[Congressional Record Volume 169, Number 201 (Wednesday, December 6, 2023)]
[Senate]
[Pages S5794-S5802]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                          LEGISLATIVE SESSION

  Mrs. MURRAY. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate 
resume legislative session.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The Senator from Kansas.


                  Unanimous Consent Request--H.R. 6126

  Mr. MARSHALL. Madam President, twice before, Republicans have come to 
this floor to attempt to pass by unanimous consent the House-passed 
stand-alone aid package to Israel that would provide our ally with $14 
billion in military assistance for their fight to destroy the Hamas 
terrorists and send a loud message to Iran and its proxies.
  I would like to yield the floor to the Senator from Florida.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Florida.
  Mr. SCOTT of Florida. Madam President, I want to thank the Senator 
from Kansas for his continued effort to make sure we get Israel aid.
  The United States must always stand with our great ally Israel and 
with the Jewish people. Israel is fighting against Iran-backed 
terrorists for its very existence.
  Iran-backed Hamas terrorists have murdered thousands with the 
intention of destroying Israel and the Jewish people. Hamas terrorists 
have beheaded babies, burned them alive, raped and murdered young 
women.
  We have seen the news reports of the sexual assaults committed by 
Hamas terrorists--all too graphic to speak of here, but here are some 
of the headlines.
  ABC News: ``New signs emerge of `widespread' sexual crimes by Hamas, 
as Netanyahu alleges global indifference.''
  The Washington Post: ``Israel investigates an elusive, horrific 
enemy: Rape as a weapon of war.''
  The Jewish Chronicle: ``Hamas terror attack: Girls `raped next to 
their dead friends' at rave massacre.''
  We cannot turn a blind eye to these barbaric acts. The world must 
know what these animals did to innocent Jewish women and girls.
  Just yesterday in the U.S. House of Representatives, the presidents 
of Harvard, MIT, and the University of Pennsylvania were asked, under 
oath, if calling for the genocide of Jews violates their university's 
code of conduct or rules regarding bullying and harassment.
  A simple yes-or-no question. Their response? They could not even 
answer yes.
  We have to really let that sink in. They couldn't say yes. The 
president of three Ivy League schools could not answer yes to that 
simple question.
  It is clear that we need to use this moment to stand with Israel and 
the Jewish people.
  The House took decisive action by passing this bill. They moved 
quickly, and the measure is fully paid for. This bill was blocked by 
the Democrats

[[Page S5795]]

once, but today the Senate can change that error and pass this bill 
right now. And I am proud to colead the companion bill in the Senate 
with the Senator from Kansas.
  I yield the floor.
  Mr. MARSHALL. Madam President, I would like to yield the floor to the 
senior Senator from Tennessee.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Tennessee is recognized.
  Mrs. BLACKBURN. Madam President, I appreciate the opportunity to be 
on the floor this afternoon with my colleague from Kansas.
  It is 2 months ago tomorrow that Hamas carried out these horrific 
attacks in Israel. Now, bear in mind that the Jewish State--and this is 
the world's only Jewish State--is in a fight for their very survival 
because Hamas has decided that they are going to continue this. They 
said October 7 was basically the beginning. And they continued to do 
this over and over and over.
  Now, this is why we have said let's deal with the aid to Israel and 
do it separately from Ukraine and from Taiwan. And let's also talk 
about our border. So there is a reason for what we are doing.
  Now, I know that my colleagues on the other side of the aisle do not 
want to have a pay-for. House Republicans have chosen to have the pay-
for. And yes, indeed, this Chamber needs to be working with the House 
to fund a resolution to this issue. And I appreciate that my colleague 
from Washington brought up the fact that we need to work through this 
issue. Indeed, we do. So let's work through these issues separately.

  When it comes to Israel aid, there are some urgent needs that are 
there. There is $4 billion to replenish the Iron Dome. This is a 
wonderful technology that we have worked with Israel in creating. It is 
incredibly effective. They need $4 billion for replenishment.
  Bear in mind--I said Hamas has told us--they did it once; they are 
going to do this again.
  They need $1 billion for munitions. They need $50 million for help to 
evacuate Americans, $150 million to help secure our Embassy in 
Jerusalem.
  And using the money that was set aside for additional IRS agents but 
has not been used--that makes sense to Tennesseans, that we would do 
that.
  I tell you where Tennesseans do have a problem. They look at our 
national debt, $34 trillion. That is about $100,000 for every man, 
woman, and child.
  I have a grandbaby who will be 4 months old tomorrow--his debt share, 
$100,000.
  Think about what we are doing. Think about what effect this will have 
18, 19, 20 years from now, when that child draws their first paycheck, 
and how it is going to limit their opportunity.
  Another thing that doesn't seem to make sense, while we all agree 
that Israel needs to receive their funding, Tennesseans don't want this 
to come attached with billions of dollars for other programs, like $10 
billion for global humanitarian assistance and more than $2 billion for 
assistance to resettle refugees.
  This is something that separately needs our attention. If we want to 
talk about securing borders, let's secure our border first. When we 
talk about aid to Israel, let's do it, and let's pay for it.
  I appreciate my colleague from Kansas.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Kansas.
  Mr. MARSHALL. Madam President, I would like to yield some time to the 
senior Senator from Alabama.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Alabama.
  Mr. TUBERVILLE. Madam President, I join my colleagues to support our 
ally Israel.
  On October 7, Israel was suddenly and deliberately attacked by Hamas 
terrorists. The terrorists targeted innocent people, not military 
targets. That is very important. They killed thousands of civilians, 
including dozens of Americans. They filmed their own atrocities and put 
videos on the internet. They were very proud of what they were doing. 
It is absolutely disgraceful.
  The United States has supported Israel from the very beginning. The 
first leader in the world to recognize Israel was Harry Truman. 
Administrations from both parties have strongly supported Israel, but 
now the Biden administration is trying to ride the fence.
  Joe Biden knows that his voting base does not like it. The left 
dislikes Israel. In their woke ideology, they say Palestinians are 
oppressed by Israel. It is just not true.
  Since the war broke out in October, liberals in Congress and around 
the country have expressed sympathy for Hamas. It has been especially 
bad on college campuses. I am not even going to repeat some of the 
things that have been said by Democrat Members of Congress.
  Joe Biden has also continued to practice appeasement of Iran. When 
Joe Biden took office, Iran was dead broke. They had access to just a 
few billion dollars in foreign currencies. Today, they have 10 times 
that much money. This is because of loosened sanctions and because of 
oil sales by Iran.
  Iran is the No. 1 sponsor of terrorism in the world. Iran provides 
funding for Hamas and for Hezbollah. Joe Biden is helping Iran to get 
rich. There is no question that sanctions relief for Iran will end up 
in the hands of terrorists. Joe Biden wants to ride the fence, but we 
can't ride the fence on this one, not for our ally.
  This is a battle between good and evil. This is about an ally of the 
United States of America fighting terrorists who killed innocent women 
and children. And let's remember, the terrorists killed Americans too. 
Hamas would love to kill more Americans, and they will kill more 
Americans if they get the chance. So Israel needs to wage a war of 
extermination against Hamas.
  I am supporting this legislation to provide $14 billion in aid to 
Israel. Unlike the Democrats' request for foreign aid, this is paid 
for. We pay for it by cancelling out the Democrats' plan to supersize 
the IRS.
  Are they more important than Israel?
  Last year, the Democrats cut the IRS a check for $80 billion. Their 
plan is to hire 80,000 new IRS agents. They want to double the size of 
the IRS. They want to shake down the American people for every last 
dime.
  The wealthy will be just fine. The wealthy have tax lawyers and 
accountants. It is families and small businesses that will pay this 
price. A report from the Joint Tax Committee said that the Democrats' 
bill last year raised taxes on almost every tax bracket.
  So, last month, every Senator went on record on this bill to support 
Israel. Every Republican voted for it. Every Democrat voted against it.
  Now, it is clear for all the American people to see who supports 
Israel. It is pretty simple. Who has other priorities? If the Democrats 
block this bill today, they are just doubling down.
  Democrats care a lot more about the IRS--bureaucrats shaking down 
small businesses--than they do about supporting our ally Israel in 
their fight against terrorism. It is time for Democrats to stop riding 
the fence. Stop trying to play both sides, and let's support our ally, 
Israel and ensure that the terrorists are defeated.
  I yield back to my colleague.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Kansas.
  Mr. MARSHALL. Next, I would like to yield the floor to my good 
friend, a staunch supporter of the people of Israel, the senior Senator 
from Texas.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Texas.
  Mr. CORNYN. Madam President, I am here on the floor to join my 
colleagues in support of Israel, and we are willing to do more than 
just speak those words. We are willing to do something about it--
something that, miraculously, the majority leader has been unwilling to 
do since November 2, when the House passed a $14.3 billion bill to 
provide aid to Israel.
  And, for some reason, the only person who has the authority to bring 
a bill like that to the floor to vote has refused to do so. It makes me 
wonder why. Why in the world would the majority leader, who I know 
supports Israel, refuse to bring a bill to the floor to provide that 
aid? So far, it is almost 5 weeks since the House passed an 
appropriations bill to do exactly that.
  Well, it could be that he doesn't like the pay-for, that he doesn't 
want us to quit adding to our national debt. But if that is the case, 
he could suggest another offset or pay-for. He could have tried to 
bring the bill to the floor and eliminate the pay-for that the House 
provided.

[[Page S5796]]

  Frankly, I think it makes plenty of sense to keep the House pay-for 
in the bill so we don't add to our national debt, which is now about 
100 percent of our economy. This last year alone, the United States 
Government paid over $600 billion in interest to our bondholders who 
own our national debt. And, apparently, the majority leader and our 
Democratic colleagues want to add to that and not stop this march 
toward bankruptcy or insolvency.
  So here we had a vote. The majority leader brings a bill to the floor 
to deal with Israel, Ukraine, the Indo-Pacific, and to provide more 
money to pay for the current broken border policies by the Biden 
administration.
  You might wonder: Why would he bring that bill to the floor with 
those four pieces, those four components, but yet refuse to bring a 
bill to the floor to fund Israel?
  You would think, well, at least it is a step in the direction he 
apparently wants to go. But the truth is that he is holding this Israel 
aid hostage to his desire to pass this other $106 billion 
appropriations bill, this supplemental.
  Now, don't get me wrong. Many of us support aid to Ukraine, but we 
also are going to insist on policy solutions to help prevent and stop 
and reverse what we see happening at our border, which is historically 
catastrophic.
  So this is really a very strange way of doing business. Here we are, 
almost 5 weeks after the House passed an Israel aid bill. You would 
think, well, the majority leader would say: Let's pass that and send it 
to the President, and then we can focus on the rest of the bill that 
was on the floor this afternoon--Ukraine, the Indo-Pacific, and the 
border. But, apparently, he wants to use the support for the Israel aid 
to build the vote for the larger bill, understanding that, while 
support for Israel is virtually universal among both parties and in 
both Houses, there are some divisions on the Ukraine aid or the terms 
under which that aid is provided.
  So it is clear to me that he is holding up aid for Israel in order to 
achieve other objectives. That is his prerogative as majority leader, 
but I have to ask to our pro-Israel supporters around the country 
whether they think this is a legitimate leverage that could be used in 
order to achieve a larger objective, or whether it would make more 
sense, if you truly are a supporter of Israel, to go ahead and get this 
to the President and to get that aid to Israel and then come back and 
do the rest of what I know the majority leader wants to do.
  So the other part of this--which is amazing to me--is we know the 
Speaker passed the Israel aid because he knows he has concerns, and he 
doesn't know if he has the votes in the House to pass the larger 
package. So why would you not take up and pass the Israel aid as 
opposed to send the House this larger $106 billion package when it is 
unlikely that the Speaker is going to be able to pass that, at least 
based on his experience. Doesn't that also delay aid to Israel even 
more by packaging it with other items?
  Frankly, it is mysterious to me why all this time--2 months after 
Israel was attacked by Hamas, 5 weeks after the House has passed an 
Israel aid bill--that, finally, here we are coming to the floor, 
offering to take up and pass the Israel aid, and we are going to get an 
objection from the Democratic side.
  It is really mysterious to me. It is very puzzling. Why in the world 
would our Democratic colleagues, if they truly support Israel, if they 
truly want to fight--give Israel the tools they need to fight Hamas, a 
terrorist organization, bought and paid for by Tehran--why in the world 
would they object to it?
  Well, Washington, DC, in many ways, is a parallel universe that is 
very much unlike any of the rest of the country. What makes sense here, 
inside the beltway, makes no sense to our constituents back home, and 
this is just another example of that.
  So I applaud my colleague from Kansas for taking the initiative here 
and calling us together, and not just saying we support Israel but 
actually being willing to do something about it.
  That is another phenomenon here in Washington, DC. There are a lot of 
people who say the right words, but, when it comes to actions, they are 
missing in action.
  So I thank my colleague from Kansas.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Kansas.
  Mr. MARSHALL. Madam President, I sure appreciate the Senator from 
Texas speaking up and the wise words he shared. It reminds me of an old 
saying, that a bird in the hand is worth two in the bush, that funding 
Israel today is worth two of these other issues that seemingly just 
never can come together as we try to solve this four-headed riddle.
  As I said earlier, this is now my third time to the floor to try to 
pass with unanimous consent the House-passed, stand-alone aid package 
to Israel that would provide our ally with $14 billion in military 
assistance.
  Now, my colleagues on the other side of the aisle stood on the Senate 
floor and debated with us and lectured us on why this bipartisan, 
House-passed legislation that maintains the exact spending levels 
requested by President Biden is somehow unreasonable. But I would like 
to share with you what I think is unreasonable. I think it is the 
Democrats' unwillingness to help our ally and separate this package to 
get it to the President's desk today. Unreasonable is my colleagues 
across the aisle using the crisis in Israel to secure more money for 
Ukraine. But what is unfathomable is what this body just admitted--that 
we are nowhere closer to getting this aid package passed than we were 
on October 7 when the war broke out.
  In case nobody is paying attention, tomorrow will be 2 months to the 
day that Hamas brutally and savagely attacked the people of Israel.
  I think we need to be honest with the American people. Negotiations 
aren't just stalled; they never started. Meaningful negotiations never 
started. We have a better chance of finding an ocean in Kansas than 
this $106 billion package seeing the light of day.
  Today, every single Republican sent a unanimous message to the 
Democrat leadership and 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue: We will not be 
bullied into voting on massive spending packages that use Israel as 
leverage to fund Democrat priorities, and we will not vote for any 
legislation that secures foreign nations' borders but not our own.
  So here we are once again offering an olive branch to separate this 
package out and address each of these issues one at a time. The House 
made this easy for us. They passed a bipartisan bill that would grant 
aid to Israel and allow us to break this logjam and focus on the more 
pressing matter to our national security: the border. The border. The 
border. The border.
  Now, the Democrats showed their hands 2 weeks ago when they voted 
unanimously against our bipartisan, stand-alone Israel aid bill that 
would have fast-tracked this package straight to the President's desk 
before Thanksgiving. But, sadly, this city loves to make the perfect 
the enemy of the good.
  The sensible thing for this body to do now is pass this bipartisan, 
stand-alone aid bill for Israel. This legislation passed the House over 
a month ago and could be delivered to President Biden's desk tonight. 
We should pass aid to Israel and then continue debating a potential 
broader package.
  Now, I have never heard of an American asking for more IRS agents. 
And if you are concerned about the pay-fors we presented, as I said 
time and time again, show us another pay-for.
  It is time to end the political talking points that we have heard on 
this floor.
  And please don't insult our intelligence. Don't insult the 
intelligence of Americans with the fake border security that is in this 
bigger, broader package that will only accelerate asylum, leading to 
more people crossing our border illegally.
  If you plan to object to this stand-alone bill's passage on the 
ground that military aid to Israel should include conditions, I want to 
note for the record that senior officials from the White House have 
said they are not pursuing such conditions.
  So, indeed, let's come together. Let's all come to the table. We 
tried it your way, and it failed. This is a huge opportunity to secure 
a bipartisan win and get to work on the most immediate threat to our 
national security--our wide-open southern border.
  Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the 
immediate consideration of H.R. 6126, which was received from the 
House. I further ask that the bill be considered

[[Page S5797]]

read a third time and passed and that the motion to reconsider be 
considered made and laid upon the table.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Ossoff). Is there objection?
  The Senator from Washington.
  Mrs. MURRAY. Mr. President, reserving the right to object, I have 
been clear about why we must deliver support for Ukraine, Israel, and 
humanitarian assistance together, as have many of my colleagues. That 
is actually why we just attempted to move forward on one package that 
meets all of these needs--a package that Republicans blocked.
  I spoke about this before the vote, but let me just reiterate how 
dire the situation is right now.
  Our support for Ukraine has been essential, but it has also now been 
exhausted. Our allies are waiting for aid, and Putin is just waiting 
for us to send a sign that it is not coming. But Putin is not the only 
one watching right now. The world is watching this debate. Our allies 
want to know, when they are facing a crisis, can they count on America 
to stand with them or will we give up on them when it gets tough or 
when we get distracted with other crises? They are all watching and 
wondering, can America still lead or are we overwhelmed? Will America 
pick and choose which promises it keeps?
  Let's not forget, it is not just big-name allies and adversaries we 
are talking about here; there are many smaller but no less important 
countries that are watching. Some are in critical regions, facing 
historic decisions about the paths and partnerships they will pursue in 
the years ahead, and they are wondering, is the United States a 
reliable partner? We have to put those concerns to rest with a strong 
package that shows that our commitment to our allies and to standing up 
to dictators is ironclad.
  That is what is at stake here--not just our allies in Ukraine, who 
are at a key moment in their battle to protect their sovereignty, not 
just our deterrence to adversaries like Putin and other dictators who 
would trample democracy if given the chance, but our very credibility 
on the world stage.
  We have to respond to all these crises or we are telling the world: 
Don't count on America. We are at capacity.
  That is an incredibly dangerous message to send, especially at such a 
critical moment. It should be unthinkable.
  I appreciate my colleague's urgency to get aid to Israel, but this is 
a deeply flawed way to deliver it. This bill would not provide a single 
dollar in desperately needed humanitarian assistance to civilians in 
Gaza and elsewhere, and it would not address the urgent need to extend 
funding for Ukraine.
  There are civilians in Ukraine right now who are suffering and have 
been for months. There is also an enemy in Ukraine who is on the march 
and is just waiting for an opening to gain the upper hand.
  We have been discussing the aid for our allies in Ukraine for much 
longer than aid for Israel, which is also urgently needed, and we have 
already been delayed here for too long. To force Ukraine to wait or to 
withhold future aid is to abandon an ally, surrender to a dictator, and 
invite more chaos around the world.
  We cannot leave Ukraine behind, nor can we fail to deliver 
humanitarian assistance before the humanitarian crisis in Gaza devolves 
further into hopelessness that can worsen the threats we are already 
facing.
  At this critical moment, it is not just the right thing to do, it is 
essential to our national security interests to help promote stability 
and security. That same logic applies to other investments as well, 
like supporting our allies in the Indo-Pacific. Invest in stability so 
we avoid paying for chaos.

  We have to move quickly to respond to these challenges, yes, but we 
also have to move completely to respond to them because, as I have said 
before, they are all connected.
  If we let the Israel-Hamas war weaken our resolve elsewhere, we are 
telling dictators across the world: The best way to get America off 
your back is for it to be distracted by a crisis somewhere else.
  We are essentially giving Hamas and other extremists a new sales 
pitch to make when seeking support from bad actors: Give us support, 
and we will keep America busy. They can't deal with you if they are 
focused on us.
  That is a profoundly dangerous message to send.
  Putin is watching closely to see if this is his opportunity to make 
our resolve waiver in Ukraine. As it plots its next move, the Chinese 
Government is watching closely to see if we will stand up to 
aggressors. If we falter, other adversaries will take note as well. 
That is why doing half the job here is just not going to cut it. We 
have to do the whole job. Anything less is telling our allies that 
America cannot be trusted and telling dictators that they have free 
rein because America is too busy to lead right now.
  We must not invite chaos. We must not abandon any of our allies. We 
have to show that U.S. leadership is strong and capable of meeting all 
the challenges before us.
  So I urge Republicans to get serious about the situation before us so 
we can pass a package like the one we just voted on that shows the 
world that America takes its commitments seriously and doesn't just 
stand by some of its allies some of the time.
  With that, I yield to Senator Reed.
  Mr. REED. Thank you, Senator Murray.
  Mr. President?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator reserve the right to object?
  Mr. REED. I would like to be recognized and reserve the right to 
object.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Rhode Island.
  Mr. REED. Mr. President, just a few minutes ago, my Republican 
colleagues voted down the National Security and Border Act. In doing 
so, they essentially said no to supporting Israel, no to supporting 
Ukraine, no to supporting Taiwan, no to humanitarian assistance, which 
is absolutely critical, no to rebuilding our defense industrial base, 
no to border security funding, and no to combating fentanyl.
  These items are not the partisan demands of any one party; they are 
bipartisan priorities and necessities. They are the fulfillment of our 
commitments to our allies and to our national security.
  I believe the majority of our Republican colleagues do believe this, 
but some may see this as leverage--as one of my colleagues put it in a 
discussion, leverage for extreme immigration legislation that they 
don't at the moment have the votes to pass.
  In delaying the much needed assistance that I indicated, my 
Republican colleagues are indirectly, directly, or however you want to 
put it, giving too many opportunities or at least ideas to people like 
Putin and Chinese communists and others who are engaged in trying to 
undermine democracy throughout the world.
  Speaking for myself, I hope that what we can do is begin a serious 
debate now--not on the one issue that I listed but on all those 
issues--and come to a serious, principled compromise so that we can 
move forward together.
  It seems that my colleagues on the other side simply want us to 
accept their version of immigration reform, and then everything else 
will be OK. It is not that at all. In fact, one of the aspects of the 
legislation that was just voted down was a significant infusion of 
resources into the border area--1,300 additional Border Patrol agents, 
1,000 law enforcement personnel and investigative capabilities to 
prevent cartels from moving fentanyl into the country, 1,600 additional 
asylum officers, funding to conduct robust child labor investigations 
and enforcement to protect vulnerable migrant children entering the 
United States through the southern border, and the bipartisan FEND Off 
Fentanyl Act, led by our colleague, Senator Tim Scott of South 
Carolina.
  My colleagues just voted against a series of important ways to fix 
our problems at the border. We need them desperately, and we could have 
gotten them if we had moved forward procedurally.
  I have been here for a couple of years, and I have seen several 
occasions where we have been together on a bipartisan basis. I know in 
2013, led by Senator McCain and others, we passed comprehensive 
immigration reform, only to see it set aside by the Republican House of 
Representatives at the time.
  So we, I think, have to do much more, and we can, but it will be on a 
bipartisan, cooperative basis. We have to do much more to help not just 
Israel--

[[Page S5798]]

it is critical--but also Ukraine. It has been a long time since we have 
had their funding request--August of this year. They made a serious 
request for additional resources, anticipating the attrition they would 
suffer over the intervening months, long before the October 7 tragedy.
  It has been more than 2 months since President Zelenskyy was here in 
person asking us all personally for the help he needed to lead his 
country forward. It was at that time that Senator McConnell correctly 
and sincerely indicated, in his words, ``American support for Ukraine 
is not charity. It is in our own direct interests, not least because 
degrading Russia helps to deter China.'' But the foot-dragging has 
continued since then.
  Ukraine cannot wait. The OMB Director wrote earlier this week:

       [W]ithout congressional action, by the end of the year we 
     will run out of resources to produce more weapons and 
     equipment for Ukraine and to provide equipment from U.S. 
     military stocks.
       There is no magical pot of funding available to meet this 
     moment. We are out of money--and nearly out of time.

  So without our help, the Ukrainian people will be in a very desperate 
situation. We need to help them. We need to help our allies in Israel. 
We need to help those in Taiwan, and we need to help the innocent 
victims of conflict throughout the world.
  So this one-shot deal doesn't cut it. We have to come together, work 
together, and deliver assistance to Ukraine, to Israel, to Taiwan, 
humanitarian aid, and aid for our borders.
  With that, I will yield to Senator Klobuchar.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Minnesota.
  Ms. KLOBUCHAR. Mr. President, reserving the right to object, I rise 
today alongside my colleagues, Senators Murray, Reed, Shaheen, Schatz, 
and Heinrich to discuss the need to pass this supplemental funding 
package.
  I spoke earlier today about the importance of humanitarian aid--
humanitarian aid for the innocent civilians, Palestinian civilians in 
Gaza; humanitarian aid for people throughout the world. It is one major 
way that America has led through World War II and after, through the 
Cold War. Yes, we have led with our military strength, but we have also 
led by making friends and making sure people have what they need so 
they don't starve. And so many of those countries have gone on to do 
great things, to be great countries, to be democracies, to work with us 
to be trading partners.
  But, today, I am here to focus on Ukraine. We are at a pivotal point 
not just in American history but in the history of humanity. It is 
during moments like these that nations across the globe look to America 
for leadership. They expect our leadership.
  Yes, our friends in Ukraine are counting on us, but so are so many 
other allies as they look to see what we will do. This has never been 
America alone helping Ukraine. It has been all-in for many countries.
  Early in the conflict, I traveled to Poland with a number of 
Senators--Democrats and Republicans--and it was right when one of the 
first major loss of life had occurred in Ukraine at a military training 
facility. And we happened to be at the entry point where families were 
fleeing--people in wheelchairs, little kids with backpacks with nothing 
but their stuffed animal in it. That is what I remember.
  I remember the Polish people who had been invaded over the years by 
the Hapsburgs, by the Nazis, by the Russians, opening their arms to 
these Ukrainians, which they are still doing today--millions of 
refugees.
  We have played a very important role in this conflict. We have 
surprised the world, and I am certain we surprised Russia. And the 
Ukrainians have surprised them with their incredible courage when 
everyone had counted them out. This scrappy force who had been at the 
frontline for years already in Donbas and other regions in Ukraine who, 
once again, went to the frontline.
  We trained them. It is our equipment that has been so superior, as 
well as those from our allies in this fight. And what has happened? 
Well, since Vladimir Putin's unprovoked and unlawful, unjustifiable 
invasion last February, our Ukrainian friends have reclaimed half of 
the territory that is rightfully theirs. Vladimir Putin tried to 
capture Kyiv, but he failed.
  Senator Portman and I, in the middle of the war, went and saw that 
airfield where the Russians had come down in parachutes thinking that 
the Ukrainians would just fold. They didn't fold. They held their 
ground and they kept Kyiv.
  Vladimir Putin tried to wipe Ukraine off the map, but he failed.
  He tried to break the Ukrainian spirit, but he has made it stronger.
  He tried to take them down in the middle of winter last winter by 
cutting off their electricity. He threatened the biggest nuclear plant, 
not only in Ukraine but in all of Europe. There is no limit to what 
they will do. He has shown his true colors: capturing cities, 
slaughtering innocents, abducting Ukrainian children. But the Ukrainian 
people have shown theirs: defending their democracy against all odds in 
brilliant blue and yellow; cellists playing their song and their 
national anthem on burned-out steps; ballerinas going to the frontline 
in camo; a videographer delivering medical supplies to Ukrainian 
troops; the DJ at the national call center using her platform to find 
missing loved ones. It is not just the troops on the frontline; it is 
the entire country. And they are watching to see what they are doing.
  I met with the Ukrainian Ambassador today along with the Speaker of 
their House, along with their Defense Minister; and they are watching. 
The Russians are using everything that is said in this Chamber, 
everything that is done, because they are trying to use it against the 
Ukrainians. They are trying to break their spirit, break their 
backbone, break the morale of their troops. Well, it is not working. 
But they are watching.
  This is our moment. I think Leader McConnell put it best when he 
said--and I say this to our Republican colleagues when you think about 
the Iranian drones that were used by the Russians, when you think about 
the massacre in Israel and the fact that Hamas then went to Russia--a 
representative of this terrorist group went to Russia and met with 
leaders there:
  Think of it as an axis of evil: China, Russia and Iran. So this is 
not just a test for Ukraine. It is a test for the United States and for 
the free world. And the path toward greater security for all of us is 
simple: Help Ukraine win the war.
  Let us not forget what President Zelenskyy did in the hours 
immediately after the initial invasion, when everyone in the world--all 
those pundits that were at the Munich Security Conference that Senator 
Shaheen and I attended--people were counting him out. He did one 
incredibly brave thing followed by thousands of brave acts. He went to 
the street corner with just a few of his top advisors, and he stood 
there and looked at the camera and in the face of evil, in a statement 
of defiance, in a call to action to democracies everywhere, he said 
three simple words: ``We are here.''
  America heeded that call. Ukrainians heeded that call. And 
democracies all over the world united in every corner of the world, and 
we said: ``We are here, too.''
  The Ukrainian people have defended its nation against a tyrant, 
against one of the largest armies in the world. It is our moral 
obligation to stand by them. And talking to those leaders in the Baltic 
countries yesterday--Lithuania and Latvia and Estonia--they have been 
through this before. They have stood tall, but they know what the 
stakes are.
  If we let this happen and we let Putin just march right in next month 
because we refused to help, he is not going to stop marching in their 
eyes because they have seen it before. We must ensure that democracy 
triumphs over autocracy; that humanity prevails over brutality; and 
that the spirit of Ukraine carries the day.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Mexico.
  Mr. HEINRICH. Mr. President, reserving the right to object, I just 
want to make a point that we need a complete security package. All of 
these things are related, and all of them reinforce not only our allies 
and innocent civilians but also our own security and the future of the 
direction of the free world.
  We are not going to turn our back on Ukraine. How many meetings did 
we

[[Page S5799]]

have via Zoom or actually in person with Zelenskyy where so many of our 
colleagues said we would always stand with Ukraine after all that 
Ukraine has been through. And I remember being in briefings where 
people were predicting that Ukraine would crumble in a matter of days. 
And they stood up to the Russian aggression and they continue to stand 
up to Russian aggression and they have actually pushed Russia back. 
That isn't just in Ukraine's interest. That is in the interest of the 
free world.
  We need a security package that supports our allies in Israel, that 
supports the innocent civilians in Gaza that are also the victims of 
what Hamas has done. And we need a security package that stands with 
our allies in Ukraine.
  Mr. President, I would offer the rest of my time to my colleague from 
Hawaii.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Hawaii.
  Mr. SCHATZ. Mr. President, reserving the right to object. We are in a 
global fight against fascism and authoritarianism. We are seeing it in 
Putin's war in Ukraine, and we are seeing it with Hamas and the 
unspeakable horrors it committed on and since October 7. And we are 
seeing it with Xi Jinping's explicit desire to take Taiwan by force.
  These people do not hide their true intentions. They telegraph them 
to the whole world; and, worse, they are willing to do whatever it 
takes. Nothing is off limits to them. And that is the seriousness of 
the global threat of an increasingly coordinated fascist movement. And 
so to address one of these problems but not the other, to somehow judge 
one threat to be greater than the other, to say we are going to fund 
Israel but not Ukraine, is wrong. It is wrong morally because evil is 
evil, no matter where it occurs. And it is wrong strategically because 
we have a direct national security interest wherever fascism rears its 
ugly head.
  Take off your Ukraine lapel pins. Take back everything you said to 
President Zelenskyy.
  We were in the House when he addressed us. Everyone was anxious to 
shake his hand and express support. We put it into our Twitter bios. We 
put on the little lapel pin. We had him in the Old Senate Chamber on a 
bipartisan basis.
  Everybody is for Ukraine--unless it is hard. Everybody is for 
Ukraine--unless I can't get something unrelated on domestic policy.
  Everybody is for Ukraine when it is popular, when it is the thing 
that just happened. But the moment Donald J. Trump wants to defund this 
war, a lot of people go: Oh, my God, maybe I am not so enthusiastic 
about this.
  If you are for something, vote for the thing. There are a million 
other jobs out there where you can be for something and never be put to 
the test. I have an opinion. I am a guy at a bar. I am a person at a 
bus stop. It is Sunday night dinner. I have an opinion. But in this 
job, the way to determine whether or not you are for something is not 
what you said before the vote, but it is how you voted. And if you are 
for Ukraine, you have to vote to help Ukraine to defend itself in a 
land war in Europe.
  There is a land war in Europe. Vladimir Putin is trying to take 
Ukraine by force, and he might just do it if we abandon them. So, if 
you are for Ukraine, vote for Ukraine.
  I would now like to yield to the senior Senator from New Hampshire, 
Senator Shaheen.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Hampshire.
  Mrs. SHAHEEN. Mr. President, in reserving the right to object, I am 
pleased to be able to join my colleagues again on the floor of the 
Senate to support a supplemental funding request that recognizes the 
breadth of our national security interests in this country. That is a 
supplemental funding request that must include Ukraine, Israel, 
humanitarian needs, and the emerging challenges in the Indo-Pacific.
  The horrific events of October 7--2 months ago tomorrow--was the 
worst terrorist attack that Israel has faced. We know that over 1,000 
innocent Israelis were killed. It was barbaric. Now, both Ukraine and 
Israel face a similar threat against adversaries that seek to destroy 
them. A holistic national security supplemental bill is critical to 
protecting our interests--America's interests. We must pass an 
appropriations bill that supports our allies in Israel and Ukraine and 
that fully funds the other critical efforts that provide for our 
national security.
  My colleagues have been very eloquent tonight, but I want to add to 
their explanations about why continued support for Ukraine is critical.
  We should be proud that with strong bipartisan support, our country 
has stood with Ukraine since before the beginning of Russia's 
unprovoked invasion almost 2 years ago. We have done so with our NATO 
allies and our international partners, including South Korea and Japan, 
that recognize what is at stake even though they are a half a world 
away. Our allies and partners have contributed a total of $94.1 billion 
to support Ukraine's war and recovery effort. That is more than the 
United States has contributed.
  We had a chance earlier this afternoon in the Foreign Relations 
Committee to meet with the new Foreign Secretary, the former Prime 
Minister of Great Britain, David Cameron.
  I asked him: How will Europe--how will our allies in Europe--view a 
decision by the U.S. Senate not to provide funding to help Ukraine wage 
this courageous war?
  He said that it would have a dramatic impact in Europe, where we are 
seeing NATO stronger than he said he could remember in his lifetime 
because of coming together to support Ukraine and to oppose Putin. He 
said it would send a message about future support for Ukraine that 
would have a huge impact as we think about the international order and 
our ability to keep dictators like Vladimir Putin and President Xi of 
China, like the Ayatollah in Iran, like North Korea--those 
dictatorships--from thinking they can invade any country they want to 
if they happen to be stronger.
  Alongside our international partners, we recognize that the Ukrainian 
people are not only defending their land and freedom, they are fighting 
for the preservation of liberal democracies around the world.
  What Senator Marshall is proposing strips out the essential funding 
that we need to address the threat posed by the Chinese Communist Party 
in the Indo-Pacific. It neglects the urgent and growing humanitarian 
needs for both Ukraine and the people in Gaza who are affected by this 
war. Failing to pass a national security package would embolden Putin, 
Iran, and the Chinese Communist Party. It would show our adversaries 
around the world that America is not up to the task of defending 
democracy and that we are not capable of standing by our friends for 
the long run.
  I remember the outcry in this body when the United States pulled out 
of Afghanistan, and I have to say I opposed that effort. But what do we 
think the pulling of our support for Ukraine is going to say to the 
rest of the world?
  We must be clear in sending an unequivocal message: America stands 
with our allies in the face of this kind of devastating attack that 
Vladimir Putin and Russia has made on Ukraine. To do that, we must pass 
a holistic funding package to underscore that America is not going to 
pick and choose when the United States stands on the side of freedom 
and democracy.
  Our adversaries want the United States to fall short in standing up 
for its allies; they want us to be divided. We need to show them that 
we are not divided but that we are united.
  When I am back in New Hampshire, my constituents continue to tell me 
that they support continuing to provide funding and help for Ukraine. 
We have a great humanitarian effort in New Hampshire called the Common 
Man for Ukraine that is headed up by a number of businesspeople. They 
provide supplies and support for the Ukrainian people and for kids. It 
is important that we fund a holistic response to address all of the 
issues that we are facing--Israel, Ukraine, the Indo-Pacific, 
humanitarian, and our southern border. And, yes, we should be able to 
come to a compromise on addressing border security.
  The Democrats stand ready to work with our colleagues in the Senate. 
We can come up with a compromise. We can do this in a way that is in 
the United States' national security interests.
  With that, I would like to turn the time over to Senator Durbin.

[[Page S5800]]

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority whip.
  Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, I thank Senator Shaheen.
  In reserving the right to object, in 1978, before I was elected to 
Congress, I had the opportunity to take a trip to the Soviet Union and 
spend 3 weeks there. I saw a lot. In addition to the visits to Russia 
and Moscow, we visited countries like Lithuania, where my mother was 
born, and I witnessed firsthand the vision of Vladimir Putin and the 
Soviet Union.
  Make no mistake, his goal is to restore the Soviet Union, to take 
vulnerable countries and to subsume them with his own ego and his own 
view of the world. To visit Lithuania and see what they had done to the 
freedoms that we just take for granted in America was an eye opener to 
me: to see the cathedral in Vilnius, with its beautiful frescos 
whitewashed by the Soviets because they didn't want people to practice 
religion; to realize that they controlled everything--radio stations, 
newspapers--and to realize that they dictated who would win an 
election. There was no freedom in that country.
  That is the communist view. That is the Soviet view. That is the 
Vladimir Putin view. Are we in favor of that, Senator? I don't think 
so. I know you aren't personally, and you don't want to see that 
lifestyle imposed on people around the world any more than I do.
  In Ukraine, they had the courage to stand up and say to Putin: We 
will fight you to the death to stop this from happening.
  They have surprised a lot of people. I remember the briefing--the 
Senator from Kansas might have attended it--where we asked the 
intelligence experts: How long can Ukraine hold out when the Russian 
military machine comes marching in?
  They said: A matter of days--days--maybe weeks, but not much more.
  They were wrong. And do you know why they were wrong? Because they 
underestimated the Ukrainian people and what they were willing to do to 
protect their country.
  I have a special, as they say, selfish interest in this because I 
know that if Putin is successful in Ukraine, if this war criminal has 
his way and takes over the Ukrainian country for his Soviet Union--his 
new Soviet Union--the next country on the list is probably Lithuania 
and the Baltics: Poland, Latvia, Estonia. They are obvious targets 
because they are small and vulnerable, but they do have the NATO 
alliance standing behind them.
  So not only do I support the Ukrainian effort because of the courage 
of the people and their success and how much I abhor Vladimir Putin and 
his agenda, I also realize it is in America's best interest that 
Ukrainians prevail. It is in our best interest to stop Putin in Ukraine 
so that we don't have to use the NATO alliance to stop him in a country 
where we would be sending American troops to fight the battle. We 
should stand foursquare behind Ukraine because it is the right thing to 
do, and it is the right thing for America.

  Today, the Speaker of the Ukrainian Parliament came to my office, Mr. 
Stefanchuk, and he had a very simple message for me and the Senators 
who had gathered there: Without U.S. assistance, Ukraine will struggle 
and probably lose this war.
  Oh, he reminded us that they would fight to the death, and I am sure 
they will if it comes down to that dire situation. It also reminded me 
that this is not just another political debate. What we are talking 
about is assistance to a country where people today are fighting and 
dying for their freedom, a country for which we promised support for 
over 2 years, a country we need to stand by.
  Now you have asked us to support Israel. I will tell you this as 
well. Last week, many of us, on a bipartisan basis, watched videos from 
the October 7 invasion of the Hamas terrorists into Israel. It was 
horrifying. It was a terrible 40 minutes. I had to avert my eyes 
several times because I couldn't stand to look at the scenes of 
systemic rape, of attacks, murder. I will never forget those two little 
boys whose parents had just been killed outside the living room, 
sitting in their living room, saying: Are we going to die? It was these 
two little boys, and it was on tape. That was the reality of the 
atrocity of October 7.
  Israel has the right to exist. Israel has the right to defend itself, 
and I stand behind Israel as most Americans do. I want to see their 
support. But please don't give us this ``Sophie's Choice'' of picking 
our favorite child to die. I don't want either Israel or Ukraine to 
die. I want them to have bright futures, and to have that, they need 
the United States now more than ever. Don't separate our loyalty. Our 
loyalty should be common and unified for both countries, Ukraine and 
Israel.
  There are things we can say about humanitarian issues in the Gaza 
territories and what is happening there, but I am going to spare that 
for another day.
  I will just say this: I stand behind Ukraine. I stand behind Israel. 
Don't separate them. Let's stand behind both of them because they are 
both consistent with the values of the United States.
  I yield to the Senator from Washington.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Washington.
  Mrs. MURRAY. Mr. President, on behalf of all the Senators who spoke 
so eloquently and forcefully tonight, I object.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Objection is heard.
  The Senator from Kansas.
  Mr. MARSHALL. Mr. President, what we have brought forward tonight is 
a House-passed, stand-alone package of aid for Israel. We didn't bring 
forward the entire security package, which already failed. We have 
tried that. It didn't work.
  So many of my colleagues across the aisle, indeed, spoke eloquently 
in support of Ukraine as well as Israel. I think back to what my 
college track coach said.
  He said:

       Don't tell me. Show me.

  So I am going to quote some words from the Democratic Party, and I 
want you to think about the words lining up with the actions. When 
people vote against the stand-alone aid for Israel, is that consistent 
with their own words?
  This is Secretary Blinken on October 13:

       No country can tolerate having a terrorist group come in, 
     slaughter its people in the most unconscionable ways and live 
     like that. What Israel is doing is not retaliation, it is 
     defending the lives of its people.

  Next is Secretary Austin on October 20:

       So, make no mistake: The United States will make sure that 
     Israel has what it needs to defend itself.

  Next, President Biden on October 10:

       So, in this moment, we must be crystal clear: We stand with 
     Israel.

  He says it again.

       We stand with Israel, and we will make sure Israel has what 
     it needs to take care of its citizens, defend itself, and 
     respond to this attack.

  Again, President Biden on 20 October:

       In Israel, we must make sure that they have what they need 
     to protect their people today and always.

  Finally, the majority leader, the senior Senator from New York, on 15 
November:

       We will not rest until you get the assistance you need.

  Folks, this is the opportunity. This is the time. This is the time to 
stand up for Israel, to make good on those pledges. I meticulously 
listened to my friends across the aisle and their arguments. What we 
are talking about today--what the bill is about today--is aid to 
Israel.
  As I listened carefully to their objections, their objection with 
this particular bill was with the pay-fors, and I respect that. The 
second objection was that they wanted more humanitarian assistance to 
Hamas and the people of Gaza as well, and I respect that as well.
  So bring us that bill--that stand-alone bill--that includes what you 
think is appropriate for a pay-for and what type of humanitarian 
assistance you want to make sure Hamas gets as well.
  But the real argument--the real argument made tonight--was to use 
Israel as a tool, to use it as a lever to fund Ukraine. And, again, I 
listened carefully. I tried to count how many times my friends across 
the aisle said ``Ukraine'' or ``Putin,'' and I stopped when I got to 
over 50. Israel was mentioned less than 10 times. They talked

[[Page S5801]]

about their national security package--their supplemental package--and 
they really should call it the ``lovefest for Ukraine'' package.

  I respect where they are coming from. I think it is how and how much 
and when do we give the people of Ukraine right now in a situation that 
has been a stalemate for a year--really, no progress made for a year.
  Two hundred thousand people have died in that war and 500,000 
casualties. There is no end in sight. This looks to me like a 7- or 10-
year war. It looks like it is Vietnam all over again.
  I remember the early days of Vietnam, when there were a few people 
saying: Slow down. Let's stop. There are too many people who are dying 
in this situation right now.
  Let's have that debate. Let's pull Ukraine out, and let's have that 
debate.
  I honestly believe, if we would have passed this Israel package a 
month ago and then worked on a Ukraine package starting then, we would 
have a Ukraine package done.
  What I wish is that my friends across the aisle were as passionate, 
though, about the security of our own southern border as about the 
lines of another country--the property lines of another country, their 
boundaries.
  I think I heard my friends across the aisle talk about the border 
maybe four or five times. The No. 1 national security threat--the most 
immediate national security threat to Americans--is our open southern 
border. Do we have to repeat the numbers? Ten million people have 
crossed the border illegally in the past 3 years, 1.7 million ``got-
aways,'' 70,000 aliens of interest, hundreds of known terrorists.
  All the lights are blinking red right now. All the lights are 
blinking red. That is what Director Wray said, yesterday, up here on 
the Hill, that on terrorist threats, all the lights are blinking red. 
And why wouldn't they, with these 1.7 million ``got-aways'' throughout 
the country doing who knows what?
  If my friends across the aisle are serious about a national security 
supplemental package, it starts with meaningful security at the 
southern border--meaningful security, not a process that actually 
promotes more people crossing the border.
  It has to include something that impacts asylum and parole. It has to 
literally secure the border, I think, even to begin this next debate. 
America needs to get its own house in order before we can help fix 
other people's houses.
  I understand the needs across this world are many. And my compassion, 
my heart, whether it is for the people of Ukraine, the people of 
Israel--I share those same compassions, but we just can't keep throwing 
good money after bad money. We have to have people with accountability. 
We have to make sure that there is a goal--that there is a goal that we 
can win.
  So, at the end of the day, the most prudent thing for this body to do 
would be to pass this standalone aid for Israel. Take it off the chess 
board. Let's get that one done. But, instead, my friends across the 
aisle want to use it as a political tool, a tool to leverage their 
funding for Ukraine. Let's have that discussion separately.
  I think it is time that this body do what we say we want to do. Let's 
not rest until we get this assistance to Israel.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Hawaii.
  Mr. SCHATZ. Mr. President, a couple of hours ago, Republicans voted 
down the motion to even begin debating the national security 
supplemental appropriations bill. They claim to support Israel and 
Ukraine, but, when it came time to act, they voted no.
  But let's be clear about one thing: Every part of this bill is 
essential for America's national security.
  We have two wars raging and a number of other threats brewing around 
the world, and this funding for our allies and our partners could not 
be more urgent. It is the difference between having the weapons to 
fight terrorists and authoritarians or not, having food and water for 
civilians caught in conflicts or not, having the defense systems to 
deter China from meddling in Taiwan or not.
  Our friends are counting on us to help them, and our adversaries are 
counting on us being too divided to do even the most basic task.
  America remains the indispensable Nation. It is the leader of the 
free world. It is the Nation that other countries, big and small, look 
to in good times and in bad, and it is a responsibility that we have 
never shirked away from. And now is not the time to start. Now is not 
the time to turn our backs on Israel, on innocent Palestinians in Gaza, 
on Ukraine, on Taiwan, or on any of our other allies and partners 
around the world.
  We are fighting an increasingly linked global fascist movement, and 
it is directly tied to our security interests. So we ought to act like 
it and pass this supplemental to keep our adversaries and competitors 
from redrawing the world as they wish, at the point of a gun.
  So let's start with Israel. There has been a lot of talk on both 
sides of the aisle about the merits of conditioning aid, as if it is a 
novel or unusual concept, except that it is not. The idea that having 
requirements under Federal law for any Federal appropriations, that 
that is somehow amounting to abandoning our ally or a break from the 
norms is belied by history.

  Whenever we approve Federal spending, whether it is for HUD for 
public housing or the Federal Highway Administration for repairs or the 
Department of the Interior for parks, we require detailed plans on 
exactly how the money will be used, and we expect to receive some sort 
of reporting on it afterward. It is also standard practice for our own 
Defense Department and aid to other allies, which we routinely 
scrutinize.
  So it should be no different for Israel and the IDF or Ukraine--and 
in a hot war, no less. There are millions of innocent lives caught in 
the crossfire, and we have every reason to make sure that Israel is 
using the weapons that we provide, funded by our own taxpayer dollars, 
in a manner that is consistent with international humanitarian laws and 
American values. That is taking every step possible to minimize 
civilian casualties.
  In many ways, the debate around conditioning aid is emblematic of the 
wider one around Israel and Palestine, which has become so hostile and 
so binary that people aren't even open to hearing the other side. It is 
near impossible to have a dialogue when all people are interested in is 
throwing rhetorical barbs and attacking the other side.
  If you condemn Hamas's unspeakable brutality on October 7 and hold it 
accountable for the death and bloodshed on that day and in the days 
since, then you are supposedly excusing the conditions under the 
blockade or you are accused of turning a blind eye to settler violence 
before and since October 7.
  If you question the manner in which Israel is waging war and the 
carnage and suffering the war has wrought on innocent lives, including 
children and babies, you are suddenly not sufficiently pro-Israel.
  If you call out the fact that anti-Semitism is on the rise here in 
the United States and around the world, that it is one of the oldest 
sicknesses and a scourge that must be addressed, then somehow you are 
indifferent to Islamophobia or the suffering of Palestinians.
  No, I know anti-Muslim and anti-Arab hatred are alive and well, too, 
and believe that they must be rooted out with equal force. And my heart 
breaks for the countless innocent lives being lost in Gaza daily.
  All of these things are true at the same time. They are in tension 
with each other, yes, but not in contradiction. There is an awfully 
messy and deeply, deeply contested history underpinning this conflict. 
So to strip away all that context and flatten all these complexities 
into a 15-second TikTok is a disservice to the Palestinian and Israeli 
causes alike.
  There are no simple and straightforward paths to peace here, but if 
we can't engage without first holding purity tests, if we can't 
acknowledge two things to be true at the same time, if we can't 
recognize each other's humanity, then we are not going to be able to 
build a just and lasting peace in the region.
  Almost everybody believes Hamas is terrible and should be eliminated. 
They want the hostages who were cruelly abducted and have spent 2 
agonizing

[[Page S5802]]

months in captivity to be immediately released. They are appalled by 
reports of Hamas's sexual violence against women and the drugging of 
hostages. And they believe Israel has a legitimate right and 
responsibility to go after the bad guys. The question is how.
  People are increasingly and understandably alarmed at the scale of 
human suffering and the high rate of civilian casualties in Gaza. It is 
our job, as Israel's closest ally, to convey that truth and to make 
clear that mass suffering actively undermines the possibility of a 
future peace. A whole new generation will be radicalized watching 
scores of loved ones die and entire neighborhoods leveled. That is in 
no one's interest.
  So our responsibility in the current moment is twofold: to provide 
Israel with military aid, which I have consistently supported and I 
will continue to support, but it is equally important to provide moral 
clarity and strategic counsel when actions cross a line.
  We do both of these things because we care. We also have an 
obligation to look at the future because, whether it is 10 months from 
now or 10 years from now, these two peoples need a way to live in 
relative peace and stability side by side--if not as friends, then as 
neighbors.
  Palestinians, like Israelis, deserve a legitimate, representative, 
and democratically elected government, and the only viable path to 
achieving that is through a two-state solution. It is the only way to 
guarantee a safe home for the Jewish people in Israel, and it is the 
only way to ensure Palestinians have a secure state of their own. A 
solution that does not recognize the humanity of both Israelis and 
Palestinians is not just, and a solution that does not give both 
peoples the condition to prosper without fear of violence will not 
last.
  Let's talk about the other part of this supplemental--Ukraine, which 
is, unfortunately, also all too familiar with battles over sovereignty 
and coexistence.
  Ukrainians have spent almost 2 years fighting against Putin for their 
very survival. And, make no mistake, Russia's failure to capture 
Ukraine so far is in no small part due to America's support and our 
leading role in rallying the world to stand up to Putin's aggression. 
We know that President Zelenskyy knows that and, crucially, Putin knows 
that. In fact, not long ago, he crowed that Ukraine wouldn't last a 
week--wouldn't last a week--without help from the West.
  So the consequences of failure to support Ukraine are not 
theoretical. They are dire, and they are dangerous. Ukraine, as we 
speak, is running out of bullets and other munitions. Already, our 
shipments have been diminishing in scope and frequency, as existing aid 
runs low, and it will be completely exhausted in a matter of weeks or 
months. Heading into the winter, the lack of additional assistance is 
likely to prove catastrophic.
  But some of my Republican colleagues here are willing to undermine 
the free world. I don't say this lightly. I like a lot of them. But 
they are willing to undermine the free world and let Putin win because 
they want hard-line immigration and border policy.
  Democrats have demonstrated a willingness to stretch here. 
Democrats--and I was texting some of the Republican colleagues with 
whom I work very closely, and I said: Look, we are already two-thirds 
of the way. We can't go all the way to your position. We cannot enact a 
bipartisan bill if it is a partisan bill. But the idea that, if we 
don't concede on a wholly unrelated matter, then Putin wins in a land 
war in Europe? Are we really doing this?
  And I want to just say one thing to my friends in the media--and God 
bless them. God bless the fourth estate for all they do, but I am also 
entitled to offer a constructive criticism: Stop pretending this is 
normal.
  (Ms. HASSAN assumed the Chair.)
  Stop pretending it is acceptable to take a major foreign policy 
issue--this is a land war in Europe. Vladimir Putin just decided to try 
to take a country by force. And what they say is: Well, we don't 
support that. We support Ukraine, but we see that we have leverage.
  By the way, this is not a rhetorical flourish of mine. Senator Cornyn 
said this 2 days ago. This is not a negotiation, is what he said. This 
is the price you have to pay. This is the price you Democrats have to 
pay.
  What are we doing here? This is a foreign policy supplemental. We are 
supposed to be for these things.
  I could have woken up one morning and said: You know what, if we 
don't enact my climate policies--which I feel urgently passionate 
about--then I am a ``no'' on Ukraine because I know I have leverage and 
they need every vote.
  The reason I won't do that is I am not bananas. I am a responsible 
legislator, and I know that is not the way you do things.
  The idea--I have never seen this before. I have only been here 11 
years. I am sure there is some historical precedent for it, but not 
recently have we tied a foreign policy objective to an unrelated 
domestic policy objective.
  What they will say is: Look, it is all security.
  Oh, come on. I understand the passion there is on the border. I 
understand the problem there is on the border. But it is not a foreign 
policy question, and the idea that we are going to let Ukraine get 
taken--Kyiv will be in Russian control because we couldn't make a 
border deal? We haven't been able to make a border deal for--well, 
since I have been here for sure and then 5 years prior to that. That 
stuff is hard. You don't take literally the most difficult issue that I 
can think of in the Congress to forge a bipartisan consensus and say: 
If we don't get it, then, I am sorry, Kyiv is just going to fall.
  That is no way to run a railroad. That is no way to be the 
indispensable Nation.
  You walk into any global convening--and I remember--I am looking at 
the Presiding Officer. I am sure the Presiding Officer has had this 
experience. You are a Governor, and everybody wants to know what you 
think, but when you are a Senator, you are not sure if people are going 
to be as interested in what you think.
  When you travel abroad, even when I was an appointed freshman 
Senator, people are hanging on your every word--not as a head of state 
but just as a representative of the U.S. Government. We remain the 
indispensable Nation. Everyone wants to know what we are going to do. 
Everyone wants to know what we think. They want to know what we are 
funding. They want to know what our priorities are. So we cannot 
forfeit that global leadership because we are fighting about something 
else.
  Now, again, Democrats have demonstrated by their negotiations, by all 
of our public pronouncement, that we are willing to stretch a little 
bit on this because it is that important. But it would be a hell of a 
thing for us to allow Vladimir Putin to win because we are too busy in 
a partisan battle about something totally unrelated.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Hawaii.

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