.
We have been discussing the aid for our allies in Ukraine for much
longer than aid for Israel, which is also urgently needed, and we have
already been delayed here for too long. To force Ukraine to wait or to
withhold future aid is to abandon an ally, surrender to a dictator, and
invite more chaos around the world.
We cannot leave Ukraine behind, nor can we fail to deliver
humanitarian assistance before the humanitarian crisis in Gaza devolves
further into hopelessness that can worsen the threats we are already
facing.
At this critical moment, it is not just the right thing to do, it is
essential to our national security interests to help promote stability
and security. That same logic applies to other investments as well,
like supporting our allies in the Indo-Pacific. Invest in stability so
we avoid paying for chaos.
We have to move quickly to respond to these challenges, yes, but we
also have to move completely to respond to them because, as I have said
before, they are all connected.
If we let the Israel-Hamas war weaken our resolve elsewhere, we are
telling dictators across the world: The best way to get America off
your back is for it to be distracted by a crisis somewhere else.
We are essentially giving Hamas and other extremists a new sales
pitch to make when seeking support from bad actors: Give us support,
and we will keep America busy. They can't deal with you if they are
focused on us.
That is a profoundly dangerous message to send.
Putin is watching closely to see if this is his opportunity to make
our resolve waiver in Ukraine. As it plots its next move, the Chinese
Government is watching closely to see if we will stand up to
aggressors. If we falter, other adversaries will take note as well.
That is why doing half the job here is just not going to cut it. We
have to do the whole job. Anything less is telling our allies that
America cannot be trusted and telling dictators that they have free
rein because America is too busy to lead right now.
We must not invite chaos. We must not abandon any of our allies. We
have to show that U.S. leadership is strong and capable of meeting all
the challenges before us.
So I urge Republicans to get serious about the situation before us so
we can pass a package like the one we just voted on that shows the
world that America takes its commitments seriously and doesn't just
stand by some of its allies some of the time.
With that, I yield to Senator Reed.
Mr. REED. Thank you, Senator Murray.
Mr. President?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator reserve the right to object?
Mr. REED. I would like to be recognized and reserve the right to
object.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Rhode Island.
Mr. REED. Mr. President, just a few minutes ago, my Republican
colleagues voted down the National Security and Border Act. In doing
so, they essentially said no to supporting Israel, no to supporting
Ukraine, no to supporting Taiwan, no to humanitarian assistance, which
is absolutely critical, no to rebuilding our defense industrial base,
no to border security funding, and no to combating fentanyl.
These items are not the partisan demands of any one party; they are
bipartisan priorities and necessities. They are the fulfillment of our
commitments to our allies and to our national security.
I believe the majority of our Republican colleagues do believe this,
but some may see this as leverage--as one of my colleagues put it in a
discussion, leverage for extreme immigration legislation that they
don't at the moment have the votes to pass.
In delaying the much needed assistance that I indicated, my
Republican colleagues are indirectly, directly, or however you want to
put it, giving too many opportunities or at least ideas to people like
Putin and Chinese communists and others who are engaged in trying to
undermine democracy throughout the world.
Speaking for myself, I hope that what we can do is begin a serious
debate now--not on the one issue that I listed but on all those
issues--and come to a serious, principled compromise so that we can
move forward together.
It seems that my colleagues on the other side simply want us to
accept their version of immigration reform, and then everything else
will be OK. It is not that at all. In fact, one of the aspects of the
legislation that was just voted down was a significant infusion of
resources into the border area--1,300 additional Border Patrol agents,
1,000 law enforcement personnel and investigative capabilities to
prevent cartels from moving fentanyl into the country, 1,600 additional
asylum officers, funding to conduct robust child labor investigations
and enforcement to protect vulnerable migrant children entering the
United States through the southern border, and the bipartisan FEND Off
Fentanyl Act, led by our colleague, Senator Tim Scott of South
Carolina.
My colleagues just voted against a series of important ways to fix
our problems at the border. We need them desperately, and we could have
gotten them if we had moved forward procedurally.
I have been here for a couple of years, and I have seen several
occasions where we have been together on a bipartisan basis. I know in
2013, led by Senator McCain and others, we passed comprehensive
immigration reform, only to see it set aside by the Republican House of
Representatives at the time.
So we, I think, have to do much more, and we can, but it will be on a
bipartisan, cooperative basis. We have to do much more to help not just
Israel--
[[Page S5798]]
it is critical--but also Ukraine. It has been a long time since we have
had their funding request--August of this year. They made a serious
request for additional resources, anticipating the attrition they would
suffer over the intervening months, long before the October 7 tragedy.
It has been more than 2 months since President Zelenskyy was here in
person asking us all personally for the help he needed to lead his
country forward. It was at that time that Senator McConnell correctly
and sincerely indicated, in his words, ``American support for Ukraine
is not charity. It is in our own direct interests, not least because
degrading Russia helps to deter China.'' But the foot-dragging has
continued since then.
Ukraine cannot wait. The OMB Director wrote earlier this week:
[W]ithout congressional action, by the end of the year we
will run out of resources to produce more weapons and
equipment for Ukraine and to provide equipment from U.S.
military stocks.
There is no magical pot of funding available to meet this
moment. We are out of money--and nearly out of time.
So without our help, the Ukrainian people will be in a very desperate
situation. We need to help them. We need to help our allies in Israel.
We need to help those in Taiwan, and we need to help the innocent
victims of conflict throughout the world.
So this one-shot deal doesn't cut it. We have to come together, work
together, and deliver assistance to Ukraine, to Israel, to Taiwan,
humanitarian aid, and aid for our borders.
With that, I will yield to Senator Klobuchar.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Minnesota.
Ms. KLOBUCHAR. Mr. President, reserving the right to object, I rise
today alongside my colleagues, Senators Murray, Reed, Shaheen, Schatz,
and Heinrich to discuss the need to pass this supplemental funding
package.
I spoke earlier today about the importance of humanitarian aid--
humanitarian aid for the innocent civilians, Palestinian civilians in
Gaza; humanitarian aid for people throughout the world. It is one major
way that America has led through World War II and after, through the
Cold War. Yes, we have led with our military strength, but we have also
led by making friends and making sure people have what they need so
they don't starve. And so many of those countries have gone on to do
great things, to be great countries, to be democracies, to work with us
to be trading partners.
But, today, I am here to focus on Ukraine. We are at a pivotal point
not just in American history but in the history of humanity. It is
during moments like these that nations across the globe look to America
for leadership. They expect our leadership.
Yes, our friends in Ukraine are counting on us, but so are so many
other allies as they look to see what we will do. This has never been
America alone helping Ukraine. It has been all-in for many countries.
Early in the conflict, I traveled to Poland with a number of
Senators--Democrats and Republicans--and it was right when one of the
first major loss of life had occurred in Ukraine at a military training
facility. And we happened to be at the entry point where families were
fleeing--people in wheelchairs, little kids with backpacks with nothing
but their stuffed animal in it. That is what I remember.
I remember the Polish people who had been invaded over the years by
the Hapsburgs, by the Nazis, by the Russians, opening their arms to
these Ukrainians, which they are still doing today--millions of
refugees.
We have played a very important role in this conflict. We have
surprised the world, and I am certain we surprised Russia. And the
Ukrainians have surprised them with their incredible courage when
everyone had counted them out. This scrappy force who had been at the
frontline for years already in Donbas and other regions in Ukraine who,
once again, went to the frontline.
We trained them. It is our equipment that has been so superior, as
well as those from our allies in this fight. And what has happened?
Well, since Vladimir Putin's unprovoked and unlawful, unjustifiable
invasion last February, our Ukrainian friends have reclaimed half of
the territory that is rightfully theirs. Vladimir Putin tried to
capture Kyiv, but he failed.
Senator Portman and I, in the middle of the war, went and saw that
airfield where the Russians had come down in parachutes thinking that
the Ukrainians would just fold. They didn't fold. They held their
ground and they kept Kyiv.
Vladimir Putin tried to wipe Ukraine off the map, but he failed.
He tried to break the Ukrainian spirit, but he has made it stronger.
He tried to take them down in the middle of winter last winter by
cutting off their electricity. He threatened the biggest nuclear plant,
not only in Ukraine but in all of Europe. There is no limit to what
they will do. He has shown his true colors: capturing cities,
slaughtering innocents, abducting Ukrainian children. But the Ukrainian
people have shown theirs: defending their democracy against all odds in
brilliant blue and yellow; cellists playing their song and their
national anthem on burned-out steps; ballerinas going to the frontline
in camo; a videographer delivering medical supplies to Ukrainian
troops; the DJ at the national call center using her platform to find
missing loved ones. It is not just the troops on the frontline; it is
the entire country. And they are watching to see what they are doing.
I met with the Ukrainian Ambassador today along with the Speaker of
their House, along with their Defense Minister; and they are watching.
The Russians are using everything that is said in this Chamber,
everything that is done, because they are trying to use it against the
Ukrainians. They are trying to break their spirit, break their
backbone, break the morale of their troops. Well, it is not working.
But they are watching.
This is our moment. I think Leader McConnell put it best when he
said--and I say this to our Republican colleagues when you think about
the Iranian drones that were used by the Russians, when you think about
the massacre in Israel and the fact that Hamas then went to Russia--a
representative of this terrorist group went to Russia and met with
leaders there:
Think of it as an axis of evil: China, Russia and Iran. So this is
not just a test for Ukraine. It is a test for the United States and for
the free world. And the path toward greater security for all of us is
simple: Help Ukraine win the war.
Let us not forget what President Zelenskyy did in the hours
immediately after the initial invasion, when everyone in the world--all
those pundits that were at the Munich Security Conference that Senator
Shaheen and I attended--people were counting him out. He did one
incredibly brave thing followed by thousands of brave acts. He went to
the street corner with just a few of his top advisors, and he stood
there and looked at the camera and in the face of evil, in a statement
of defiance, in a call to action to democracies everywhere, he said
three simple words: ``We are here.''
America heeded that call. Ukrainians heeded that call. And
democracies all over the world united in every corner of the world, and
we said: ``We are here, too.''
The Ukrainian people have defended its nation against a tyrant,
against one of the largest armies in the world. It is our moral
obligation to stand by them. And talking to those leaders in the Baltic
countries yesterday--Lithuania and Latvia and Estonia--they have been
through this before. They have stood tall, but they know what the
stakes are.
If we let this happen and we let Putin just march right in next month
because we refused to help, he is not going to stop marching in their
eyes because they have seen it before. We must ensure that democracy
triumphs over autocracy; that humanity prevails over brutality; and
that the spirit of Ukraine carries the day.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Mexico.
Mr. HEINRICH. Mr. President, reserving the right to object, I just
want to make a point that we need a complete security package. All of
these things are related, and all of them reinforce not only our allies
and innocent civilians but also our own security and the future of the
direction of the free world.
We are not going to turn our back on Ukraine. How many meetings did
we
[[Page S5799]]
have via Zoom or actually in person with Zelenskyy where so many of our
colleagues said we would always stand with Ukraine after all that
Ukraine has been through. And I remember being in briefings where
people were predicting that Ukraine would crumble in a matter of days.
And they stood up to the Russian aggression and they continue to stand
up to Russian aggression and they have actually pushed Russia back.
That isn't just in Ukraine's interest. That is in the interest of the
free world.
We need a security package that supports our allies in Israel, that
supports the innocent civilians in Gaza that are also the victims of
what Hamas has done. And we need a security package that stands with
our allies in Ukraine.
Mr. President, I would offer the rest of my time to my colleague from
Hawaii.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Hawaii.
Mr. SCHATZ. Mr. President, reserving the right to object. We are in a
global fight against fascism and authoritarianism. We are seeing it in
Putin's war in Ukraine, and we are seeing it with Hamas and the
unspeakable horrors it committed on and since October 7. And we are
seeing it with Xi Jinping's explicit desire to take Taiwan by force.
These people do not hide their true intentions. They telegraph them
to the whole world; and, worse, they are willing to do whatever it
takes. Nothing is off limits to them. And that is the seriousness of
the global threat of an increasingly coordinated fascist movement. And
so to address one of these problems but not the other, to somehow judge
one threat to be greater than the other, to say we are going to fund
Israel but not Ukraine, is wrong. It is wrong morally because evil is
evil, no matter where it occurs. And it is wrong strategically because
we have a direct national security interest wherever fascism rears its
ugly head.
Take off your Ukraine lapel pins. Take back everything you said to
President Zelenskyy.
We were in the House when he addressed us. Everyone was anxious to
shake his hand and express support. We put it into our Twitter bios. We
put on the little lapel pin. We had him in the Old Senate Chamber on a
bipartisan basis.
Everybody is for Ukraine--unless it is hard. Everybody is for
Ukraine--unless I can't get something unrelated on domestic policy.
Everybody is for Ukraine when it is popular, when it is the thing
that just happened. But the moment Donald J. Trump wants to defund this
war, a lot of people go: Oh, my God, maybe I am not so enthusiastic
about this.
If you are for something, vote for the thing. There are a million
other jobs out there where you can be for something and never be put to
the test. I have an opinion. I am a guy at a bar. I am a person at a
bus stop. It is Sunday night dinner. I have an opinion. But in this
job, the way to determine whether or not you are for something is not
what you said before the vote, but it is how you voted. And if you are
for Ukraine, you have to vote to help Ukraine to defend itself in a
land war in Europe.
There is a land war in Europe. Vladimir Putin is trying to take
Ukraine by force, and he might just do it if we abandon them. So, if
you are for Ukraine, vote for Ukraine.
I would now like to yield to the senior Senator from New Hampshire,
Senator Shaheen.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Hampshire.
Mrs. SHAHEEN. Mr. President, in reserving the right to object, I am
pleased to be able to join my colleagues again on the floor of the
Senate to support a supplemental funding request that recognizes the
breadth of our national security interests in this country. That is a
supplemental funding request that must include Ukraine, Israel,
humanitarian needs, and the emerging challenges in the Indo-Pacific.
The horrific events of October 7--2 months ago tomorrow--was the
worst terrorist attack that Israel has faced. We know that over 1,000
innocent Israelis were killed. It was barbaric. Now, both Ukraine and
Israel face a similar threat against adversaries that seek to destroy
them. A holistic national security supplemental bill is critical to
protecting our interests--America's interests. We must pass an
appropriations bill that supports our allies in Israel and Ukraine and
that fully funds the other critical efforts that provide for our
national security.
My colleagues have been very eloquent tonight, but I want to add to
their explanations about why continued support for Ukraine is critical.
We should be proud that with strong bipartisan support, our country
has stood with Ukraine since before the beginning of Russia's
unprovoked invasion almost 2 years ago. We have done so with our NATO
allies and our international partners, including South Korea and Japan,
that recognize what is at stake even though they are a half a world
away. Our allies and partners have contributed a total of $94.1 billion
to support Ukraine's war and recovery effort. That is more than the
United States has contributed.
We had a chance earlier this afternoon in the Foreign Relations
Committee to meet with the new Foreign Secretary, the former Prime
Minister of Great Britain, David Cameron.
I asked him: How will Europe--how will our allies in Europe--view a
decision by the U.S. Senate not to provide funding to help Ukraine wage
this courageous war?
He said that it would have a dramatic impact in Europe, where we are
seeing NATO stronger than he said he could remember in his lifetime
because of coming together to support Ukraine and to oppose Putin. He
said it would send a message about future support for Ukraine that
would have a huge impact as we think about the international order and
our ability to keep dictators like Vladimir Putin and President Xi of
China, like the Ayatollah in Iran, like North Korea--those
dictatorships--from thinking they can invade any country they want to
if they happen to be stronger.
Alongside our international partners, we recognize that the Ukrainian
people are not only defending their land and freedom, they are fighting
for the preservation of liberal democracies around the world.
What Senator Marshall is proposing strips out the essential funding
that we need to address the threat posed by the Chinese Communist Party
in the Indo-Pacific. It neglects the urgent and growing humanitarian
needs for both Ukraine and the people in Gaza who are affected by this
war. Failing to pass a national security package would embolden Putin,
Iran, and the Chinese Communist Party. It would show our adversaries
around the world that America is not up to the task of defending
democracy and that we are not capable of standing by our friends for
the long run.
I remember the outcry in this body when the United States pulled out
of Afghanistan, and I have to say I opposed that effort. But what do we
think the pulling of our support for Ukraine is going to say to the
rest of the world?
We must be clear in sending an unequivocal message: America stands
with our allies in the face of this kind of devastating attack that
Vladimir Putin and Russia has made on Ukraine. To do that, we must pass
a holistic funding package to underscore that America is not going to
pick and choose when the United States stands on the side of freedom
and democracy.
Our adversaries want the United States to fall short in standing up
for its allies; they want us to be divided. We need to show them that
we are not divided but that we are united.
When I am back in New Hampshire, my constituents continue to tell me
that they support continuing to provide funding and help for Ukraine.
We have a great humanitarian effort in New Hampshire called the Common
Man for Ukraine that is headed up by a number of businesspeople. They
provide supplies and support for the Ukrainian people and for kids. It
is important that we fund a holistic response to address all of the
issues that we are facing--Israel, Ukraine, the Indo-Pacific,
humanitarian, and our southern border. And, yes, we should be able to
come to a compromise on addressing border security.
The Democrats stand ready to work with our colleagues in the Senate.
We can come up with a compromise. We can do this in a way that is in
the United States' national security interests.
With that, I would like to turn the time over to Senator Durbin.
[[Page S5800]]
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority whip.
Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, I thank Senator Shaheen.
In reserving the right to object, in 1978, before I was elected to
Congress, I had the opportunity to take a trip to the Soviet Union and
spend 3 weeks there. I saw a lot. In addition to the visits to Russia
and Moscow, we visited countries like Lithuania, where my mother was
born, and I witnessed firsthand the vision of Vladimir Putin and the
Soviet Union.
Make no mistake, his goal is to restore the Soviet Union, to take
vulnerable countries and to subsume them with his own ego and his own
view of the world. To visit Lithuania and see what they had done to the
freedoms that we just take for granted in America was an eye opener to
me: to see the cathedral in Vilnius, with its beautiful frescos
whitewashed by the Soviets because they didn't want people to practice
religion; to realize that they controlled everything--radio stations,
newspapers--and to realize that they dictated who would win an
election. There was no freedom in that country.
That is the communist view. That is the Soviet view. That is the
Vladimir Putin view. Are we in favor of that, Senator? I don't think
so. I know you aren't personally, and you don't want to see that
lifestyle imposed on people around the world any more than I do.
In Ukraine, they had the courage to stand up and say to Putin: We
will fight you to the death to stop this from happening.
They have surprised a lot of people. I remember the briefing--the
Senator from Kansas might have attended it--where we asked the
intelligence experts: How long can Ukraine hold out when the Russian
military machine comes marching in?
They said: A matter of days--days--maybe weeks, but not much more.
They were wrong. And do you know why they were wrong? Because they
underestimated the Ukrainian people and what they were willing to do to
protect their country.
I have a special, as they say, selfish interest in this because I
know that if Putin is successful in Ukraine, if this war criminal has
his way and takes over the Ukrainian country for his Soviet Union--his
new Soviet Union--the next country on the list is probably Lithuania
and the Baltics: Poland, Latvia, Estonia. They are obvious targets
because they are small and vulnerable, but they do have the NATO
alliance standing behind them.
So not only do I support the Ukrainian effort because of the courage
of the people and their success and how much I abhor Vladimir Putin and
his agenda, I also realize it is in America's best interest that
Ukrainians prevail. It is in our best interest to stop Putin in Ukraine
so that we don't have to use the NATO alliance to stop him in a country
where we would be sending American troops to fight the battle. We
should stand foursquare behind Ukraine because it is the right thing to
do, and it is the right thing for America.
Today, the Speaker of the Ukrainian Parliament came to my office, Mr.
Stefanchuk, and he had a very simple message for me and the Senators
who had gathered there: Without U.S. assistance, Ukraine will struggle
and probably lose this war.
Oh, he reminded us that they would fight to the death, and I am sure
they will if it comes down to that dire situation. It also reminded me
that this is not just another political debate. What we are talking
about is assistance to a country where people today are fighting and
dying for their freedom, a country for which we promised support for
over 2 years, a country we need to stand by.
Now you have asked us to support Israel. I will tell you this as
well. Last week, many of us, on a bipartisan basis, watched videos from
the October 7 invasion of the Hamas terrorists into Israel. It was
horrifying. It was a terrible 40 minutes. I had to avert my eyes
several times because I couldn't stand to look at the scenes of
systemic rape, of attacks, murder. I will never forget those two little
boys whose parents had just been killed outside the living room,
sitting in their living room, saying: Are we going to die? It was these
two little boys, and it was on tape. That was the reality of the
atrocity of October 7.
Israel has the right to exist. Israel has the right to defend itself,
and I stand behind Israel as most Americans do. I want to see their
support. But please don't give us this ``Sophie's Choice'' of picking
our favorite child to die. I don't want either Israel or Ukraine to
die. I want them to have bright futures, and to have that, they need
the United States now more than ever. Don't separate our loyalty. Our
loyalty should be common and unified for both countries, Ukraine and
Israel.
There are things we can say about humanitarian issues in the Gaza
territories and what is happening there, but I am going to spare that
for another day.
I will just say this: I stand behind Ukraine. I stand behind Israel.
Don't separate them. Let's stand behind both of them because they are
both consistent with the values of the United States.
I yield to the Senator from Washington.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Washington.
Mrs. MURRAY. Mr. President, on behalf of all the Senators who spoke
so eloquently and forcefully tonight, I object.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Objection is heard.
The Senator from Kansas.
Mr. MARSHALL. Mr. President, what we have brought forward tonight is
a House-passed, stand-alone package of aid for Israel. We didn't bring
forward the entire security package, which already failed. We have
tried that. It didn't work.
So many of my colleagues across the aisle, indeed, spoke eloquently
in support of Ukraine as well as Israel. I think back to what my
college track coach said.
He said:
Don't tell me. Show me.
So I am going to quote some words from the Democratic Party, and I
want you to think about the words lining up with the actions. When
people vote against the stand-alone aid for Israel, is that consistent
with their own words?
This is Secretary Blinken on October 13:
No country can tolerate having a terrorist group come in,
slaughter its people in the most unconscionable ways and live
like that. What Israel is doing is not retaliation, it is
defending the lives of its people.
Next is Secretary Austin on October 20:
So, make no mistake: The United States will make sure that
Israel has what it needs to defend itself.
Next, President Biden on October 10:
So, in this moment, we must be crystal clear: We stand with
Israel.
He says it again.
We stand with Israel, and we will make sure Israel has what
it needs to take care of its citizens, defend itself, and
respond to this attack.
Again, President Biden on 20 October:
In Israel, we must make sure that they have what they need
to protect their people today and always.
Finally, the majority leader, the senior Senator from New York, on 15
November:
We will not rest until you get the assistance you need.
Folks, this is the opportunity. This is the time. This is the time to
stand up for Israel, to make good on those pledges. I meticulously
listened to my friends across the aisle and their arguments. What we
are talking about today--what the bill is about today--is aid to
Israel.
As I listened carefully to their objections, their objection with
this particular bill was with the pay-fors, and I respect that. The
second objection was that they wanted more humanitarian assistance to
Hamas and the people of Gaza as well, and I respect that as well.
So bring us that bill--that stand-alone bill--that includes what you
think is appropriate for a pay-for and what type of humanitarian
assistance you want to make sure Hamas gets as well.
But the real argument--the real argument made tonight--was to use
Israel as a tool, to use it as a lever to fund Ukraine. And, again, I
listened carefully. I tried to count how many times my friends across
the aisle said ``Ukraine'' or ``Putin,'' and I stopped when I got to
over 50. Israel was mentioned less than 10 times. They talked
[[Page S5801]]
about their national security package--their supplemental package--and
they really should call it the ``lovefest for Ukraine'' package.
I respect where they are coming from. I think it is how and how much
and when do we give the people of Ukraine right now in a situation that
has been a stalemate for a year--really, no progress made for a year.
Two hundred thousand people have died in that war and 500,000
casualties. There is no end in sight. This looks to me like a 7- or 10-
year war. It looks like it is Vietnam all over again.
I remember the early days of Vietnam, when there were a few people
saying: Slow down. Let's stop. There are too many people who are dying
in this situation right now.
Let's have that debate. Let's pull Ukraine out, and let's have that
debate.
I honestly believe, if we would have passed this Israel package a
month ago and then worked on a Ukraine package starting then, we would
have a Ukraine package done.
What I wish is that my friends across the aisle were as passionate,
though, about the security of our own southern border as about the
lines of another country--the property lines of another country, their
boundaries.
I think I heard my friends across the aisle talk about the border
maybe four or five times. The No. 1 national security threat--the most
immediate national security threat to Americans--is our open southern
border. Do we have to repeat the numbers? Ten million people have
crossed the border illegally in the past 3 years, 1.7 million ``got-
aways,'' 70,000 aliens of interest, hundreds of known terrorists.
All the lights are blinking red right now. All the lights are
blinking red. That is what Director Wray said, yesterday, up here on
the Hill, that on terrorist threats, all the lights are blinking red.
And why wouldn't they, with these 1.7 million ``got-aways'' throughout
the country doing who knows what?
If my friends across the aisle are serious about a national security
supplemental package, it starts with meaningful security at the
southern border--meaningful security, not a process that actually
promotes more people crossing the border.
It has to include something that impacts asylum and parole. It has to
literally secure the border, I think, even to begin this next debate.
America needs to get its own house in order before we can help fix
other people's houses.
I understand the needs across this world are many. And my compassion,
my heart, whether it is for the people of Ukraine, the people of
Israel--I share those same compassions, but we just can't keep throwing
good money after bad money. We have to have people with accountability.
We have to make sure that there is a goal--that there is a goal that we
can win.
So, at the end of the day, the most prudent thing for this body to do
would be to pass this standalone aid for Israel. Take it off the chess
board. Let's get that one done. But, instead, my friends across the
aisle want to use it as a political tool, a tool to leverage their
funding for Ukraine. Let's have that discussion separately.
I think it is time that this body do what we say we want to do. Let's
not rest until we get this assistance to Israel.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Hawaii.
Mr. SCHATZ. Mr. President, a couple of hours ago, Republicans voted
down the motion to even begin debating the national security
supplemental appropriations bill. They claim to support Israel and
Ukraine, but, when it came time to act, they voted no.
But let's be clear about one thing: Every part of this bill is
essential for America's national security.
We have two wars raging and a number of other threats brewing around
the world, and this funding for our allies and our partners could not
be more urgent. It is the difference between having the weapons to
fight terrorists and authoritarians or not, having food and water for
civilians caught in conflicts or not, having the defense systems to
deter China from meddling in Taiwan or not.
Our friends are counting on us to help them, and our adversaries are
counting on us being too divided to do even the most basic task.
America remains the indispensable Nation. It is the leader of the
free world. It is the Nation that other countries, big and small, look
to in good times and in bad, and it is a responsibility that we have
never shirked away from. And now is not the time to start. Now is not
the time to turn our backs on Israel, on innocent Palestinians in Gaza,
on Ukraine, on Taiwan, or on any of our other allies and partners
around the world.
We are fighting an increasingly linked global fascist movement, and
it is directly tied to our security interests. So we ought to act like
it and pass this supplemental to keep our adversaries and competitors
from redrawing the world as they wish, at the point of a gun.
So let's start with Israel. There has been a lot of talk on both
sides of the aisle about the merits of conditioning aid, as if it is a
novel or unusual concept, except that it is not. The idea that having
requirements under Federal law for any Federal appropriations, that
that is somehow amounting to abandoning our ally or a break from the
norms is belied by history.
Whenever we approve Federal spending, whether it is for HUD for
public housing or the Federal Highway Administration for repairs or the
Department of the Interior for parks, we require detailed plans on
exactly how the money will be used, and we expect to receive some sort
of reporting on it afterward. It is also standard practice for our own
Defense Department and aid to other allies, which we routinely
scrutinize.
So it should be no different for Israel and the IDF or Ukraine--and
in a hot war, no less. There are millions of innocent lives caught in
the crossfire, and we have every reason to make sure that Israel is
using the weapons that we provide, funded by our own taxpayer dollars,
in a manner that is consistent with international humanitarian laws and
American values. That is taking every step possible to minimize
civilian casualties.
In many ways, the debate around conditioning aid is emblematic of the
wider one around Israel and Palestine, which has become so hostile and
so binary that people aren't even open to hearing the other side. It is
near impossible to have a dialogue when all people are interested in is
throwing rhetorical barbs and attacking the other side.
If you condemn Hamas's unspeakable brutality on October 7 and hold it
accountable for the death and bloodshed on that day and in the days
since, then you are supposedly excusing the conditions under the
blockade or you are accused of turning a blind eye to settler violence
before and since October 7.
If you question the manner in which Israel is waging war and the
carnage and suffering the war has wrought on innocent lives, including
children and babies, you are suddenly not sufficiently pro-Israel.
If you call out the fact that anti-Semitism is on the rise here in
the United States and around the world, that it is one of the oldest
sicknesses and a scourge that must be addressed, then somehow you are
indifferent to Islamophobia or the suffering of Palestinians.
No, I know anti-Muslim and anti-Arab hatred are alive and well, too,
and believe that they must be rooted out with equal force. And my heart
breaks for the countless innocent lives being lost in Gaza daily.
All of these things are true at the same time. They are in tension
with each other, yes, but not in contradiction. There is an awfully
messy and deeply, deeply contested history underpinning this conflict.
So to strip away all that context and flatten all these complexities
into a 15-second TikTok is a disservice to the Palestinian and Israeli
causes alike.
There are no simple and straightforward paths to peace here, but if
we can't engage without first holding purity tests, if we can't
acknowledge two things to be true at the same time, if we can't
recognize each other's humanity, then we are not going to be able to
build a just and lasting peace in the region.
Almost everybody believes Hamas is terrible and should be eliminated.
They want the hostages who were cruelly abducted and have spent 2
agonizing
[[Page S5802]]
months in captivity to be immediately released. They are appalled by
reports of Hamas's sexual violence against women and the drugging of
hostages. And they believe Israel has a legitimate right and
responsibility to go after the bad guys. The question is how.
People are increasingly and understandably alarmed at the scale of
human suffering and the high rate of civilian casualties in Gaza. It is
our job, as Israel's closest ally, to convey that truth and to make
clear that mass suffering actively undermines the possibility of a
future peace. A whole new generation will be radicalized watching
scores of loved ones die and entire neighborhoods leveled. That is in
no one's interest.
So our responsibility in the current moment is twofold: to provide
Israel with military aid, which I have consistently supported and I
will continue to support, but it is equally important to provide moral
clarity and strategic counsel when actions cross a line.
We do both of these things because we care. We also have an
obligation to look at the future because, whether it is 10 months from
now or 10 years from now, these two peoples need a way to live in
relative peace and stability side by side--if not as friends, then as
neighbors.
Palestinians, like Israelis, deserve a legitimate, representative,
and democratically elected government, and the only viable path to
achieving that is through a two-state solution. It is the only way to
guarantee a safe home for the Jewish people in Israel, and it is the
only way to ensure Palestinians have a secure state of their own. A
solution that does not recognize the humanity of both Israelis and
Palestinians is not just, and a solution that does not give both
peoples the condition to prosper without fear of violence will not
last.
Let's talk about the other part of this supplemental--Ukraine, which
is, unfortunately, also all too familiar with battles over sovereignty
and coexistence.
Ukrainians have spent almost 2 years fighting against Putin for their
very survival. And, make no mistake, Russia's failure to capture
Ukraine so far is in no small part due to America's support and our
leading role in rallying the world to stand up to Putin's aggression.
We know that President Zelenskyy knows that and, crucially, Putin knows
that. In fact, not long ago, he crowed that Ukraine wouldn't last a
week--wouldn't last a week--without help from the West.
So the consequences of failure to support Ukraine are not
theoretical. They are dire, and they are dangerous. Ukraine, as we
speak, is running out of bullets and other munitions. Already, our
shipments have been diminishing in scope and frequency, as existing aid
runs low, and it will be completely exhausted in a matter of weeks or
months. Heading into the winter, the lack of additional assistance is
likely to prove catastrophic.
But some of my Republican colleagues here are willing to undermine
the free world. I don't say this lightly. I like a lot of them. But
they are willing to undermine the free world and let Putin win because
they want hard-line immigration and border policy.
Democrats have demonstrated a willingness to stretch here.
Democrats--and I was texting some of the Republican colleagues with
whom I work very closely, and I said: Look, we are already two-thirds
of the way. We can't go all the way to your position. We cannot enact a
bipartisan bill if it is a partisan bill. But the idea that, if we
don't concede on a wholly unrelated matter, then Putin wins in a land
war in Europe? Are we really doing this?
And I want to just say one thing to my friends in the media--and God
bless them. God bless the fourth estate for all they do, but I am also
entitled to offer a constructive criticism: Stop pretending this is
normal.
(Ms. HASSAN assumed the Chair.)
Stop pretending it is acceptable to take a major foreign policy
issue--this is a land war in Europe. Vladimir Putin just decided to try
to take a country by force. And what they say is: Well, we don't
support that. We support Ukraine, but we see that we have leverage.
By the way, this is not a rhetorical flourish of mine. Senator Cornyn
said this 2 days ago. This is not a negotiation, is what he said. This
is the price you have to pay. This is the price you Democrats have to
pay.
What are we doing here? This is a foreign policy supplemental. We are
supposed to be for these things.
I could have woken up one morning and said: You know what, if we
don't enact my climate policies--which I feel urgently passionate
about--then I am a ``no'' on Ukraine because I know I have leverage and
they need every vote.
The reason I won't do that is I am not bananas. I am a responsible
legislator, and I know that is not the way you do things.
The idea--I have never seen this before. I have only been here 11
years. I am sure there is some historical precedent for it, but not
recently have we tied a foreign policy objective to an unrelated
domestic policy objective.
What they will say is: Look, it is all security.
Oh, come on. I understand the passion there is on the border. I
understand the problem there is on the border. But it is not a foreign
policy question, and the idea that we are going to let Ukraine get
taken--Kyiv will be in Russian control because we couldn't make a
border deal? We haven't been able to make a border deal for--well,
since I have been here for sure and then 5 years prior to that. That
stuff is hard. You don't take literally the most difficult issue that I
can think of in the Congress to forge a bipartisan consensus and say:
If we don't get it, then, I am sorry, Kyiv is just going to fall.
That is no way to run a railroad. That is no way to be the
indispensable Nation.
You walk into any global convening--and I remember--I am looking at
the Presiding Officer. I am sure the Presiding Officer has had this
experience. You are a Governor, and everybody wants to know what you
think, but when you are a Senator, you are not sure if people are going
to be as interested in what you think.
When you travel abroad, even when I was an appointed freshman
Senator, people are hanging on your every word--not as a head of state
but just as a representative of the U.S. Government. We remain the
indispensable Nation. Everyone wants to know what we are going to do.
Everyone wants to know what we think. They want to know what we are
funding. They want to know what our priorities are. So we cannot
forfeit that global leadership because we are fighting about something
else.
Now, again, Democrats have demonstrated by their negotiations, by all
of our public pronouncement, that we are willing to stretch a little
bit on this because it is that important. But it would be a hell of a
thing for us to allow Vladimir Putin to win because we are too busy in
a partisan battle about something totally unrelated.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Hawaii.
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