[Congressional Record Volume 169, Number 197 (Thursday, November 30, 2023)]
[House]
[Pages H6000-H6015]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
NO FUNDS FOR IRANIAN TERRORISM ACT
General Leave
Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may
have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and
include extraneous material in the Record for H.R. 5961.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Texas?
There was no objection
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 891 and rule
XVIII, the Chair declares the House in the Committee of the Whole House
on the state of the Union for the consideration of the bill, H.R. 5961.
The Chair appoints the gentlewoman from Louisiana (Ms. Letlow) to
preside over the Committee of the Whole.
{time} 1224
In the Committee of the Whole
Accordingly, the House resolved itself into the Committee of the
Whole House on the state of the Union for the consideration of the bill
(H.R. 5961) to freeze certain Iranian funds involved in the 2023
hostage deal between the United States and Iran, and for other
purposes, with Ms. Letlow in the chair.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The CHAIR. Pursuant to the rule, the bill is considered read the
first time. General debate shall be confined to the bill and shall not
exceed 1 hour equally divided and controlled by the Chair and ranking
minority member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs or their respective
designees.
The gentleman from Texas (Mr. McCaul) and the gentleman from New York
(Mr. Meeks), each will control 30 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Texas (Mr. McCaul).
Mr. McCAUL. Madam Chair, we are here today because the Biden
administration cut a dangerous, reckless hostage deal that puts a price
on every American head all over the world. We have a responsibility to
the American people to repair this damage.
First, let me say that I am relieved that Americans held hostage by
Iran are safely at home. They have been through a terrible ordeal and
should never have been imprisoned in the first place.
As part of this deal, the administration dropped charges against five
Iranian criminals charged with endangering our national security,
including by aiding Iran's nuclear program.
At Iran's request, the administration waived sanctions on $6 billion
of Iranian funds, which have been frozen in South Korea to allow that
that money be transferred and funneled to a bank account in Doha,
Qatar--an undisclosed bank, Madam Chair.
Under this deal, Iran is getting access to $1.2 billion per blue
passport, per American citizen. It is obvious that this agreement
incentivizes more hostage taking.
The administration is claiming this money can only be used for
humanitarian purchases like food and medicine.
We all know that Iran has a long history of sanctioned evasion and
money laundering. It means that we cannot truly know where the funds
end up or how they will be used.
If we had any doubt about Iran's intentions, look no further than
DOJ's 2019 indictment under the previous administration against a
Turkish bank.
This bank played a central role in facilitating billions of dollars'
worth of fraudulent Iranian transactions.
These transactions were manipulated to look like humanitarian
expenses when, in fact, no such purchases took place.
This is nothing new, but let's look at Iran's own words. Iran's
President Raisi bragged to the world that Iran would spend the $6
billion ``wherever we need it.''
What more evidence do we need, Madam Chair, than that? This is not
going for humanitarian purposes. It is going toward terrorism--wherever
we need it.
Money is fungible, as everybody knows. Given Iran's access to these
funds for any purpose frees up money for its malign activities,
including its support to proxies like we saw on October 7 to Hamas.
Blocking money to Iran is the most consequential thing we can do here
in this Congress to stop Iran's financing of terrorism to Hamas and
other proxies to help keep our troops safe who are now under fire from
Iran-backed militias.
After Hamas' brutal October 7 massacre of over 1,200 innocent people
in Israel, the largest attack on Jewish people since the Holocaust,
Madam Chair, and over 70 attacks on our forces by Iran-backed proxies
this fall, no one can deny Iran's role as the world's leading state
sponsor of terror.
Put simply, the Middle East is on fire, and Iran's proxies are
becoming more aggressive every day with increasing attacks, threatening
to throw the Middle East into complete destabilization.
Now Iran's destabilization influence extends beyond the Middle East.
They continue to supply deadly drones to Russia, supporting their
unprovoked war of aggression in Ukraine.
{time} 1230
Iran is going to keep throwing tens of millions of dollars to Hamas
and other terror groups propping them up with our adversaries, like
China, Russia, and North Korea, with weapons. We need to take every
measure possible to stop Iran from giving its proxies another dime.
Madam Chair, after the October 7 attack by Hamas in which they took
240 hostages, it is absolutely undeniable this hostage deal was a
catastrophic mistake.
Madam Chair, we met with some of the families yesterday, and it was
one
[[Page H6001]]
of the most horrific experiences to hear what their loved ones are
going through right now in Gaza. Americans held hostage, who we have
still not been able to get out, they are in absolute hell right now, in
darkness.
The narrative was something before October 7. Now, after October 7,
they are trying to hide from this deal because they know what they did
was wrong, and they know what they are doing is funding terror in the
Middle East.
This body, this Congress needs to repair that damage. That is why my
bill, the No Funds For Iranian Terrorism Act, imposes new sanctions to
permanently prevent the transfer of $6 billion in Iranian funds covered
under the 2023 hostage deal; which, by the way, Madam Chair, I haven't
seen this deal. The administration says there is a deal. They have not
provided that deal to me nor to my colleagues, to my knowledge.
One thing is clear, this is a moment of moral clarity. With such
instability in the region, the last thing we need to do is to give Iran
access to $6 billion to be diverted to more Iranian-sponsored
terrorism. We must sanction anyone who enables the transfer or
processing of transactions of these funds, period.
Put very simply and succinctly, I can't imagine how anybody can vote
against this bill. How can anybody support $6 billion going into Iran
when we know, both in classified space, which we can't talk about here,
but in the declassified space, exactly who was behind October 7.
Iran is the head of the snake, and the snake had its tentacles all
throughout the Middle East: in Gaza with Hamas; in Yemen with the
Houthi rebels; and in Iran and Syria with Iran-backed militias, who, by
the way, Madam Chair, are hitting our troops every day. They are under
fire by Iran. We are going to give them $6 billion?
Now, the other side will say that is Iran's money. It is sanctioned
money. This administration chose to lift the sanctions on the $6
billion.
My bill says, no, Mr. President. We, in the Congress, say no to this
policy. We are going to put sanctions on the money so Iran cannot get
access to this to fund more terrorism, more killing of innocent Jewish
people. I don't have to go into graphic detail of what happened on
October 7, but we all saw the Hamas video and the gruesomeness of it.
I, Madam Chair, will not sit by idly and allow this to happen while
Americans are under fire and the Jewish people are being killed by
these terrorists.
Madam Chair, I urge my colleagues to support this, and I reserve the
balance of my time.
Mr. MEEKS. Madam Chair, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Let me first start off by saying the President of the United States
did the right thing. It is easy to say why we should vote against this
bill.
My good friend, the chairman, has talked about October 7 over and
over. Our committee has had several family members come before our
committee where we have vowed to do everything we can to get their
family members back home.
For me, it has been very personal. Yesterday, we talked to a group of
family members. We told them we will not stop until we get their family
members back home.
Negotiating to bring our hostages home is hard because you have to do
it with bad people.
Guess what? Hamas committed the heinous acts on October 7, but who
are we negotiating with to get the hostages home? Hamas. It is not
easy, but we vowed in front of these witnesses.
I wonder what we would say to those five individuals and families,
who are now safe at home, before they were released? Would we have
promised them and didn't we promise them we would do everything we
could to get them back home?
Yes, President Biden did the right thing. He brought five Americans
home who were rotting in Iran's notorious Evan prison.
Every Member of Congress--I repeat, every Member of this Congress who
was aware of these cases wanted our fellow citizens to come home. Now,
they are saying they should not have come home.
This was done, wanting them to come home, with a bipartisan voice.
President Biden thus succeeded in doing what his predecessors could
not. He got them home.
Iran, of course, as is Hamas, is a murderous and corrupt regime. They
are not pleasant, and this isn't easy. Thanks to this agreement, five
American families are now whole again, and Iran has lost the leverage
of holding these American hostages.
Now, H.R. 5961 would sanction parties that carry out the financial
terms of the hostage agreement in question. These include three
European commercial banks and the Central Bank of Qatar, who, by the
way, has been very instrumental in working with us to get hostages home
that were taken on October 7, but let's really talk about the facts.
Yes, I have been in classified sessions and nonclassified sessions
and have heard it, as all of us have. Let's talk about the facts.
Billions of Iran's own profits from oil sales were sitting in a
restricted account in South Korea. It was done by the prior
administration. It was established by the Trump administration for Iran
to make approved humanitarian purchases. This wasn't done by the Biden
administration. It was sitting in South Korea, by the Trump
administration, for humanitarian purchases.
The United States had no control over that account while it was
sitting there. The agreement moved that $6 billion from the restricted
account in South Korea, converted it to euros, and relocated it into
the restricted account in Qatar, which now the United States has
visibility over--not a single penny--facts, not conjecture, facts.
I don't think anyone can refute the fact that not a single penny has
moved into Iran. Not one. Not a penny, much less a dime. Not a penny
has moved into Iran.
Under the terms of the agreement, Iran can use the money in Qatar to
make approved humanitarian purchases to acquire medicine, medical
equipment, agricultural goods, and food. Iran's government physically
will never touch this money. The entirety of the transaction occurs
outside of Iran, and Iran only receives the vetted humanitarian goods.
By the way, that is consistent with our values, and that is why we,
in all of this, are talking about humanitarian concerns for people who
are just victimized by bad people.
Thus far, Iran has not made any requests of the humanitarian fund,
and nothing has been gained by Iran. All of the money remains in the
account, an account that the United States can watch.
We have leverage over that account due to our relationship with the
correspondent banks in Europe that would help process any transactions.
In other words, we know we now have more control over this money than
we did when it was sitting in South Korea. In fact, this account
provides us with leverage, not the other way around.
Furthermore, following the horrific attacks in Israel on October 7,
the United States and Qatar froze the humanitarian fund, so it is
frozen now in Qatar. No humanitarian purchases will be approved any
time soon. Again, nothing has changed.
The money remains in the account and we continue to have leverage.
Nothing has changed from when the money was sitting in South Korea.
The only thing that has changed is five American citizens are no
longer sitting in an Iranian prison. They are back home with their
families.
Madam Chair, if H.R. 5961 is passed into law, that leverage will be
gone. It will disappear. We will also lose our ability to conduct
diplomacy with Iran and others in the future. If we blow up this
agreement by passing this bill, we, the United States, will be the ones
breaking yet another sensitive negotiated agreement.
Our word and integrity will no longer be good in negotiations,
whether it is with Iran or any other parties. The United States must
continue to address--and here is where I think we agree--no one is
saying that the United States needs to continue to address Iran's
backing of groups like Hezbollah and Hamas.
The Iranian-supported Hamas terrorists unleashed pure evil when they
broke a cease-fire in the attacks on October 7. The population of Gaza
would not be engulfed in war right now if it were not for Hamas. But we
must also remain sober and serious about the challenge of Iran's
nefarious nuclear
[[Page H6002]]
program. None of the bad options we possess to stop Iran's nuclear
ambitions are better than the diplomatic track, which has already
proven successful.
It was the United States who actually violated the JCPOA, not Iran.
Pulling out of this hostage agreement will be the second time we
violate an agreement with Iran's leaders. Passage of this bill would
mean potentially slamming the door closed on future diplomacy, leaving
us only with dangerous and highly risky options of confronting Iran's
nuclear program.
We all agree, Iran must not ever have a nuclear weapon, but guess
what, since we pulled out of JCPOA, they are closer to getting a
nuclear weapon than had we been in there.
Madam Chair, the prisoner swap confirms to the Iranian regime that
the United States is a reliable negotiating partner, just as we see
taking place right now.
As we bring the hostages home from Gaza, they have to deal with
Hamas. Both sides have to keep their word. We have warned Israel, who
is a strong, diplomatic, honest country moving forward, fighting for
its existence but have to deal with Hamas. They made an agreement, and
they are living by that agreement. Hostages are coming home, and we
want that to continue for each and every one of them. They are not just
simply being released, Israel is giving something back in return.
In our case, Iran is actually not getting anything because they are
not getting a dime to be utilized for their nefarious purposes.
Madam Chair, let me conclude with this: The agreement has freed five
Americans--I repeat, five American citizens--who were suffering in an
Iranian prison, who we all, in a bipartisan way, said we would do
anything to get them home. We wanted them to be home.
It shifted Iran's own money from an account in Korea that we did not
control, to one where we play a role and have control that we didn't in
South Korea.
{time} 1245
Not a single penny has left the account. I don't think anybody can
refute that. Not a single penny has left the account. Not a single
penny has entered Iran. Not a single U.S. taxpayer dollar has been
involved.
This fund remains frozen indefinitely by the United States in Qatar,
which has been working closely with us and Israel.
There is no reason to jeopardize future negotiations or further
inflame an already dangerous situation by passing this bill. The fact
of the matter is, I don't see why we would want to pass this bill. We
know that diplomacy is the first thing we need to move forward in
bringing our people home.
Lastly, let me just say this because I want to be absolutely clear: I
don't want Iran's leaders to benefit from our actions in any shape,
fashion, or form. This hostage agreement that stands today, they have
not benefited from it and will not benefit from it.
Unfortunately, this legislation will shoot American global
credibility in the foot without even touching Iranian regime leaders.
We encourage this House not to rush into passing this bill. Let's keep
the door open for diplomacy.
This stands as an example with Iran and others because we have
adversaries, but you always have to deal with those adversaries and
negotiate and talk to try to figure out how we can live in a better
place.
Let's think ahead. Let's not play checkers. Let's play chess. That is
what this is all about.
Madam Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. McCAUL. Madam Chair, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Texas (Mr. Self), a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee.
Mr. SELF. Madam Chair, I rise today in support of Chairman McCaul's
bill to ensure no funding for Iranian terrorism. While I am stunned by
what I heard from my colleague across the aisle, I will try to bring
clarity to this.
In August, President Biden surrendered access to $6 billion to Iran--
make no mistake about it--for five hostages. Once again, he
demonstrated weakness to our adversaries. In doing so, he signaled to
Hamas that his administration is willing to reward hostage taking.
The policy of the United States for years was no negotiations with
terrorists or with hostage takers. We knew at that time that precedent
was powerful. Now, weak precedent is dangerous.
In October, Hamas official Ali Baraka said of the $6 billion deal:
``The U.S. conducts prisoner swaps. Only recently, it did one with
Iran. Why wouldn't it conduct a prisoner swap with us?''
Now, Hamas is holding the West hostage, the entire West hostage, as
they fortify their defenses while Israeli hostages are traded for
Palestinian prisoners, including terrorists.
There is only one language that is understood by our adversaries, and
that is strength.
Madam Chair, I urge my colleagues to support this bill and send a
message that we will not fund the radical jihadist agenda.
Mr. MEEKS. Madam Chair, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Let me just say that I keep hearing this demonstrates weakness. The
Biden administration demonstrated strength in being willing to stand
with your enemies and negotiate.
I can recall, for me, even in our own country, what I learned to live
by. Many folks were thinking that when Dr. King was moving forward with
nonviolence, he was demonstrating weakness and that we should go back
and fight. He demonstrated strength. Sometimes when dealing and
negotiating, that is where strength comes from, and if you just go out
swinging, you demonstrate weakness.
What Joe Biden has done was kept his word, number one. He said that
he would bring, whenever he could, American hostages home. This body
has said to American families that we would do everything and anything
to bring their families home. We should keep our word.
President Biden kept his word to those five American hostages, and
the United States House of Representatives should keep its word and not
challenge the agreement that the President made to return those five
American hostages.
Madam Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. McCAUL. Madam Chair, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
California (Mr. Mike Garcia), a member of the Committee on Armed
Services.
Mr. MIKE GARCIA of California. Madam Chair, it should not take an act
of Congress to stop our President, the President of the United States,
from sending $6 billion to Iran. Iran is the world's most prolific
sponsor of terrorism, but here we are, having to go through this.
This administration has said that this money is to be used for
humanitarian purposes only. Madam Chair, that is like giving money to a
junkie and expecting them to buy food with it. You can tell them to buy
food with it, and they can promise you that they will buy food with it.
We all know he ain't buying food with it.
In this case, Iran will not use this money for humanitarian
assistance. Even if they did, it would just free up other cash so they
could fund their international terror organizations and nuclear
ambitions. Now that we have control of these assets, let's not let this
money be weaponized against us, our allies, and especially Israel.
Madam Chair, I urge support of the bill.
Mr. MEEKS. Madam Chair, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Again, I haven't heard a reply. Not one penny has gone to Iran. If I
am wrong, then someone tell me. Not one cent. The money is frozen in
Qatar. Not one penny.
None of this could have been used by Hamas, Iran, or anyone for
October 7. They didn't have a dime.
The money was there already, put there for humanitarian purposes by
the Trump administration. It was in South Korea, but we didn't have any
control over it.
I didn't hear anybody talk about that when the Trump administration
was there, that he should not have sent the money to South Korea. This
should not be something that we are playing politics on.
The money shifted from South Korea and was changed into euros and
sent to Qatar, where we have now more visibility than ever. Not a dime
is going to Iran. We have five American hostages home, and then we are
going to question the deal.
[[Page H6003]]
Madam Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. McCAUL. Madam Chair, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
California (Mr. LaMalfa).
Mr. LaMALFA. Madam Chair, this is a preemptive effort. Why fight so
hard? If a single penny has not been cut loose yet, good. That means we
are taking action here that is going to prevent that. Had the Biden
administration not cut loose the $6 billion in frozen assets to begin
with, we wouldn't have to do this.
Why do we have a nonsensical effort to allow Iran to have the option?
That is why we need to head this off at the pass with H.R. 5961, the No
Funds for Iranian Terrorism Act.
We saw a sophisticated attack launched in Gaza by Hamas, and we are
continuing this process to allow Iran to be the biggest state sponsor
of terror in the world. We need to head it off at the pass, as I said.
It is ridiculous that we have to fight so hard to have this
preemptive effort. I just don't understand it. I don't understand a lot
of things coming out of the Middle East with the pro-Palestinian
efforts all over this country and all over the world when Israel is
simply a country that seeks peace.
Yes, we got five wrongfully detained American hostages in exchange
for these frozen assets, but the President must impose sanctions on the
foreign financial institutions involved in processing the transfer of
these funds. Head it off at the pass. Don't allow it to happen. Why
would we be in the business of helping Iran to destroy Israel?
Mr. MEEKS. Madam Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. McCAUL. Madam Chair, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from
California (Mrs. Kim), the chair of the Committee on Foreign Affairs'
Subcommittee on Indo-Pacific.
Mrs. KIM of California. Madam Chair, I thank Chairman McCaul for
yielding.
Madam Chair, I rise in strong support of H.R. 5961, the No Funds for
Iranian Terrorism Act, to keep Iran from accessing the $6 billion in
assets that were unfrozen in September.
This bill imposes sanctions on international financial institutions
that process, participate in, or facilitate transactions using or
involving the $6 billion in unfrozen Iranian assets that were
transferred from South Korea to Qatar in exchange for five hostages
kept in Iran in September.
While I am glad the hostages came back to their homes, we cannot
incentivize more hostage taking by the Islamic Republic of Iran.
The administration claims that this funding could be used only for
humanitarian purposes, but Iranian President Raisi has countered that
the Islamic Republic of Iran can use the assets ``wherever we need
it.'' Those are his words.
Allowing Iran to access these funds would be foolish. Hamas' October
7 attack on Israel showed the world how much destruction Iran is
capable of through its illicit finance of terrorist organizations.
We also now see Iran's proxy militia and terrorist organizations
carrying out attacks on U.S. troops and military assets in Syria and
Iraq.
Congress must take strong action to bolster our sanctions policy and
stop Iran from accessing assets that it can use to carry out its
terrorist agenda across the Middle East.
Madam Chair, I urge my colleagues to support this bill.
Mr. MEEKS. Madam Chair, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Let me say this: The United States has values. What is taking place
and what took place in Israel and is taking place in Gaza right now is
why we are fighting so hard to make sure that we have a supplemental
that includes humanitarian aid.
We know that there are people in Gaza, Palestinians, who are not part
of Hamas. Everyone wants to make sure, as we are doing in this pause,
that humanitarian aid is getting to them. It shows the best of who we
are as Americans.
It is also so in Iran. Every Iranian is not part of the regime. In
fact, the regime is cruel and does not provide humanitarian aid to many
of its citizens.
We don't want to be like the regime. We want to show our humanity.
Yes, when human beings are suffering, we want to make sure that we get
in humanitarian aid so that we can take care of them. That is what is
happening right now. That is why we are having the pause in the Middle
East, in Gaza.
Doing the hostage exchange, bringing people home, is what we should
be doing. What we are also doing is bringing in humanitarian aid to
those individuals who Hamas would never aid.
So people around the world will respect and know who we are, we
should never give up on our values. The money that we are talking about
is not going to be used or getting into the hands of the Iranian
regime. We are talking about trying to show that we have care and
humanity for those who are the victims of the regime.
{time} 1300
Humanitarian aid. That is who we should be. We should be proud of the
fact that we want to try to take care of those who are a part,
unfortunately, of dictators and authoritarian regimes who will not take
care of their people. That is not who we are.
If, in the future, through the constraints that we have and the
approval that needs to take place we can help somebody that has been
victimized, I think that is the right thing to do.
To say that we don't care is the wrong thing to do. I just wonder if
we would invite those five families of those who have now returned
home, what would we say to them?
We wish your folks would have stayed in the prison because the
President should not have made this deal because of humanitarian aid?
What would we say to them?
What can we say to them now? They are listening to us.
We should renege on the deal and let their loved ones stay in prison?
Thank God President Biden understands being a humanitarian, bringing
our folks home, and at the same time having a hard line against Iran
and Hamas and its affiliates.
Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Chairman I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Georgia (Mr. Carter).
Mr. CARTER of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I know it is hard to believe,
and I know that my friends across the other side of the aisle find it
hard to believe, but the Iranian regime is not our friend. They are no
friend to the U.S., nor to our allies.
It is not that we don't care. Yes, we do care. The Iranian regime is
one of the world's leaders in state sponsored terrorism, and they
cannot be appeased. We know that. That is why it was alarming when
President Biden freed up $6 billion in previously frozen funds for Iran
in September. I am glad that this was later refrozen due to the
pushback from my colleagues and I--who don't trust Iran any further
than we can pick them up and throw them--to use that money responsibly.
The expectation of receiving the funds no doubt contributed to the
uptick in terror we have seen in the Middle East. I think everyone
would agree with that.
According to our intelligence community, Iran provides $1 million a
year to foreign terrorist organizations, including Hamas and Hezbollah.
On October 7, Iranian-backed Hamas terrorists brutally attacked
Israel, killing 1,400 people and taking over 200 hostages. This
legislation, the No Funds for Iranian Terrorism Act, places immediate
and mandatory sanctions on foreign financial institutions that
facilitate the transfer of the restricted Iranian funds covered under
President Biden's deal.
It is imperative that the $6 billion remains permanently off-limits
to the Iranian regime.
So long as President Biden and his administration continue to weaken
our country on the world stage, House Republicans stand ready to
respond with strength.
Mr. Chair, I look forward to voting for this legislation, and I urge
my colleagues to pass this vital legislation.
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chair, one question that I think remains unanswered to my
colleagues on the other side: Are you willing to go and tell the family
members of those five hostages that are now home that they should still
be in that prison?
Are you willing to tell them that we should not have worked out a
deal with the $6 billion frozen for humanitarian
[[Page H6004]]
concern and that we should renege on the deal and they should go back
to prison?
The one thing that is missing is that we got these hostages home, and
that can't be held over our heads by Iran anymore.
I don't hear an answer to that.
What do you say to those families?
We have talked to families who have loved ones that are hostages.
What do you say to them? You should still be there? We should not have
made the deal?
Is that what you are saying? I think that what I am hearing is that
this deal should not have been made and those American hostages should
still be sitting in that Iranian prison?
I ask my colleagues on the other side: What do you say to those five
families?
Do we renege on the deal?
Do you tell them they should not be home, so we should not have made
the deal?
We have hostages before us all the time. What do you say to them?
I know what I am going to say to them. I am glad their family members
are home and I am glad Joe Biden made the deal to get them home. He is
not threatening and not using any U.S. dollars. There is no threat from
Iran in regard to that $6 billion to be utilized for any aggression on
their part.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Chairman, I am ready to close, and I reserve the
balance of my time.
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chairman, let me just say this. First, the debate on
the House floor today is a rare moment where the House Foreign Affairs
Committee is debating legislation under a rule, rather than under
suspension.
For those who don't know what that means, it signifies that this bill
is not bipartisan. That is in contrast to the great majority of
legislation that comes out of the Foreign Affairs Committee.
This is the first primary Foreign Affairs bill this year that we are
debating under a rule this Congress. In the previous two Congresses,
under the Democratic leadership, we debated a total of one bill under a
rule.
One thing I will say, as I have talked throughout this debate, one
thing that is a fact is that Mr. McCaul is my friend. We always try to
reach an agreement on all bills. There is no question about that. I am
not questioning that at all. We are frequently, as we did yesterday,
very successful.
We had a completely bipartisan markup, including on a potentially
game-changing bill that would codify an outbound investment regime to
protect our economy and our national security. I would say that that is
the way I do believe this committee is ran, and we work very closely
together.
On this bill is one of those times where I do fundamentally disagree
with the arguments put forward by the majority. I submitted an
amendment that would have added a national security waiver to the
legislation. Such a waiver is a very restrictive standard. The
President can only waive the sanctions if it was vital to the national
security of the United States. He could not waive the sanctions for
trivial reasons, nor even for an important economic reason. He could
only waive the sanctions to protect our national security. Of course,
that amendment was not made in order.
Every major sanctions bill over the last 20 years has had basic
exemptions and waivers, like the amendment I offered to this bill. This
history includes numerous Republican sanctions, bills targeting Iran.
By moving a bill today without those very basic guardrails, we are
undermining bipartisan practices that have been held for decades. We
are also forfeiting leverage to promote American interests and
undercutting our credibility around the world.
As such, I oppose this legislation. It is the wrong time for this
legislation. It is improper. It will hurt down the road. We need to
look and have a vision for down the road because, for me, what we do is
not just about today. It is about--I have three granddaughters, and I
say this everywhere--it is about 5, 2, and 6 months, so it is about
what takes place and what opportunities might be available 60 years
from now.
As we look back at prior history, things that were done by prior
Congresses had an effect 50 and 60 years later. People that are our
allies now, 60 years ago were our enemy. Time changes things. People
who were our enemies 60 years ago are now our allies.
Let's think forward. Let's vote this bill down--at least we should
have the waivers in there. I must oppose this legislation, and I
encourage all of my colleagues to do the same.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, let me say to my dear friend from New York, I have
great admiration and respect for him. He is right, we do work things
out. Of all the committees, we are the most bipartisan committee, and
it is important that we speak with one voice as a Nation to the world.
However, as we also have agreed, there are times we just can't get to
an agreement. This is one of those times. I just can't in good faith
support the administration's position on this.
The gentleman asked a couple questions about why didn't this pass on
suspension, and that is always our goal. The fact is that five Members
on his side of the aisle voted in support of this bill. I think what we
are going to find on the vote on this floor today is you are going to
have more than five Members vote for this bill.
Mr. Speaker, I admire him and his support for the President. I would
probably do the same in his case, but I have to, with all due respect,
disagree.
What would I say to the five American families?
I would say: Thank God your loved ones are home. I would say: We are
with you. I don't think this is just about the five American hostages.
There is something else going on that just doesn't make sense.
Mr. Chairman, you have five innocent Americans exchanged for five
indicted Iranians on charges related to national security. That alone
is a bad deal. We talk about negotiations--that is not a good
negotiation.
Mr. Chairman, if you throw $6 billion on top of this--what is that
all about?
I have to ask the question: Why was this money that was frozen in a
South Korean bank transferred to an undisclosed Doha bank account to
then be made available for humanitarian purposes to Iran?
What they will say is: Well, it is still frozen.
Why was the money transferred to an undisclosed Doha bank account? If
it was for humanitarian purposes, why couldn't the South Korean bank
transfer it?
I will tell you why it was transferred to the Doha bank account--and
we don't even know the name of the bank, Mr. Chairman. It was
transferred at the request of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Why did they want that?
They know that they can get access to the Doha bank account. They
know that in Qatar they are going to be more friendly to them than the
South Koreans. This didn't happen by accident, it happened by design.
That is precisely why the money was money laundered to this other bank
account to funnel into Iran.
For what purpose, humanitarian?
{time} 1315
I get that. I don't doubt my good friend from New York's heart and
sincerity. He believes this. Nevertheless, facts are stubborn things.
Under the previous administration, a bank was prosecuted for the same
scheme that this administration is perpetuating. A Turkish bank--this
is from the Department of Justice Public Affairs Office--was
facilitating transactions to appear to be purchases of food and
medicine by Iranian customers in order to appear to fall within the so-
called humanitarian exception.
Mr. Chair, don't take my word for this. Take the President of Iran's
word for this: I will do whatever I want with the money.
Let's be clear-eyed and sober about this. Let's not be naive about
putting $6 billion into Iran at this critical time, Mr. Chairman, after
October 7, the bloodiest day of killing Jews since the Holocaust. This
is why their narrative is changing.
Now, it is like: But the President of Iran hasn't asked for the money
yet. And by the way, it is frozen.
Then why did you transfer it to the Doha Bank account?
[[Page H6005]]
Mr. Chairman, I will tell you why. It is because Iran requested it.
The idea that Iran is not going to ask for this money, I have to say,
with all due respect, is incredulous. Of course, they want this money.
The question is: Why hasn't it been transferred already?
Do you know what, Mr. Chairman? The answer is October 7. That is why
it hasn't been transferred. They got caught with their pants down. Now,
they realize: Oh, my God, we can't transfer this money. Think of the
optics here. This is going to look really bad.
There is another thing that is very nefarious going on here. There is
some deal going on, Mr. Chairman, that we don't know about, and we have
every right of oversight. They won't call things treaties because the
Senate won't confirm them. They call them deals.
What is going on? It is not just about the hostages, and thank God
they are home. Let me tell the families: God bless them.
Nevertheless, there is something else going on here. There is an
undercurrent of another deal going on, and it is the JCPOA, the Iran
nuclear agreement. That is why the money was transferred. In my
judgment, it is to facilitate another deal with Iran.
The irony of all ironies, Mr. Chairman, is the Special Envoy for Iran
is now under investigation by the FBI for violations of his security
clearance. The very man negotiating the JCPOA, the Iran deal, is under
investigation by the FBI for violating his national security clearance.
You can't make this up, Mr. Chairman. You really can't make this up.
He talked about the Presidential waiver. We said that the whole point
of this bill is to ensure they cannot use the $6 billion unless they do
two things: one, cease their support for international terrorism, and,
two, stop their nuclear weapons and weapons of mass destruction
programs.
This bill doesn't undercut our leverage; it turns this money into
leverage to stop their most dangerous activities.
I think this is a bad deal. I think that the underlying intent is
something more secretive.
Mr. Chairman, I have to ask the question: Has any Member of Congress
seen this deal that we are talking about? Has the gentleman from New
York seen this hostage deal with Iran?
I haven't seen it. I haven't seen it, classified or not. Where is the
deal? Why won't the administration present the deal to the Congress
pursuant to our oversight responsibilities?
That is transparency. That is why we introduced the bill because
Congress has every right on behalf of the American people, before the
$6 billion was transferred into Iran, to see what the deal is.
We met with these hostage families yesterday, and it is brutal. I was
in the kibbutz at the Gaza border in southern Israel, Kfar Azza. They
went into the daycare center and killed the children I saw there. They
decapitated them, and they killed everybody I met in the kibbutz.
I can't look at these families of the victims or the families of the
hostages in good faith. I cannot look them in the eye and say: Do you
know what? I support your efforts to get your loved ones home. But
guess what? I also support this deal that the President has decided to
do to put $6 billion into the Islamic Republic of Iran, the largest
state sponsor of terror and the very country responsible for the Hamas
attacks killing more Jews than I have seen in my lifetime.
My father was a bombardier on a B-17 in World War II. He bombed the
Nazis. He saw the Holocaust in his lifetime. I never thought I would
see anything like that in my lifetime, but guess what, Mr. Chairman?
This is the largest killing since the Holocaust.
I can't look those families in the eye, Mr. Chairman, and tell them
that I am going to support this deal to add additional money for
terrorism, especially $6 billion.
This is not about the five Americans. We released five Iranians
guilty of espionage, in my judgment. This is about the undercurrent of
a deal that we don't know about. They are secretive about it, and they
need to come forward to the American people through the Congress and
let us know what that deal was.
Nevertheless, I, for one, will not sit here in this Chamber and allow
this to happen. That is why if they won't do it, then we will. Congress
will stop this money from going into Iran not just for politics and not
even for the American people but for the victims of terrorism around
the world, especially the people of Israel.
Mr. Chairman, I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes,'' and I yield back
the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR (Mr. Valadao). All time for general debate has
expired.
Pursuant to the rule, the bill shall be considered for amendment
under the 5-minute rule.
In lieu of the amendment in the nature of a substitute recommended by
the Committee on Foreign Affairs, printed in the bill, an amendment in
the nature of a substitute consisting of the text of Rules Committee
Print 118-14, modified by the amendment printed in part B of House
Report 118-280, shall be considered as adopted. The bill, as amended,
shall be considered as an original bill for purpose of further
amendment under the 5-minute rule and shall be considered as read.
The text of the amendment in the nature of a substitute is as
follows:
H.R. 5961
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ``No Funds for Iranian
Terrorism Act''.
SEC. 2. FINDINGS.
Congress makes the following findings:
(1) On October 7, 2023, Iran-backed Hamas terrorists
launched a massive, unprovoked war on Israel by air, land,
and sea, in which they engaged in the brutal murder of over
1,300 people and kidnapped 130 people who are now being held
hostage.
(2) Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and Hezbollah have
all been designated by the United States as Foreign Terrorist
Organizations pursuant to section 219 of the Immigration and
Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1189).
(3) According to an unclassified United States government
assessment, ``Iran has historically provided up to $100
million annually in combined support to Palestinian terrorist
groups, including Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), and
the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General
Command.''.
(4) As National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan stated on
October 10, 2023, ``Iran is complicit in this attack in a
broad sense because they have provided the lion's share of
the funding for the military wing of Hamas, they have
provided training, they have provided capabilities, they have
provided support, and they have provided engagement and
contact with Hamas over years and years.''.
(5) President Biden reached an agreement with the Iranian
regime to bring home Siamak Namazi, Morad Tahbaz, Emad
Shargi, and two additional American hostages all of whom were
wrongfully detained in Iran.
SEC. 3. IMPOSITION OF SANCTIONS WITH RESPECT TO COVERED
IRANIAN ASSETS.
(a) In General.--On and after the date of the enactment of
this Act, the President shall impose the sanction described
in subsection (c) with respect to each foreign financial
institution that the President determines engages in an
activity described in subsection (b).
(b) Activities Described.--A foreign financial institution
engages in an activity described in this subsection if the
institution processes, participates in, or facilitates a
transaction using or involving covered Iranian funds.
(c) Blocking of Property.--The sanction described in this
subsection is the exercise of all of the powers granted to
the President under the International Emergency Economic
Powers Act (50 U.S.C. 1701 et seq.) to the extent necessary
to block and prohibit all transactions in property and
interests in property of a foreign financial institution
described in subsection (a) if such property and interests in
property are in the United States, come within the United
States, or are or come within the possession or control of a
United States person.
(d) Penalties.--The penalties provided for in subsections
(b) and (c) of section 206 of the International Emergency
Economic Powers Act (50 U.S.C. 1705) shall apply to a person
that violates, attempts to violate, conspires to violate, or
causes a violation of this section or any regulations
promulgated to carry out this section to the same extent that
such penalties apply to a person that commits an unlawful act
described in section 206(a) of that Act.
(e) Termination of Sanctions.--The President shall not be
required to impose sanctions under this section with respect
to a foreign financial institution or international financial
institution described in subsection (a) if the President
certifies in writing to the appropriate congressional
committees that the Government of Iran--
(1) no longer repeatedly provides support for international
terrorism as determined by the Secretary of State pursuant
to--
(A) section 1754(c)(1)(A) of the Export Control Reform Act
of 2018 (50 U.S.C. 4318(c)(1)(A));
(B) section 620A of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (22
U.S.C. 2371);
(C) section 40 of the Arms Export Control Act (22 U.S.C.
2780); or
(D) any other provision of law; and
[[Page H6006]]
(2) has ceased the pursuit, acquisition, and development
of, and verifiably dismantled its, nuclear, biological, and
chemical weapons and ballistic missiles and ballistic missile
launch technology.
SEC. 4. DEFINITIONS.
In this Act:
(1) Appropriate congressional committees.--The term
``appropriate congressional committees'' means--
(A) the Committee on Foreign Affairs and the Committee on
Financial Services of the House of Representatives; and
(B) the Committee on Foreign Relations and the Committee on
Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs of the Senate.
(2) Covered iranian funds.--The term ``covered Iranian
funds'' means any funds transferred from accounts in the
Republic of Korea to Qatar pursuant to or under the authority
or guaranty of a waiver, license, assurance letter, or other
guidance issued pursuant to or in furtherance of the waiver
determination made pursuant to sections 1244(i) (22 U.S.C.
8803(i)) and 1247(f) of the Iran Freedom and Counter-
Proliferation Act of 2012 (22 U.S.C. 8806(f)) and section
1245(d)(5) of the National Defense Authorization Act for
Fiscal Year 2012 (22 U.S.C. 8513a(d)(5)) that is the subject
of the document entitled ``Waiver of Sanctions with Respect
to the Transfer of Funds from the Republic of Korea to
Qatar'' and was transmitted to Congress in September 2023.
(3) Foreign financial institution.--The term ``foreign
financial institution'' has the meaning given such term under
section 561.308 of title 31, Code of Federal Regulations.
(f) Exception Relating To Importation Of Goods.--
(1) In general.--The authorities and requirements to impose
sanctions authorized under this Act shall not include the
authority or requirement to impose sanctions on the
importation of goods.
(2) Good defined.--In this subsection, the term ``good''
means any article, natural or man-made substance, material,
supply, or manufactured product, including inspection and
test equipment, and excluding technical data.
The Acting CHAIR. No further amendment to the bill, as amended, shall
be in order except those printed in part C of House Report 118-280.
Each such further amendment may be offered only in the order printed in
the report, by a Member designated in the report, shall be considered
read, shall be debatable for the time specified in the report, equally
divided and controlled by the proponent and an opponent, shall not be
subject to amendment, and shall not be subject to a demand for division
of the question. All points of order against such further amendments
are waived.
Amendment No. 1 Offered by Mr. Fitzpatrick
The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 1
printed in part C of Report 118-280.
Mr. FITZPATRICK. Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Page 1, after line 15, insert the following:
(3) Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and associated
terrorist organizations backed by Iran routinely and
unabashedly use civilians as ``human shields'' to shield
their weapons and terrorist militants from legitimate
military engagement, a contravention of international
humanitarian law and a heinous violation of the rights and
dignity of civilian noncombatants.
(4) Only the cessation of Hamas' operations, the
unconditional surrender of Hamas, and the immediate
dismantlement of Hamas and all other Iran-backed terrorist
organizations that participated in the massacre of Israelis
on and since October 7, 2023, will ensure that innocent
Israeli and Palestinian civilian lives are saved.
Page 1, line 16, strike ``(3)'' and insert ``(5)''.
Page 2, line 5, strike ``(4)'' and insert ``(6)''.
Page 2, line 13, strike ``(5)'' and insert ``(7)''.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 891, the gentleman
from Pennsylvania (Mr. Fitzpatrick) and a Member opposed each will
control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Pennsylvania.
Mr. FITZPATRICK. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Mr. Chairman, I rise today in favor of my amendment to H.R. 5961, the
No Funds for Iranian Terrorism Act.
Mr. Chair, this Congress has a responsibility to unequivocally
denounce the cruelty and inhumanity perpetrated by the terrorist
organizations funded by Iran, especially Hamas.
As we work to prohibit further funds from being used by the ruthless
Iranian regime to prop up terrorists and subsidize terror attacks, we
must also ensure that we swiftly and clearly condemn the criminal acts
already carried out by Iran's agents of terror.
The deliberate use of innocent civilians as humanitarian
infrastructure by Hamas and other Iran-backed terrorist groups to
shield themselves, their weapons, and their operations is entirely
unconscionable.
Their unabashed and irredeemable disregard for human life is equally
outrageous. Hamas and other terrorist organizations are placing
innocent, noncombatant women, children, elderly, and other vulnerable
individuals in harm's way. This must stop.
This is a blatant contravention of international humanitarian law.
Beyond all of that, Mr. Chair, it is a fundamental violation of human
dignity.
My amendment ensures that the United States emphatically condemns
these actions of Iran-backed terrorist organizations. It further
demands the immediate and unconditional surrender of Hamas and other
terrorist organizations so that innocent civilian lives may be saved in
both Israel and Palestine.
This has not and should not be a partisan issue. This Congress and
this government must continue to be united in our condemnation of
terror and terrorists.
Anything less is a betrayal of our obligation as a global leader for
human rights, human dignity, and human freedom.
Mr. Chairman, I urge the adoption of my amendment, and I yield back
the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Fitzpatrick).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the ayes
appeared to have it.
Mr. FITZPATRICK. Mr. Chair, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Pennsylvania
will be postponed.
Amendment No. 2 Offered by Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick
The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 2
printed in part C of House Report 118-280.
Mrs. CHERFILUS-McCORMICK. Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Redesignate section 4 as section 5.
Insert after section 3 the following:
SEC. 3. SENSE OF CONGRESS.
It is the sense of Congress that the terrorist-funding,
human rights-violating Iranian regime should receive no
additional funds but that basic humanitarian assistance for
the people of Iran is important.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 891, the gentlewoman
from Florida (Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick) and a Member opposed each will
control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from Florida.
Mrs. CHERFILUS-McCORMICK. Mr. Chair, I yield myself such time as I
may consume.
Mr. Chair, I rise today in support of my amendment.
I am offering my amendment to H.R. 5961 to reaffirm what I hope
should be a bipartisan principle: Our problem lies with the Iranian
regime, not the Iranian people.
Innocent Iranians have suffered at the hands of cruel authoritarian
leaders who have zero regard for human rights. The Ayatollah and his
regime have racked up a laundry list of gross abuses.
Iranian security forces and prison personnel torture and sexually
assault detainees. The country sees staggering levels of repression,
without any room for peaceful dissent. Iranian authorities disable the
internet during protests to mask their human rights violations. Women
and girls are treated as second-class citizens and without any form of
basic dignity.
We must cut off any source of funding for the terrorist-supporting,
human rights-violating Iranian regime, but not at the expense of basic
humanitarian assistance. The Iranian people are suffering enough. Any
attempt to restrain the flow of aid would exacerbate this pain.
Let me also emphasize that there are robust safeguards on the funds
currently in Qatar.
[[Page H6007]]
First, the Biden administration has made it abundantly clear that the
funds are going nowhere anytime soon. There are guardrails to ensure
that food and medicine and similar goods alone can be purchased. No
other transactions will be approved. Iran does not have access to this
money currently, nor will they in the future. They can only contract
with third-party suppliers to receive the goods. Those suppliers will
work with financial institutions to process the payments.
In other words, it is humanitarian aid or nothing at all.
My amendment emphasizes that we should support humanitarian aid for
the Iranian people. All of us can take issue with Iran's tyrannical
leaders, but we cannot penalize Iranian citizens who have been forced
to endure a harsh and repressive regime.
A threat to the Iranian people is a threat to all of us. As
Americans, we must uphold our responsibility as world leaders and stand
with the Iranian people.
Mr. Chair, I urge my colleagues to support my amendment and remember
that the duality of our great leadership is in our strength and our
compassion and not in further exacerbating any pain or oppression but
in ensuring that we stand as world leaders and support humanitarian aid
while continuing to fight the authoritarian regime.
Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.
{time} 1330
Mrs. CHERFILUS-McCORMICK. I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New
York, Ranking Member Meeks.
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chair, I strongly support this amendment.
The United States must stand for humanitarian aid and must stand for
helping the people of Iran, even while we condemn the Iranian governing
regime. The regime's medieval views on women's rights and religious
freedom and their depraved agenda of financing terrorists around the
region are separate from the people of Iran.
This amendment simply separates the government from the people, and I
encourage all of my colleagues to vote for this very good and
humanitarian amendment.
Mrs. CHERFILUS-McCORMICK. Mr. Chair, I close by encouraging all of my
colleagues to vote in support of this amendment, and I yield back the
balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentlewoman from Florida (Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment No. 3 Offered by Mr. Gottheimer
The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 3
printed in part C of House Report 118-280.
Mr. GOTTHEIMER. Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Page 1, line 10, strike ``130 people'' and insert ``at
least 230 people''.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 891, the gentleman
from New Jersey (Mr. Gottheimer) and a Member opposed each will control
5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New Jersey.
Mr. GOTTHEIMER. Mr. Chair, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chair, I rise today in support of my amendment to correct the
number of hostages that Hamas terrorists took when they attacked Israel
on October 7. It was the deadliest day for the Jewish people since the
Holocaust.
That day, Hamas terrorists brutally murdered, raped, burned alive,
and decapitated more than a thousand innocent babies, children, women,
men, and elderly, including dozens of Americans.
Let me be very clear: More than 230 people were abducted and taken
hostage by Hamas, a terrorist organization, including nearly a dozen
Americans. Again, Americans were killed. Americans remain hostage.
There are some people who equivocate about Hamas, a foreign terrorist
organization. There should be no equivocation. They are designated by
the United States of America as a foreign terrorist organization. They
are terrorists, and anybody who spent time looking at images of the
barbaric, heinous, and unthinkable acts that took place on October 7,
like I have, knows what Hamas is capable of. We will never unsee it. I
know the ranking member was there, as well, and has seen it.
We cannot forget that Hamas is an evil terrorist organization. Their
charter advocates jihad against the Jewish people and the destruction
of the Jewish state.
In the region, militarily, beyond their support for Hamas, Iran is
backing proxies that have attacked American troops in Iraq and Syria.
We have seen an uptick in skirmishes between Hezbollah and Israel near
the Lebanese border.
President Biden has been phenomenal with his resolve and unwavering
support for our key ally Israel, which is critical to America's
national security and the fight against terror and is the democracy in
the region.
The President has taken action in Syria in response to attacks by
Iranian-backed proxies on American personnel, regular attacks. We have
seen them in Syria. We have seen it in Iraq. We have seen it from the
Houthis.
The President understands that you have to actually hold terrorists
who commit atrocities against our country accountable, or they will
strike again and be stronger. Hamas terrorists, their leadership, have
even made it clear that they will not back down and are committed to
``a second, third, and fourth'' October 7 against Israel.
The President has continued to demonstrate strength, resolve, and
leadership to get hostages home. Thankfully, in recent days, groups of
hostages have been rescued, including 4 year old Abigail, an American
citizen.
As of today, there are still nearly 160 hostages, including
Americans. Forty American citizens were slaughtered by Hamas, and other
terrorists have been living in horrifying fear and uncertainty at the
hands of terrorists for more than 50 days. It blows my mind that this
isn't talked about every single day in our country that Americans
remain hostage.
Americans were killed and are still suffering in Gaza. May all their
memories be a blessing.
This should be the beginning and end of the argument of why we must
crush Hamas and stop Iranian-backed terrorist proxies. These terrorists
continue to attack Israel and American personnel around the globe.
The names and ages of the Americans still held hostage by the
terrorists in Gaza are as follows: Gad Haggai, 73 years old; Judith
Weinstein, 70 years old; Keith Samuel Siegel, 64 years old; Sagui
Dekel-Chen, 35 years old; Hersh Goldberg-Polin, 23 years old; Omer
Neutra, 22 years old; Itay Chen, 19 years old.
The eighth American still held hostage is 19-year-old Edan Alexander
from Tenafly, New Jersey, in my district. Here is Edan. He is a
wonderful, wonderful person. I have met with his family. They are
phenomenal.
After Edan graduated from Tenafly High School in 2022, he began
serving with the Israel Defense Forces. He grew up in northern New
Jersey, became a swimmer, and went to the prom. I have seen all the
photos.
Since day one, I have been in constant contact with the Alexander
family. Their unimaginable strength in the face of unfathomable pain
gives all of us hope. I don't know how they do it.
It is time to get our Americans and all of the hostages home. It is
in America's interest and critical to our national security to ensure
that October 7 can never and must never happen again. Our objectives
are clear: to stand by Israel, our key ally, the democracy in the
region, our partner in the fight against terror; to get all of the
Americans and all the hostages home; to crush the terrorists and
provide much-needed humanitarian aid to innocent Palestinian civilians
being used by Hamas as human shields.
Mr. Chair, you will notice that Hamas does not allow any of the
innocent Palestinians to go underground to be protected. There is no
protection for them. They use them as human shields. Israel must
eliminate every single terrorist responsible from Hamas for the
atrocities committed on October 7.
Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Gottheimer).
The amendment was agreed to.
[[Page H6008]]
Amendment No. 4 Offered by Mr. Norman
The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 4
printed in part C of House Report 118-280.
Mr. NORMAN. Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Page 4, line 6, after ``committees'' insert ``not later
than 45 days before the termination of such sanctions''.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 891, the gentleman
from South Carolina (Mr. Norman) and a Member opposed each will control
5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from South Carolina.
Mr. NORMAN. Mr. Chair, what my amendment does is allow a 45-day
waiting period between certification and removal of sanctions.
I heard my good friend, Mr. Gottheimer, mention how this
administration is the best friend Israel has. If that is the case, why
is he wanting to give $6 billion to Iran which is the sponsor of
terror? If he is so interested in protecting Americans, why does he
have our border wide open for people to come illegally from every
country around the world?
This amendment is in response to an administration that has done
anything but be on the side of Israel.
Mr. Chair, I applaud the work of Chairman McCaul and the Foreign
Affairs Committee for this commonsense legislation that effectively
freezes the $6 billion of Iranian funds by imposing immediate and
mandatory sanctions on financial institutions attempting to engage in
transactions with these funds.
Despite claims by the administration to the contrary, the $6 billion
handed over to Iran by the Biden administration--to the country that is
the leading sponsor of terror that has taken all of the hostages in
that he shows pictures of--this money is fungible and Iran is complicit
in the attacks launched on October 7 that killed close to 1,500
innocent people, some of which were at a music festival.
I wholeheartedly support this legislation. However, I have one
concern. Section 3 of this legislation contains language that allows
President Biden to terminate sanctions if the President simply
certifies in writing that Iran no longer provides support for terrorism
and has ceased the development of nuclear weapons.
This President simply will not do that. That is why he is letting the
money go.
As currently written, this legislation provides no opportunity for
Congress to exercise oversight. The President can simply terminate
sanctions if he thinks Iran meets certain requirements.
In September 2023, the Biden administration waived sanctions to allow
the $6 billion in Iranian funds in South Korean banks to be transferred
to banks in Qatar in exchange for the release of five hostages.
No matter what the Biden administration says, money is fungible. This
deal gave Iran access to more money to fund its terrorist activities,
including support for regional proxies like Hamas and Hezbollah.
Just 1 month after this deal, Hamas launched its brutal attack on
Israel, killing innocent civilians and taking dozens of hostages. We
have seen what happens when we give too much authority to this
executive branch. Their actions speak louder than their words. I don't
want this to happen again.
This is why my amendment would require a 45-day waiting period
between Presidential certification and removal of sanctions to provide
an opportunity for congressional oversight. The President shouldn't be
doing this anyway. To not have a 45-day waiting period to try to
correct and let Congress deal with what his actions are is
incomprehensible to me.
Mr. Chair, in closing, let me say I named some things that this
President is doing. The purpose of my amendment is because of the $6
billion that is going to the leading sponsor of terror that the Biden
administration is okaying.
I will add another thing that has not been widely publicized. We have
a sitting Member of Congress, Cory Mills, from Florida, who had to
charter his own airplane to rescue hostages. When he contacted the
Biden administration for support, they gave him no support. The Biden
administration gave no support to rescue the hostages. The pictures
were shown by my good friend, Josh Gottheimer. This is a wayward
administration that is lawless.
This amendment simply builds in additional time for Congress to
conduct proper oversight of executive branch certifications. We should
not continue to further delegate legislative authority derived from
Article I of the Constitution to the executive branch.
Mr. Chair, I urge my colleagues to support my amendment, and I yield
back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Norman).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment No. 5 Offered by Mr. Ogles
The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 5
printed in part C of House Report 118-280.
Mr. OGLES. Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Add at the end the following:
SEC. _. SENSE OF CONGRESS.
It is the sense of Congress that all United States allies
in the Middle East should publicly and unequivocally condemn
the antisemitism displayed by Iranian-backed terrorist
groups, including Hamas.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 891, the gentleman
from Tennessee (Mr. Ogles) and a Member opposed each will control 5
minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Tennessee.
Mr. OGLES. Mr. Chair, the unprovoked assault on Israel on October 7
shocked millions around the world and demonstrated the unrelenting
brutality of Hamas.
While many countries around the world supported Israel as it
confronted this single deadliest day for the Jews since the Holocaust,
many did not. Many of the countries that pointedly refused to condemn
Hamas are located in the Middle East.
Mr. Chairman, my amendment expresses a sense of Congress that all
U.S. allies in the Middle East should publicly and unequivocally
condemn the anti-Semitism displayed by the Iranian-backed terror
groups, including Hamas.
Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.
{time} 1345
Mr. Chairman, Kuwait, a country that American soldiers liberated from
Saddam Hussein, expressed its grave concern and blamed Israel for the
blatant attacks. Kuwait further urged the international community to
stop the provocative practices by the occupation.
Talk about victim blaming, Mr. Chairman, especially when the guilty
party, Hamas, has proudly taken responsibility for attacking and raping
Jewish civilians.
Lebanon, a country which at this point is effectively controlled by
the terrorist group Hezbollah, congratulated the resisting Palestinian
people. Hezbollah hailed Hamas for its large-scale heroic operation, an
operation that saw an 8-year-old girl have her hands cut off and then
being left to bleed to death.
Tunisia declared its full and unconditional solidarity with the
Palestinian people following Hamas' brutality on October 7, an attack
that saw a pregnant woman have her mouth duct-taped and her baby cut
out of her stomach. In no uncertain terms, the country, a listed major
non-NATO ally, maintained their position to fully stand by the
Palestinian people until they recover their entire land.
Qatar, a country whose state-controlled media outlet, Al Jazeera,
which should also be known as the Qatari news network, is the
mouthpiece of Hamas terrorists and blamed Israel for being solely
responsible for the ongoing escalation and stressed their unwavering
stance on the justice of the Palestinian cause and for the
international community to compel Israel to cease its blatant violation
of international law. These attacks saw women bound, gang-raped, and
then murdered, attacks that saw a baby put in an oven and baked alive,
the father's eyes gouged out and the mother raped.
[[Page H6009]]
On November 1, the Kingdom of Jordan, a country which was given well
over half a billion in taxpayer dollars in this last year's omnibus,
recalled its Ambassador to Israel.
Other countries, including Oman, Turkiye, and Egypt, choose to
equivocate instead of condemning Hamas.
Wherever you are on the political spectrum, the attack was inhumane.
It was brutal. It was blatant, and those culpable should be punished.
The international community, including many of the Arab states that I
have mentioned, should join with the international community in
condemning Hamas and should speak for the innocent.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Ogles).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the ayes
appeared to have it.
Mr. OGLES. Mr. Chair, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Tennessee
will be postponed.
Amendment No. 6 Offered by Mr. Ogles
The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 6
printed in part C of House Report 118-280.
Mr. OGLES. Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Add at the end the following:
SEC. _. PROHIBITION ON FUNDS.
No federal funds may be used to make any funds (as such
term is defined in section 2339C(e)(1) of title 18, United
States Code) available to Iran.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 891, the gentleman
from Tennessee (Mr. Ogles) and a Member opposed each will control 5
minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Tennessee.
Mr. OGLES. Mr. Chairman, most Americans would be surprised and
disgusted to learn that Iran has been given approximately $50 billion
in a sanctions relief package by the Biden administration.
More to the point, it was done in exchange for a promise from Iran
that they wouldn't produce weapons-grade uranium. That is it. That is
all we apparently got.
Think about the implications of this deal. The Ayatollah, who
embraces chants of ``Death to America'' and ``Death to Israel,'' can
produce even more deadly long-range missiles, but that is fine by Joe
Biden. How about highly enriched uranium? Somewhere in Foggy Bottom,
Antony Blinken is nodding his head: Sure, why not?
The Ayatollah can put his country on the cusp of the nuclear
threshold and hold it over us as a constant threat. He can continue to
pocket billions of taxpayer dollars made available by the so-called
adults in charge at our State Department.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chairman, I claim the time in opposition to this
amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from New York is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chairman, this amendment is counterproductive. The
House has voted in a bipartisan manner to support general licenses to
Iran to allow open internet access to the protesters against the regime
of Iran. That could violate this vaguely drafted amendment. In the
recent past, the United States has spent very small sums of money to
promote civil society and democratic ideals in Iran, and that could
violate this amendment.
This amendment, I believe, with all due respect, is carelessly
drafted and unvetted. Therefore, I must oppose it.
Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. OGLES. Mr. Chair, civil. On October 7, Iran sponsored the murder,
rape, and torture of innocent civilians.
Civil. I do not trust Iran with nuclear material.
Civil. They raped little girls.
Civil. I should think not.
This is a no-brainer, Mr. Chairman. This administration--whether due
to side deals, incompetence, or just selling out America--is bringing
the world's most grievous, grotesque sponsor of state terrorism closer
to nuclear capabilities.
Mr. Chairman, I am from the South. You can put lipstick on a pig, but
it is still a pig.
Iran should be punished for what happened in Israel. Hamas should be
driven into the sea. Respectfully to my colleague, we should take
extraordinary measures to send a message to the world that this will
never happen again.
Iran must pay and pay dearly. This is but a first step.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. OGLES. Mr. Chairman, the world is in a precarious place. We see
the CCP making moves in the Pacific against Taiwan. Russia has made a
move against Ukraine. Iranian-backed terrorists killed innocent
civilians.
There should be no relief for Iran. There should be no sanctions
relief for Iran, for they are not civil. They do not belong at a seat
at the table with the rest of the world. They need to be driven into
the stone age, where they belong and how they behave.
Mr. Chairman, I urge adoption of my amendment, and I yield back the
balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Ogles).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the ayes
appeared to have it.
Mr. OGLES. Mr. Chair, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Tennessee
will be postponed.
Amendment No. 7 Offered by Mr. Ogles
The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 7
printed in part C of House Report 118-280.
Mr. OGLES. Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Add at the end the following:
SEC. 5. SENSE OF CONGRESS ON QATAR.
It is the sense of Congress that the Government of Qatar
should publicly condemn Hamas, turn Hamas leadership over the
United States or Israeli control, and pledge never to
facilitate the transfer of any covered Iranian funds to Iran
or any agency or instrumentality of Iran.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 891, the gentleman
from Tennessee (Mr. Ogles) and a Member opposed each will control 5
minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Tennessee.
Mr. OGLES. Mr. Chairman, while Hamas terrorists were brutalizing
Israeli citizens, Hamas' top leadership was celebrating from a
penthouse in Doha.
Qatar claims to be our ally. They want to hold a special place with
the United States. We have a forward operating base there.
While they are claiming to be our friend, they are literally housing,
aiding, and abetting terrorists from Hamas, roughly a dozen who are
worth billions, flying on private jets, drinking champagne, and
partying while Israeli citizens are being slaughtered.
Qatar has the opportunity to stand with the United States, stand with
the innocent people of Israel who were murdered.
This sense of Congress simply urges that Qatar should condemn Hamas,
turn over Hamas leadership to U.S. and Israeli custody, and pledge
never to facilitate the transfer of covered Iranian funds to Iran.
Mr. Chairman, there is a direct link between the money that was wired
to Doha and terrorism. Iran has said they will use the money however
they see fit. It is time for our allies or so-called allies to be our
allies.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chairman, I claim the time in opposition to this
amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from New York is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chairman, this amendment targets Qatar, the most
[[Page H6010]]
important partner of the United States in freeing Americans and
Israelis held hostage by Hamas.
Passage of this amendment and, in my opinion, this overall bill would
jeopardize sensitive, ongoing diplomacy related to the hostage crisis
in Gaza and further endanger Americans and Israelis in harm's way.
Israel's National Security Adviser publicly praised Qatar's role as
crucial to ongoing efforts to facilitate humanitarian solutions.
Furthermore, it was reported in late October that Qatar's Emir told
Secretary of State Blinken that his government was open to
reconsidering the presence of Hamas in Qatar once the hostage crisis is
resolved.
I agree that Hamas' continued presence in Qatar and Turkiye is
problematic. These terrorist leaders are living a life of luxury while
their people suffer in Gaza. They should be held accountable, but this
is not the way to go about it.
Let's free our hostages. Then, we can talk and work with Qatar to
hold Hamas' leadership in Doha accountable.
This amendment is simply grandstanding and not the best way to deal
with this issue, and certainly, it is being offered at the worst
possible time.
{time} 1400
Diplomacy is very important. If we challenge or damage these
diplomatic channels, it further endangers Americans.
We can't pass this legislation. We should not pass this legislation.
I ask my colleagues to please join me in voting ``no'' on this
amendment. We shouldn't even need the bill.
Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. OGLES. Mr. Chairman, a thief that robs your house, then 2 days
later mows your lawn, is still a thief. A country that houses
terrorists is still an accomplice. It is a fact.
While they are giving over or assisting with the release of the
hostages, they have the opportunity to give over the Hamas leaders who
planned and orchestrated the attack, but will they do it? Of course
not, because they are guilty.
Qatar reportedly gives Hamas between $360 million and $480 million
per year. To my friend, I wonder how many of those dollars from Qatar
given to Hamas bought bullets, bought antitank mines, paid for the
training of the soldiers that raped children.
I wonder how many of those millions of dollars built the training
camps in Gaza. When the militants, the terrorists went in, they were
well armed. They were well trained. I wonder how many of the millions
of dollars Qatar gave Hamas to pay for that. Al Jazeera, the terrorist
news network, has praised the attack. It is controlled by Qatar.
If my child or children that I love stick their hand in the cookie
jar, just because I love them doesn't mean that they will escape
punishment.
Qatar may claim to be our friend, but they just got caught with their
hand in the cookie jar, and perhaps they should be punished.
Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chair, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas
(Mr. Gooden).
Mr. GOODEN of Texas. Mr. Chair, I appreciate the spirit of this
amendment. I appreciate my colleague. I appreciate this bill, which I
am supporting. I agree that Hamas is a terrorist organization, and I
want nothing more than for them to be taken down.
What I have not heard from my colleague within my party is all the
good that has happened thanks to Qatar's efforts in the last few weeks.
There is a whole lot of bad to talk about, but I didn't hear anything
about the hostage negotiations that would not be happening without the
people of Qatar, without the leadership there. I thank the Qatari
leadership for helping us get those hostages out.
A couple weeks ago, I had a family member of a 12-year-old boy in my
office that said, Congressman, will you do anything you can? We are
trying to get these hostages out. The people of Israel want them out,
and we are not making any progress. What can you do?
You know what I did? I went down to the Qatari Embassy. I sent
someone down and said, I want to speak to you guys. We need some
action. We need more efforts. We need more results.
In the last week, what we have seen are hostages coming out of the
Gaza strip.
Now, there are those that say we shouldn't negotiate with terrorists.
The people of Israel--and I defer to the Israelis on this matter
because they are the ones living among these folks. They are saying
they want these hostages back. They are saying they want to work with
the Qataris in bringing them back. They have thanked them for their
efforts.
The other thing I haven't heard from my colleague within my party--
and frankly, I am disappointed some of my colleagues within my party
have not spoken up against this amendment in particular--is about the
great, fantastic United States Air Force base that we have in Qatar.
If they are such accomplices to terror, if they are such bad folks
over there running the Qatari Government, why do we have an Air Force
base there?
This amendment is badly timed.
I agree with the concepts in this amendment. I agree that I would
love everyone on Earth to condemn Hamas.
This amendment right now does not help us achieve our goal, and that
is to bring these hostages back. That is what our friends in Israel
want. They want these hostages back.
If you don't want these hostages back, if you don't want a United
States Air Force presence over in the Middle East, then go ahead and
vote for this amendment.
What you are saying to the Qataris is we want you to cease efforts.
We want you to turn over whoever it is that you have that you are
negotiating with.
By the way, the American Government, we are the ones that asked them
to keep this channel open with Hamas. We are the ones, the United
States, that said Hamas needs to be close and able to be accessible.
The Acting CHAIR. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chair, I yield an additional 1 minute to the gentleman
from Texas.
Mr. GOODEN of Texas. Mr. Chair, I ask colleagues and staffers that
are watching this amendment debate back in the office to go back to
your boss, especially if you are Republican, and say, you know what? We
have a Member from our own party saying this is a bad idea because we
have hostage negotiations that are happening right now that will not be
helped if this amendment is passed.
Everyone in this Chamber knows this amendment is going nowhere if it
gets on the bill, but that doesn't matter.
The concept of giving the middle finger to the one group in the
Middle East that is actually helping us achieve some hostage releases,
and that is the Qataris, I think is a bad policy, and I urge opposition
to this amendment.
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chair, I am prepared to close, and I reserve the
balance of my time.
Mr. OGLES. Mr. Chair, with respect to Qatar's recent activities on
the world stage, I will just say this: Qatar should not get a pass
whenever it decides to stop playing law breaker in order to start
playing first responder.
I think it is a misnomer to think that without Qatar, that somehow
negotiations wouldn't take place. The reality of the situation on the
ground is the reason why Hamas is negotiating, because Israel is
kicking their butt and is going to continue to do so. These
negotiations would happen with or without Qatar.
Qatar benefits from our Air Force base there.
If my colleague from my own party thinks giving money to Qatar so
that Hamas can rape little girls, then that is his choice, not mine.
You can't pretend to be our friend when you are funding an
organization that attacks and brutalizes innocent civilians. You can't
have it both ways. It just doesn't work that way. You can't have your
network praising the attacks.
Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chair, I will just simply say, very briefly, when you
hear from Israel, its leaders, Israel's national security advisor
publicly praising Qatar's role as crucial, and when I visited Israel
and talked to the head of their defense, talked to Prime Minister
[[Page H6011]]
Netanyahu, all said that Qatar was crucial to this negotiation.
Let's not do this. It is the wrong time.
Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR (Mr. Moolenaar). The question is on the amendment
offered by the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Ogles).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment No. 8 Offered by Mr. Ogles
The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 8
printed in part C of House Report 118-280.
Mr. OGLES. Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Add at the end the following:
SEC. _. SENSE OF CONGRESS ON THE HOUTHIS.
It is the sense of Congress that the Houthis, an Iran-
backed terrorist group which has hijacked a Japanese-operated
cargo ship, kidnapped and tortured United States citizens,
and supports Hamas' ongoing war against Israel, continues to
benefit from the Biden Administration's failure to
unequivocally condemn it.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 891, the gentleman
from Tennessee (Mr. Ogles) and a Member opposed each will control 5
minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Tennessee.
Mr. OGLES. Mr. Chairman, if I were to describe to you a group that
has just seized a cargo ship and what Israel has since referred to as
an Iranian act of terrorism, you might come to the conclusion that
perpetrators can't distinguish between civilians and military targets.
If I were to also tell you that the same group just earlier this week
shot two ballistic missiles at a U.S. warship, you might come to the
conclusion that these perpetrators are the enemies of the United
States.
Finally, if I told you that this group is guilty of kidnapping and
torturing U.S. citizens, you might come to the conclusion that we need
to wipe these people off the face of the Earth.
You might think that the Biden administration would agree, but
apparently it does not, and that is to the detriment of our national
security.
This is a sense of Congress that the Houthis continue to benefit from
the Biden administration's unwillingness to unequivocally condemn.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chair, I rise to claim the time in opposition.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from New York is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chair, this amendment is needless and simply not
rooted in fact. The sponsor bases his claims for this amendment on the
assertion that the administration has not condemned Houthi militants
for their violent actions and continued destabilizing behavior. This
simply is not accurate.
The Biden administration has repeatedly called out the violence of
Houthi militants that they have perpetuated against civilians,
including recent missile launches toward Israel, as well as our Gulf
partners.
In fact, as recently as this past Tuesday, November 28, the State
Department called out the violence of Iranian proxies across the region
as well, and especially called on the Houthis to immediately cease
attacks.
The United States led other G-7 nations in this public effort, which
follows other similar statements. These statements include the State
Department's condemnation of Houthi militants seizing the cargo ship
Galaxy Leader on November 20.
Spokesperson Matt Miller called such actions flagrant violations of
international law and demanded the immediate release of the ship and
its crew.
The administration made similar statements earlier this year and
last, calling out Houthi abuses against Yemeni civilians, missile
launches against Gulf partners, and more.
I, along with many of my colleagues, have and will continue to call
out abuses, escalatory actions, and violence throughout the region,
just as the administration has.
This amendment is an unnecessary and ill-conceived attempt to
misrepresent the facts, so I must oppose it, and I encourage all of my
colleagues to do so as well.
Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. OGLES. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Louisiana (Mr. Scalise).
Mr. SCALISE. Mr. Chairman, I thank my colleague for yielding. I
support his amendment, and I support the underlying bill.
Mr. Chairman, if you look at this piece of legislation, both the bill
and the underlying amendment, if you go back to when this $6 billion
swap for $6 billion in cash was initially negotiated earlier this year,
many could argue, me included, that it was an ill-advised negotiation
back then, and this was prior to the invasion of Israel by Hamas.
I think it is important to understand the context. Everybody in the
world knows that Iran is the world's largest state sponsor of
terrorism, including funding Hamas.
The idea that you can just take Hamas and keep it separate from Iran
has always been a farce. Iran funds Hamas, and everybody knows it.
The idea that you would be negotiating in August or September to help
Iran get $6 billion boggles the mind prior to the invasion and attacks
on Israel. After the attacks, the administration should be joining us
in supporting this bill.
{time} 1415
The administration should be standing there saying: We are not giving
them the money anymore.
Who is the money going to? The President of Iran has already told you
what he is going to do with the $6 billion.
You have the Biden administration saying, don't worry, it is all
about humanitarian aid. The problem is that the people that are getting
the $6 billion aren't saying that.
Mr. Chairman, the President of Iran himself went on TV, 60 Minutes,
and said: This money belongs to the Islamic Republic of Iran. And
naturally, we will decide, the Islamic Republic of Iran will decide, to
spend it wherever we need it.
They can give it to Hamas tomorrow if they got this money, and the
President of Iran said so.
I don't care what John Kerry says when he flies around over there, or
what Joe Biden might even say. Once the President of Iran gets the $6
billion, it is his money, and he said he is going to do whatever he
wants with it.
Why would we give it to him today? We shouldn't have even thought
about giving it to him prior to the attacks by Hamas in October. We
surely shouldn't be thinking about it today.
Thank goodness in this House we are going to take a vote, and we are
going to pass this bill. Hopefully, it is an overwhelming bipartisan
vote to send it to the Senate and help wake up our Senate friends to
say that this is a position that we should be vocal on, as they still
haven't figured out what to do with funding for Iran.
We passed a bipartisan bill to help Israel get the funding that they
need to push back on the attacks, to go get more hostages, as we are
seeing.
We are hearing senators talking about a permanent cease-fire, or more
conditions. We ought to be all coming together to support Israel on
whatever tools they need.
This House has been vocal in a pretty bipartisan way almost every
step of the way to do that. Today can be another one of those moments
where we don't just stand up to Hamas, but we stand up to the group who
funds Hamas, as well.
Everybody knows who funds Hamas. It is Iran; $6 billion going to the
President, who said he is going to take the money for whatever purposes
he wants.
They shouldn't get the money. Let's keep it.
Let's continue to support our great ally in that region at the time
they need it the most. We will be there with Israel every step of the
way, with all the tools they need to be successful at destroying this
terrorist organization, Hamas, and anybody else who wants to join with
them in helping embolden terrorism against the Jews, against the anti-
Semitism we see growing not just in the Middle East, but here in this
country as well.
We all ought to be vocal with one united voice against it. It is
wrong. Let's stand with Israel. Let's stand with our friends, and let's
stand against anybody who wants to support terrorism around the world.
[[Page H6012]]
Let's pass this amendment, let's pass the bill, and let's get the
Senate to put this bill on the President's desk.
Mr. OGLES. Mr. Chair, I urge adoption of my amendment, and I yield
back the balance of my time.
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chairman, let me just say this.
Joe Biden has been one of the staunchest Israel supporters of any
President of the United States.
You are going to take the word of the Ayatollah over the word of the
President of the United States?
The President of the United States has said not a penny will get to
the Ayatollah, but yet you want to take the side or believe in that
brutal authoritarian dictator.
I think that the American people know better than that. I think that
the American people understand better than that. I think that the
American people can look at the facts and see what side Joe Biden is
on, as he talks on a regular basis with the leadership of Israel,
almost every day since October 7.
I wouldn't trust or believe anything that the Ayatollah says, but I
do believe in Joe Biden.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Ogles).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the ayes
appeared to have it.
Mr. OGLES. Mr. Chair, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Texas will
be postponed.
Amendment No. 9 Offered by Mr. Pfluger
The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 9
printed in part C of House Report 118-280.
Mr. PFLUGER. Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Redesignate section 4 as section 5.
Insert after section 3 the following:
SEC. 4. LIMITATION OF APPLICABILITY OF CERTAIN LICENSES.
(a) In General.--Notwithstanding any other provision of
law, on and after the date of the enactment of this Act, the
President may not--
(1) exercise the waiver authority described in section
1245(d)(5) of the National Defense Authorization Act for
Fiscal Year 2012 and sections 1244(i) and 1247(f) of the Iran
Freedom and Counter-Proliferation Act of 2012 permitting the
Government of Iran or any Iranian person access to any
account established or maintained pursuant to or in
accordance with section 1245(d)(4)(D)(ii)(II) of the National
Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2012; or
(2) issue a general or specific license, frequently asked
question, or any other licensing action or guidance
permitting the Government of Iran or any Iranian person
access to or to benefit directly or indirectly from any
account established pursuant to or in accordance with any
account described in 1245(d)(4)(D)(ii)(II) of the National
Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2012.
(b) Importation of Goods.--
(1) In general.--The exercise of the authorities and
requirements under paragraph (1) or (2) of subsection (a)--
(A) shall not include the authority or requirement to
impose sanctions on the importation of goods; and
(B) shall not apply to any procurement sanctions.
(2) Good defined.--In this subsection, the term ``good''
means any article, natural or manmade substance, material,
supply or manufactured product, including inspection and test
equipment, and excluding technical data.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 891, the gentleman
from Texas (Mr. Pfluger) and a Member opposed each will control 5
minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Texas.
Mr. PFLUGER. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
On October 7, the world watched in horror as Hamas brutally attacked
innocent civilians inside Israel, and I am glad to see that we have
bipartisan agreement on standing with Israel, standing firm against
Hamas.
However, I have major concerns when it comes Iran. Iran, the world's
largest state sponsor of terror globally, use fanaticism and extremism
to stoke instability in the Middle East to expand their influence and
threaten the existence of Israel and to threaten the United States. So
far dozens and dozens of attacks since October 7 have been carried out
at the behest of Iranian proxies in the Middle East toward U.S. troops.
The only currency that is recognized by the Iranian regime is
strength, something that the administration has not shown.
This attack, and Israel's valid defense of its sovereignty in the
wake of this barbaric invasion, is a wake-up call to the threats Iran-
backed terrorist groups pose, not just to the Middle East but also to
the rest of the world. This is a watershed moment and it demands a
resolute response.
The United States must increase pressure on the Iranian regime by
denying it the access to the funds abroad. Deterrence is the name of
the game.
In August and September of 2023, the Biden administration facilitated
Tehran's access to $6 billion in oil revenues, sanctions that had
previously been placed on Iran as a signal of strength, waivers that
had been moved by the Biden administration.
As currently written, in H.R. 5961 the only thing that is being
frozen is the $6 billion of Iranian funds currently in Qatar. It does
not freeze other Iranian-sanctioned funds, such as the sanctions waiver
announced by the Biden administration last week which would allow Iraq
to send $10 billion to Iran.
The Founders intended us to have a system of checks and balances, and
that is exactly what my amendment would do.
My amendment would freeze all Iranian-sanctioned funds, not just the
$6 billion in Qatar. Additionally, it would prohibit the President from
using any sort of waiver authority, including licenses, guidance, or
FAQs to lift the sanctions.
As we have seen, we cannot trust this administration to hold fast, to
have a strong deterrent policy, and to send the Iranian regime a strong
signal.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chairman, I claim the time in opposition to this
amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New York
for 5 minutes.
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chairman, this amendment would be counterproductive to
America's interest.
No President, whether he be Democratic or Republican, has used this
waiver for anything but the most pressing reasons.
Rescinding this waiver would likely prevent the administration from
waiving sanctions that allow Iraq to pay for electricity imports from
Iran. Without this waiver, Iraq likely will be unable to import
electricity from Iran, leading to electricity outages and instability
across Iraq.
We have seen what instability in Iraq looks like over the past
decade: the decay of central governance, the rise of ISIS, and a
growing terrorist ideology that struck America and Europe in numerous
deadly attacks.
America has many interests in the Middle East, and this waiver is
important for ensuring that this administration or any future
administration has the flexibility it needs to promote American
interests.
It is important for the Presidents, this one and those in the future,
to have that flexibility. Thereby, I oppose my good friend from Texas'
amendment.
Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. PFLUGER. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Georgia (Mr. Clyde), my good friend.
Mr. CLYDE. Mr. Chair, I rise today in strong support of this
amendment offered by my colleague from Texas, Representative Pfluger.
It will strengthen H.R. 5961 by unequivocally blocking sanctioned
Iranian funds from potentially being unfrozen and keeping these dollars
out of the hands of the world's leading state sponsor of terror.
This amendment will close troubling loopholes that allow President
Biden to abuse waiver or license authorities to release billions in
frozen Iranian assets.
Enough is enough. We cannot continue policies that enrich Iran,
embolden terrorists like Hamas, and put American troops in harm's way.
Representative Pfluger's amendment also aligns with and reaffirms the
goal of my bill, the Standing Against
[[Page H6013]]
Houthi Aggression Act, because the Houthis are also proxy terrorists
for Iran.
His amendment prevents Iranian funds from being used against our
national security interests and limits President Biden's ability to
circumvent Congressional oversight.
Mr. Chair, I applaud Representative Pfluger for his work on this
critical amendment, and as a cosponsor of it, I urge all Members to
support it.
We must stand united in stopping Iran from financing terrorists and
in protecting American troops and allies abroad.
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. PFLUGER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Iowa
(Mr. Nunn), my good friend and fellow Air Force veteran.
Mr. NUNN of Iowa. Mr. Chair, I begin by thanking a fellow combat
veteran for leading this effort to hold the terrorist group Hamas
accountable by cutting off its number one funding source, that coming
from Iran. This extends to Hezbollah, it extends to the IRGC, and
it extends to Houthi rebels throughout the region.
In the last week alone, we have seen attack after attack threatening
American forces, including those of our friends still serving in
uniform today.
The effort that I am proud to co-lead with Congressman Pfluger
highlights revoking Iran's funding act, an effort that the
administration has taken a first step on--without a firm plan by
Congress to prevent this waiver from going forward--which has time and
time again been exploited by the President of Iran.
The $20 billion that came out of the Turk Bank, the funding,
illicitly, of money coming through on this side for frozen assets needs
to be stopped.
Congress must act. I applaud my friend for leading this charge, and I
am proud to cosponsor it going forward.
Mr. Chair, I urge the support of the entire body.
Mr. PFLUGER. Mr. Chair, may I inquire how much time I have remaining?
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from Texas has 30 seconds remaining.
Mr. PFLUGER. Mr. Chair, the failed strategy of appeasement has not
worked. Deterrence is what is needed.
President Biden must reverse course on his policy toward Iran to stop
terrorism from impacting us here. The system is blinking red.
My amendment strengthens this bill. It puts deterrence at the
forefront of the global stage. It restricts any money from going to
Iran that they would use to foment terrorism and chaos throughout not
only the Middle East but also here in our home.
Mr. Chair, our Homeland Security depends on this amendment and
depends on passage of this bill. I urge all of my colleagues across the
aisle here on the Republican side to support this amendment and to pass
this bill.
Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Pfluger).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the ayes
appeared to have it.
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chair, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Texas will
be postponed.
Amendment No. 10 Offered by Ms. Porter
The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 10
printed in part C of House Report 118-280.
Ms. PORTER. Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Add at the end the following:
SEC. _. REPORT ON POLICY RELATING TO HUMAN RIGHTS, NUCLEAR
PROLIFERATION, BALLISTIC MISSILES, AND REGIONAL
TERRORISM IN IRAN.
Not later than 120 days after the date of the enactment of
this Act, the President shall submit to Congress a report
(which may contain a classified annex) outlining the policy
of the United States with respect to human rights, nuclear
proliferation, the ballistic missile program, and regional
terrorism in Iran.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 891, the gentlewoman
from California (Ms. Porter) and a Member opposed each will control 5
minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from California.
Ms. PORTER. Mr. Chair, the Iranian regime is a danger to
international security and democratic order everywhere.
The regime has funded terrorism across the Middle East for years,
enabling groups like Hamas to attack Israel and commit other
atrocities. The Iranian regime doesn't stop with supporting regional
terrorism. It commits its own atrocities, consistently and brutally
cracking down on its own citizens fighting for basic freedoms.
{time} 1430
If all that weren't enough, the Iran regime further refuses to
abandon its pursuit of nuclear weapons, putting the world at risk.
Challenges like these require Congress to make policy that meets the
moment, but we can only do that if Members of Congress and the people
we represent can do oversight and fully understand our administration's
policy toward Iran.
Americans will benefit from more information on how our Nation is
approaching preventing Iran from developing a nuclear weapon and ending
Iran's support for terrorist networks. Congress will also benefit from
this information so that we can better legislate on Iran, consistent
with the security interests and values of the United States.
Under President Obama's administration, the United States Government
issued periodic reports on its evolving policy in Syria. This set a
model for the executive branch sharing information with lawmakers and
the public regarding United States foreign policy toward countries of
concern.
In Congress, we know that the details of our Nation's Iran policy are
complex and fluid, but precedent exists for our administration to
provide a more complete window into its foreign policy objectives in
specific countries.
This bipartisan amendment would commission a detailed report on
United States policy with regard to Iran with regard to human rights,
nuclear proliferation, the ballistic missile program, and regional
terrorism.
We don't need talking heads force-feeding us conclusions about this
administration's Iran policy. Let's get an oversight report about what
that policy is and let everyone draw their own conclusions. Then,
lawmakers on both sides of the aisle can better make policy that
addresses the challenges we face operating from a shared platform of
information.
Mr. Chair, let's trust the American people and each other with
information. I urge my colleagues to support this bipartisan amendment,
and I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentlewoman from California (Ms. Porter).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the ayes
appeared to have it.
Ms. PORTER. Mr. Chair, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from California
will be postponed.
Amendment No. 11 Offered by Ms. Porter
The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 11
printed in part C of House Report 118-280.
Ms. PORTER. Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Add at the end the following:
SEC. _. REPORT ON IRANIAN INTERNET CENSORSHIP.
(a) In General.--The Secretary of the Treasury and the
Secretary of State shall jointly submit to Congress a report
regarding Iranian internet censorship and applicable United
States licensing requirements. Such report shall include the
following:
(1) An assessment of the Iranian Government's ability to
impose internet shutdowns, censor the internet, and track
Iranian dissidents, labor organizers, political activists, or
human rights defenders inside Iran through targeted digital
surveillance or other digital means.
(2) An assessment of the impact of General License D-2,
issued on September 23, 2022, on
[[Page H6014]]
the availability of private communications tools inside Iran,
including encryption tools to assist the people of Iran in
circumventing targeted digital surveillance by the Iranian
Government.
(3) A determination of whether additional updates to
General License D-2 or other licenses are needed to keep up
with the pace of technology and ensure that United States
restrictions do not unintentionally inhibit the flow of vital
communication tools to the people of Iran, including cloud
technology, hardware, software, and services incident to
personal communications, including set-top boxes (STB),
satellites, and web developer tools.
(4) A strategy to ensure that resources are available for
digital rights experts to study Iran's online repression and
identify opportunities to counter it.
(5) A strategy to prevent the Government of Iran from
acquiring or developing tools that could be exploited against
activists, including facial recognition software.
(b) Form.--The report required pursuant to subsection (a)
shall be submitted in unclassified form but may include a
classified annex if such annex is provided separately from
such unclassified version.
(c) Definition.--In this section, the term ``targeted
digital surveillance'' means the use of items or services
that enable an individual or entity (with or without the
knowing authorization of the product's owner) to detect,
monitor, intercept, collect, exploit, preserve, protect,
transmit, retain, or otherwise gain access to the
communications, sensitive or protected information, work
product, browsing data, research, identifying information,
location history, or online or offline activities of other
individuals, organizations, or entities.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 891, the gentlewoman
from California (Ms. Porter) and a Member opposed each will control 5
minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from California.
Ms. PORTER. Mr. Chair, in Iran, we see a familiar pattern. Iranians
are standing up, demanding change for themselves, their families, and
their country. Then, the Iranian regime cracks down, arresting
protesters and journalists and unleashing violence against its own
people. Instead of giving its people the freedoms they seek, the regime
limits freedoms, including restricting internet access.
For authoritarian governments like the Iranian regime, restricting
internet access couldn't be more crucial as a tool in repressing their
own citizens. The internet is a portal to information about human
rights, democratic order, economic prosperity, and thriving civil
society. These things support freedom, and freedom is exactly the
opposite of what the Iranian regime wants.
To give Iranians a better future, we need to support them in having
real access to the internet, and that means the internet without
censorship, without digital surveillance, and without online
repression. My amendment will help us do that.
First, the amendment will require an assessment of the ways the
Iranian Government shuts down, censors, and weaponizes the internet.
Then, it will commission an assessment of whether United States policy
is currently best supporting the flow of communication tools to the
Iranian people.
Finally, it will require the United States to develop strategies to
counter Iran's online repression and prevent the Iranian regime from
using tools of digital repression.
Iranians have struggled for decades against threats to their basic
freedoms. The more the Iranian people have tools like real internet
access, the better position they will be in to fight the repression of
the Iranian regime. That is why Members on both sides of the aisle who
care deeply about creating a better future for the Iranian people have
supported and collaborated with me on this amendment.
Mr. Chair, I urge all of my colleagues to support this amendment, and
I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentlewoman from California (Ms. Porter).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment No. 12 Offered by Mr. Jackson of Illinois
The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 12
printed in part C of House Report 118-280.
Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Add at the end the following:
SEC. 5. SUNSET.
This Act shall terminate on the date that is 5 years after
the date of the enactment of this Act.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 891, the gentleman
from Illinois (Mr. Jackson) and a Member opposed each will control 5
minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Illinois.
Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Chair, I rise today to speak on my
amendment, amendment No. 12 to H.R. 5961, the No Funds for Iranian
Terrorism Act.
My amendment is simple. It adds a 5-year sunset provision. My
amendment is in line with the majority leader's floor protocols for the
118th Congress. Specifically, the majority leader's floor protocols on
legislation call for sunset requirements to advance the policies
``originally outlined in the Pledge to America to adopt a requirement
that programs end or `sunset' by a date certain.'' That should include
new sanction authorities, as well.
It is important for Congress to maintain its Article I powers over
foreign policy, and it does that by including a sunset provision. If we
are going to be consistent with the floor protocols that the majority
has established for new programs, if we want to reclaim our Article I
powers, this act should not go into force without a sunset provision.
Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. SELF. Mr. Chair, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from Texas is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. SELF. Mr. Chair, this bill already contains behavior-based
termination criteria for the sanctions described. Our sanctions on Iran
should not disappear on an arbitrary date. Our sanctions need to remain
in place until Iran stops threatening the United States, as already
described in the bill.
Iran has been a state sponsor of terrorism for over 40 years under, I
might add, the same terrorist administration in Iran. If we put a 5-
year sunset on this bill, Iran and its terrorist proxies will think
they can just wait us out.
After October 7, it became clear that we need to take every possible
measure available to deter Iran and its proxies. The best way to
project American strength is to make it absolutely clear that our
sanctions will remain in place until Iran no longer poses a threat to
the United States.
Therefore, I oppose this amendment to add an arbitrary sunset, and I
reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Chair, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman
from New York (Mr. Meeks), the ranking member of the Foreign Affairs
Committee.
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chair, I rise in strong support of the Jackson
amendment.
The world in 2023 does not look like the world in 2018. Russia has
invaded Ukraine. Hamas has attacked Israel. The Burmese partial
democracy has collapsed in a coup.
On the positive side of the ledger, NATO is more united than divided.
The AUKUS pact has fortified our relationship with our closest allies.
Japan and Korea are cooperating with each other like never before.
In 2018, most of us were unfamiliar with the term ``coronavirus.'' In
2023, many of us are trying to forget it. The point here is that the
world can change dramatically in just 5 years.
Congress does itself a disservice when we lock into policies without
oversight or a chance to reconsider. Mr. Jackson's amendment would fix
that flaw in the bill, and I strongly support his amendment.
Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my
time.
Mr. SELF. Mr. Chair, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Georgia
(Mr. Clyde).
Mr. CLYDE. Mr. Chair, I rise today to oppose Representative Jackson's
amendment to add a 5-year sunset period. We cannot risk funds going to
terrorism ever, certainly not now and certainly not in 5 years.
Additionally, the only thing standing in the way of $14.3 billion
going to support Israel's eradication of Hamas is Joe Biden and Chuck
Schumer. The House has done its job. The Senate and the President have
so far done nothing but be a roadblock. Yes, we are witnessing a Biden-
Schumer roadblock, a B-S roadblock, and it is totally unacceptable. It
is a dangerous state of affairs, and Biden and Schumer are the problem.
[[Page H6015]]
How can we support our closest ally in the Middle East when the
President and the Senate stand in the way?
The House has done its job. It is now time for the President and Mr.
Schumer to clear their B-S roadblock.
Mr. SELF. Mr. Chair, may I inquire as to the time remaining.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from Texas has 3 minutes remaining.
Mr. SELF. Mr. Chair, deterrence is based on strength and the
willingness to use it.
In my time in the Middle East, I understood that our adversaries
there, including Iran and its proxies, understand only strength. If we
put an arbitrary sunset clause in this bill, it will be demonstrating
weakness and not strength.
Mr. Chair, I oppose this amendment. I encourage my colleagues to vote
against it, and I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Jackson).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the noes
appeared to have it.
Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Chair, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Illinois
will be postponed.
Mr. SELF. Mr. Chair, I move that the Committee do now rise.
The motion was agreed to.
Accordingly, the Committee rose; and the Speaker pro tempore (Mr.
Self) having assumed the chair, Mr. Clyde, Acting Chair of the
Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union, reported that
that Committee, having had under consideration the bill (H.R. 5961) to
freeze certain Iranian funds involved in the 2023 hostage deal between
the United States and Iran, and for other purposes, had come to no
resolution thereon.
____________________