[Congressional Record Volume 169, Number 190 (Wednesday, November 15, 2023)]
[House]
[Pages H5861-H5868]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




 PROVIDING FOR CONSIDERATION OF H.R. 5893, COMMERCE, JUSTICE, SCIENCE, 
   AND RELATED AGENCIES APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 2024; AND PROVIDING FOR 
     CONSIDERATION OF H.R. 5961, NO FUNDS FOR IRANIAN TERRORISM ACT

  Mr. MASSIE. Madam Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I 
call up House Resolution 869 and ask for its immediate consideration.
  The Clerk read the resolution, as follows:

                              H. Res. 869

       Resolved, That at any time after adoption of this 
     resolution the Speaker may, pursuant to clause 2(b) of rule 
     XVIII, declare the House resolved into the Committee of the 
     Whole House on the state of the Union for consideration of 
     the bill (H.R. 5893) making appropriations for the 
     Departments of Commerce and Justice, Science, and Related 
     Agencies for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2024, and 
     for other purposes. The first reading of the bill shall be 
     dispensed with. All points of order against consideration of 
     the bill are waived. General debate shall be confined to the 
     bill and shall not exceed one hour equally divided and 
     controlled by the chair and ranking minority member of the 
     Committee on Appropriations or their respective designees. 
     After general debate the bill shall be considered for 
     amendment under the five-minute rule. An amendment in the 
     nature of a substitute consisting of the text of Rules 
     Committee Print 118-12 shall be considered as adopted in the 
     House and in the Committee of the Whole. The bill, as 
     amended, shall be considered as the original bill for the 
     purpose of further amendment under the five-minute rule and 
     shall be considered as read. All points of order against 
     provisions in the bill, as amended, are waived.
       Sec. 2. (a) No further amendment to H.R. 5893, as amended, 
     shall be in order except those printed in part A of the 
     report of the Committee on Rules accompanying this 
     resolution, amendments en bloc described in section 3 of this 
     resolution, and pro forma amendments described in section 4 
     of this resolution.
       (b) Each further amendment printed in part A of the report 
     of the Committee on Rules shall be considered only in the 
     order printed in the report, may be offered only by a Member 
     designated in the report, shall be considered as read, shall 
     be debatable for the time specified in the report equally 
     divided and controlled by the proponent and an opponent, 
     shall not be subject to amendment except as provided by 
     section 4 of this resolution, and shall not be subject to a 
     demand for division of the question in the House or in the 
     Committee of the Whole.
       (c) All points of order against further amendments printed 
     in part A of the report of the Committee on Rules or against 
     amendments en bloc described in section 3 of this resolution 
     are waived.
       Sec. 3.  It shall be in order at any time for the chair of 
     the Committee on Appropriations or her designee to offer 
     amendments en bloc consisting of further amendments printed 
     in part A of the report of the Committee on Rules 
     accompanying this resolution not earlier disposed of. 
     Amendments en bloc offered pursuant to this section shall be 
     considered as read, shall be debatable for 20 minutes equally 
     divided and controlled by the chair and ranking minority 
     member of the Committee on Appropriations or their respective 
     designees, shall not be subject to amendment except as 
     provided by section 4 of this resolution, and shall not be 
     subject to a demand for division of the question in the House 
     or in the Committee of the Whole.
       Sec. 4.  During consideration of H.R. 5893 for amendment, 
     the chair and ranking minority member of the Committee on 
     Appropriations or their respective designees may offer up to 
     10 pro forma amendments each at any point for the purpose of 
     debate.
       Sec. 5.  At the conclusion of consideration of H.R. 5893 
     for amendment the Committee shall rise and report the bill, 
     as amended, to the House with such further amendments as may 
     have been adopted. The previous question shall be considered 
     as ordered on the bill, as amended, and on any further 
     amendment thereto to final passage without intervening motion 
     except one motion to recommit.
       Sec. 6.  Upon adoption of this resolution it shall be in 
     order to consider in the House the bill (H.R. 5961) to freeze 
     certain Iranian funds involved in the 2023 hostage deal 
     between the United States and Iran, and for other purposes. 
     All points of order against consideration of the bill are 
     waived. In lieu of the amendment recommended by the Committee 
     on Foreign Affairs now printed in the bill, an amendment in 
     the nature of a substitute consisting of the text of Rules 
     Committee Print 118-14, modified by the amendment printed in 
     part B of the report of the Committee on Rules accompanying 
     this resolution, shall be considered as adopted. The bill, as 
     amended, shall be considered as read. All points of order 
     against provisions in the bill, as amended, are waived. The 
     previous question shall be considered as ordered on the bill, 
     as amended, and on any further amendment thereto to final 
     passage without intervening motion except: (1) one hour of 
     debate

[[Page H5862]]

     equally divided and controlled by the chair and ranking 
     minority member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs or their 
     respective designees; and (2) one motion to recommit.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Kentucky is recognized 
for 1 hour.
  Mr. MASSIE. Madam Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield 
the customary 30 minutes to the ranking member of the Rules Committee, 
the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern), pending which I yield 
myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this 
resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only.


                             General Leave

  Mr. MASSIE. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members 
may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their 
remarks.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Kentucky?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. MASSIE. House Resolution 869 provides for a structured rule for 
consideration of H.R. 5893, the Commerce, Justice, Science, and Related 
Agencies Appropriations Act and a closed rule, H.R. 5961, the No Funds 
for Iranian Terrorism Act.
  We have a structured rule for H.R. 5893, which makes in order 119 
amendments for consideration on the floor. This rule provides the chair 
and the ranking minority member of the Committee on Appropriations 
limited en bloc authority and provides one motion to recommit.
  We have a closed rule for H.R. 5961. Debate for this bill will be 
evenly divided over 1 hour between the chair and ranking minority 
member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs and the rule provides one 
motion to recommit.
  Madam Speaker, I urge Members to support House Resolution 869 in the 
spirit in which it was created, one that allows for robust debate and 
gives Members the opportunity to submit amendments for consideration on 
this floor, as many amendments were included in this rule as possible.
  We are encouraging debate on the floor and for Members to fight for 
their priorities. There is absolutely no reason not to support this 
rule. Let's not forget what we have been committed to fighting for 
these last several months, bringing all 12 appropriations bills to the 
floor.
  The days of Christmas omnibus bills are over. We still have more work 
to do to fight against inflated budgets and the growing national debt, 
but the step we are taking this week that prevents a Christmas giveaway 
on the House floor in an omnibus is a major step in the right 
direction.
  This is what the American people expected of us. This is what we were 
elected to do, discuss and debate appropriation of taxpayer dollars.
  Speaking of appropriations, this is our 12th appropriations bill, 12 
of 12. Finally, here we are.
  Do I wish this were done in a timelier manner? Of course.
  Do I wish the government functioned more efficiently for the sake of 
the constituents we each represent? Absolutely.
  We find ourselves now completing this process in the manner in which 
it was intended--draft, amend, debate, and vote. No Member can say 
today that they did not have the opportunity to participate in this 
process, and no Member can argue that these appropriations were not 
brought forward in an open and transparent manner.
  I applaud the relative committees and everyone in the GOP Conference 
who has worked so hard to bring this bill and all of the appropriations 
bills forward to get this work done.
  Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support the rule, and I 
reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Kentucky for 
yielding me the customary 30 minutes, and I yield myself such time as I 
may consume.
  Madam Speaker, you heard the gentleman from Kentucky purport to 
describe what is in the bills that we are considering today. I think 
his description of these bills is somewhat inaccurate. The so-called No 
Funds for Iranian Terrorism Act--and I say so-called because this bill 
does not actually do what the title suggests. It is really just about 
Republicans going after President Biden because they are mad he secured 
the release of American hostages.
  It is as simple as that. Some Members of Congress would rather let 
these American hostages stay imprisoned in Iran than give credit to 
President Biden for bringing them home.
  This is a bad bill. It undermines America's credibility in future 
negotiations. The money the United States unfroze--Iranian money, not 
American money--can only be used for humanitarian needs. That is the 
truth.
  The money doesn't even go to the Iranian Government; it goes to a 
restricted account in Qatar where it can only be used for approved 
purchases. Those are the facts, and I won't waste any more time on this 
foolish political messaging bill.
  The other bill contained in this rule is H.R. 5893, another extreme 
MAGA Republican spending bill. It is no shock that this radical 
Commerce, Justice, and Science appropriation bill couldn't even get a 
markup and a vote out of the full Appropriations Committee because it 
is nuts.

                              {time}  0930

  It defunds the police, which is ironic, but let's not even go there. 
It guts programs that help small businesses, slashes services that help 
missing and exploited children. I mean, really? It also makes it easier 
for criminals to get their hands on guns.
  Madam Speaker, the truth is that the Republican Party is completely 
and totally broken. They are unable to govern themselves, let alone a 
country. The two extreme MAGA messaging bills that we are considering 
today are just the latest examples, just the tip of the iceberg.
  Now, our job on the Rules Committee is to help run this place like 
professionals, to advance legislation in a thoughtful, orderly, 
deliberate manner, and to do it in a way that reflects well on the 
Congress and the country. Since Republicans took over, we have seen 
nothing but dysfunction and disaster in this Chamber. There has been 
chaos, confusion, and crisis at the hands of MAGA extremists who have 
turned this place into a circus. Republican incompetence over the last 
11 months takes my breath away.
  As this chart shows, Madam Speaker, we have a timeline up here that 
speaks for itself. There was a week wasted on 14 failed votes for 
Speaker while Kevin McCarthy agreed to shady backroom deals with MAGA 
extremists so he could win the gavel.
  There was a month wasted on MAGA extremists threatening to default on 
America's debt unless Democrats agreed to draconian spending cuts.
  We had an entire summer wasted after Democrats came to the table and 
negotiated a budget deal, but then Republicans didn't bring a single 
spending bill to the floor.
  Finally, days before a government shutdown, Republicans brought to 
the floor appropriations bills they couldn't even pass. They had to 
call on Democrats to get a continuing resolution over the finish line, 
and then they kicked out their own Speaker for the terrible crime of 
keeping the government open. All because the MAGA extremists had a 
temper tantrum.
  There were 20 days wasted while Republicans argued amongst themselves 
until they finally settled on someone who evidently everybody in their 
Conference disliked the least.
  Here they are today, Mr. Speaker, right back where they started, with 
nothing to show the American people except dysfunction and disarray. We 
heard promise after promise from Republican leaders that this Congress 
would be different: more open and more accommodating, we kept on 
hearing.
  Those promises have been broken. There have been over 40 closed rules 
on the floor, blocking 68 percent of bipartisan amendments. By the way, 
they even blocked over half of all Republican amendments. Twenty 
percent of Mr. Massie's own amendments have been blocked, never even 
considered on the floor.
  I have a radical idea that in the world's greatest deliberative body 
we should, I don't know, deliberate? Yet time after time, despite their 
promises, Republicans are blocking amendment after amendment. Again, 
two-thirds of bipartisan amendments and over half of their own 
amendments have been blocked. Don't worry, though, they found a way to 
make in order every

[[Page H5863]]

single MAGA culture war amendment to ban abortion and go after women's 
reproductive rights. They tucked those into nearly every appropriations 
bill. You would think that after all of that, at least they would have 
something to show for it, right? You would be wrong.
  At this point in the 116th Congress, when Democrats were in charge, 
during divided government, we had already enacted 68 laws; not just 
passed the House, but enacted into law, signed by the President. So far 
this Congress, Republicans have enacted 19 laws. That is it. Let that 
sink in. Democrats enacted over three times the number of laws at this 
point in our majority. Here is an idea: Maybe they would have had more 
bills signed into law if they didn't waste all their time fighting with 
one another.
  Instead, they wasted an entire month, 26 days so far, fighting with 
themselves, holding midnight seances trying to revive the dead bills 
that divided their Conference and fighting a MAGA civil war about who 
should be in charge. Fourteen percent of all legislative days this 
Congress have been focused not on the American people, but on which one 
of them gets to be in charge. That is a national embarrassment.
  Do you know how many days it took Democrats to pick a Speaker when we 
were in charge, Mr. Speaker? One. One. Americans expected us to govern, 
not fight with each other. That reminds me, it's not like we don't have 
a recent example of what it looks like when Congress gets stuff done in 
a productive and bipartisan way.
  Now, let's compare their record this Congress with our record last 
Congress. Republicans have made fewer bipartisan amendments in order. 
They have even made fewer majority amendments in order, and only 19 
bills signed into law. Again, we have a recent example of what this 
place looks like when it works.
  Democrats enacted 58 laws last Congress, signed by the President at 
this point. I said a moment ago that it was 68 under divided 
government. It was 58 in the last Congress. We get things done, no 
matter who is in the White House. We take our job seriously. The facts 
speak for themselves, and the contrasts could not be more clear.
  This right here, this is what Democratic leadership looks like in 
Congress. It looks like results for American families.
  Democrats passed the American Rescue Plan, ending the COVID crisis 
and reopening our economy.
  Democrats passed the CHIPS and Science Act, bringing jobs back from 
China and supply chains back from overseas.
  Democrats passed the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, a 
historic investment that will rebuild our infrastructure for 
generations and generations to come.
  What did almost every single Republican do on every single one of 
those bills? They voted ``no.''
  Guess what, though? They are in charge now, and instead of rising to 
the occasion, they have totally, totally, totally failed at governing. 
They are running this place like babies. Actually, I think that is an 
insult to babies, Mr. Speaker. Their incompetence is staggering. Their 
infighting is so immature that it is stunning.

  All the American people want, Mr. Speaker, is for Republicans to work 
with Democrats to get things done. It is that simple. It is that 
simple. Republicans barely control one-half of one branch of 
government. Democrats control the Senate and the White House. To get 
anything done, anything at all, we all have to work together. We have 
to compromise. We have to do things in a bipartisan way. That is, quite 
frankly, what the American people want. They want us to put people over 
politics to get stuff done, and that is what Democrats are focused on.
  I can tell you, people are fed up with this Republican dysfunction 
and disarray. They are fed up with Republicans fighting with each other 
instead of for the people. They are fed up with Republican leadership 
caving to the MAGA extremists time after time after time. I am telling 
you right now, this majority will not be in the majority for long if 
things keep going like they have been.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. MASSIE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, to say that the Democrats spend like drunken sailors is 
an insult to sailors.
  This bill cuts wasteful spending. If there is any scorecard to be 
kept between Democrat Speakers and Republican Speakers, it should be on 
spending. I would like to note that 40 percent of all of the national 
debt--which, by the way, is approaching $34 trillion--40 percent of all 
of the national debt that exists today, from the beginning of our 
country until this moment, was incurred under one Speaker. That was 
Speaker Pelosi.
  If we are keeping score here, it should be about wasteful spending, 
deficit spending, and debts. We can blame Presidents for it, but the 
reality is, Congress--in fact, the House of Representatives--has the 
power of the purse. We need to look at ourselves when we look at that 
debt, and this bill is a good step toward reducing deficits.
  The Commerce, Justice, Science and related agencies appropriations 
bill provides net new spending of $58.383 billion for programs under 
the jurisdiction of the subcommittee, which is $23.765 billion below 
FY23 enacted levels. That is a large cut. Maybe it is not large enough, 
but it is what has upset the other side of the aisle, that is for sure.
  You can disguise it as anything you want, but they are really upset 
about this bill because it cuts spending. Not the kind of cuts to 
spending where we pretend to cut spending, where we have some baseline 
that is actually increasing spending, and then we reduce the baseline. 
No, I am talking about actual cuts in real dollars. That is what this 
bill does, and that is why they are so excited, that is why they are so 
angry about this rule and this bill.
  By the way, this rule allows for 119 amendments. When they say those 
are extreme amendments, what do those amendments do? They cut more. 
That is what the amendments do. None of those amendments increase 
spending. I think that is what they are upset about on the other side 
of the aisle is that not only have we brought forth a bill that cuts 
$23 billion of Federal spending, we are allowing 119 amendments to cut 
even more spending.
  Let me talk about the priorities in this bill. By the way, Congress 
has the power of the purse, and we complain about a lot of things the 
executive branch does, but then we, too, will frequently turn around 
and fund the things that we complain about. This bill actually defunds 
some of the things that we have been complaining about.
  I and several Members of Congress had the great fortune to share 
breakfast with Justice Antonin Scalia before he passed away. One of my 
colleagues asked Justice Scalia: When are you going to help us restore 
constitutional balance of government? Scalia scoffed at him. He said: 
What are you talking about? You are the most powerful branch. In fact, 
every tool you need is right there in the Constitution to restore 
constitutional balance of government.
  Another of my colleagues said, but impeachment is so unwieldy, and we 
can never get that through the Senate. Scalia said: I am not talking 
about impeachment. I am talking about the power of the purse. It is 
right there in the Constitution. You have it. You are the most powerful 
branch, and quit complaining about the things you are funding or quit 
funding the things you are complaining about. That is what this bill 
does.
  It eliminates more than 70 unnecessary and wasteful programs and 
initiatives, including 14 polarizing diversity, equity, and inclusion 
offices and programs. I don't find diversity, equity, and inclusion in 
the Constitution. It is just not in Article I, Section 8. It is not 
there for us to do, and so we are eliminating those programs.
  It defunds at least 15 executive orders. What are executive orders? 
Are they laws? No, they are not laws. The lawmaking authority is here. 
We should probably defund every executive order, but this defunds 15 of 
them--rules, memoranda, and other Biden administration policies that 
usurp our congressional authority to make law.
  This bill reduces wasteful spending on climate change initiatives.
  It prevents the FBI from using its construction balances to build a 
new headquarters. Why is that important? It is important because they 
have become weaponized against the American

[[Page H5864]]

public, showing up at school board meetings and targeting parents and 
saying they are terrorists. They don't need a new headquarters.
  It rejects the administration's plans to replace the Department of 
Commerce and Department of Justice vehicle fleets with electric 
vehicles, saving taxpayers nearly $54 million.
  This is what we are doing in this bill. We are using the power of the 
purse. There are 119 amendments. None of those amendments increase 
spending. I can tell you, we went through all of them. Maybe that is 
why they are upset that some of their amendments didn't make it in 
there because maybe they were trying to spend more money. I am sorry, 
we are not going to do that.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

                              {time}  0945

  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I think the viewing public who is watching this may take 
note that the gentleman didn't respond to anything that I said in my 
opening remarks.
  I will point out for the record so people understand that over half 
of the amendments that were offered to this bill were rejected. 
Actually, they were blocked. They were blocked by the Republican 
majority on the Rules Committee. Mr. Speaker, 170 amendments, many of 
them Republican amendments, I should point out, were blocked. It was 
not because they added to spending. They were just blocked.
  The point I was trying to make, and I will make it again, is that my 
friends on the other side of the aisle, my complaint with them is they 
have accomplished absolutely nothing. They have wasted their time in 
the majority.
  The gentleman talks about all these deep cuts. Some of these 
appropriations bills, I will be honest with you, I object to them 
because they are going to hurt people, people I represent.
  He talks about all these cuts. None of these are ever going to become 
law. We spent all of last week debating two appropriations bills, the 
Transportation bill and the Financial Services bill. We worked 
overtime, late into the night, debating all these amendments, and guess 
what? They pulled them.
  They are in the majority. They can't even pass the crummy bills that 
are being sent from the Appropriations Committee to the Rules 
Committee.
  It is mind-boggling. The bill we are talking about today, I am not 
even sure this is going to pass. I wouldn't be surprised if they pull 
this and the Labor-HHS bill, as well.
  This is not how you run Congress. We are supposed to bring things to 
completion. The bill before us today was so bad that the full 
Appropriations Committee didn't even mark it up. Why? Because they 
probably couldn't get votes to get it out.
  My friends have accomplished absolutely nothing in their majority. 
That is a tragedy. They barely struggle to do the basics, like keeping 
the lights on, but they need Democratic help to do that.
  They have blocked the majority of their own Members' amendments. You 
can't make this stuff up. The gentleman, who is on the Rules Committee, 
had a big chunk of his amendments blocked, as well.
  In any event, Mr. Speaker, we are going to urge our side to defeat 
the previous question. If we do, I will offer an amendment to the rule 
to provide for consideration of a measure that unequivocally states 
that the people's House will keep its promise to American workers and 
seniors and that we will protect and preserve Social Security and 
Medicare and fight against any Republican cuts to these essential 
programs that so many of our constituents rely on.
  Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of my 
amendment into the Record, along with any extraneous material, 
immediately prior to the vote on the previous question.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Bost). Is there objection to the request 
of the gentleman from Massachusetts?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished 
gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. McGarvey) to discuss our proposal.
  Mr. McGARVEY. Mr. Speaker, Social Security and Medicare are lifelines 
for hundreds of thousands of seniors in my district in Louisville, 
Kentucky, and for millions of seniors across America.
  Unfortunately, the House Republicans continue to advocate for 
stripping hardworking Americans of their earned benefits. I stress 
``earned.''
  Social Security and Medicare are a contract, a legal and moral 
promise that our country has made for people who have paid into a 
program, and then we said: Guess what? We will be there for you. We 
will be there to provide a safe and secure retirement for you in your 
golden years.
  For millions of Americans, a Social Security check is the difference 
between keeping the lights on or falling behind on bills. Their 
Medicare coverage is the difference between taking or not taking their 
insulin.
  Stripping back these crucial benefits is dangerous, and it is 
extreme.
  Just a few weeks ago, one of my colleagues on the other side of the 
aisle explicitly stated that they wanted to elect a Speaker who has the 
courage to talk about ending Social Security and Medicare as we know 
it.
  My hometown of Louisville, Kentucky, is home to more than 350,000 
Medicare beneficiaries. That is over 350,000 Louisvillians who paid 
into the program their entire working lives so that they could depend 
on those benefits now.
  Thanks to Democrats and the Inflation Reduction Act, healthcare is 
more affordable and more accessible than ever before. As we speak, 
Medicare is negotiating to lower the price of 10 prescription drugs for 
part D recipients, with more to come. Out-of-pocket insulin costs have 
been capped at $35 a month.
  There is more to do, but extremists in the House Republican 
Conference are trying to privatize, cut, and end these crucial 
programs. House Democrats will continue fighting to protect these 
benefits for generations to come.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to defeat the previous question.
  Mr. MASSIE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, let me point out that my colleague from Kentucky is 
right that Social Security is a legal and moral obligation to seniors. 
Let me also point out that every time we engage in deficit spending and 
spend too much money, we cause inflation.
  When we have the Fed create dollars out of thin air so we can launder 
them through banks and then borrow them back from ourselves, we are 
really causing inflation.
  What does inflation do to those Social Security checks? It reduces 
the value of those Social Security checks.
  This bill is actually a step in reducing inflation by reducing 
Federal spending, and that will be to the benefit of those seniors who 
are going to be living on a fixed income.
  We all know there is a cost-of-living adjustment applied to Social 
Security, but the reality is it is not keeping up with inflation.
  Inflation is so rampant now due to the spending that we have engaged 
in in Congress. There is a moral imperative for us to reduce spending 
because it trickles down. Inflation is very detrimental to our seniors. 
That is why we have to pass this bill.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. 
Langworthy), my good friend and colleague on the Rules Committee.
  Mr. LANGWORTHY. Mr. Speaker, first, I thank the gentleman from 
Kentucky for yielding the time.
  I rise today in support of the underlying legislation to prevent the 
Biden administration from following through on its policy of 
appeasement toward the Iranian regime.
  My colleagues on the other side of the aisle insist that there are 
safeguards to ensure that the $6 billion unfrozen in the 
administration's agreement with Iran is spent purely on humanitarian 
efforts, but I ask my colleagues and this administration: If there is 
such an urgent need for access to that money for food and medicine and 
other assistance, then why has the Iranian regime invested for decades 
billions and billions of dollars into funding Hamas, Hezbollah, and 
other terrorist organizations that are intent on murdering Americans, 
murdering the Jewish people, and destroying our friend and ally, the 
State of Israel?
  The administration has lost its mind if they think that it can 
appease a fundamentalist regime that routinely

[[Page H5865]]

calls for our annihilation and the annihilation of the Jewish people.
  On October 7, we saw pure evil on display as Hamas, bankrolled by 
this Iranian regime with funds that could have been spent on food, 
medicine, or other humanitarian needs of the Iranian people, murdered, 
kidnapped children, raped women, and brutalized the elderly.
  The evil we saw on that day was done at the behest of and with the 
resources provided by Iran's fundamentalist leaders. I remind you that 
there are still 240 hostages in Gaza, including 10 Americans.
  Some of my colleagues continue to insist that this $6 billion deposit 
to the regime in the form of aid will not be used for malicious 
purposes. I think we all know that it will be.
  We know that this administration has followed an utterly failed path 
of appeasing an evil regime in Iran, and the true cost of this failure 
is the violence and chaos brought upon the Israeli people by the 
Iranian-funded terrorist group Hamas.
  Enabling Iran to fund terror goes against every principle our Nation 
has been founded on. It rejects freedom, democracy, and justice, and it 
empowers fear, division, and hatred. Appeasing Iran is disgusting and 
deeply un-American.
  Mr. Speaker, let's stop pretending that we can move forward with the 
transfer of resources to a regime that wishes to destroy us and our 
allies. Let's stop pretending that we can negotiate with a regime that 
wishes genocide on the Jewish people.
  Mr. Speaker, I strongly support the underlying legislation to halt 
this administration's reckless policy toward Iran.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, let me again point out that my friends on the other side 
of the aisle blocked most of the amendments that were brought before 
the Rules Committee. In fact, they have a habit of even blocking a 
majority of their own Members' amendments.
  Even with this rigged process that we have been operating under that 
the Republicans have put in place, even under this rigged process--and 
they have yet to rebut this--they have accomplished nothing. They have 
accomplished nothing. They have normalized dysfunction.
  A win for this majority is having Democrats keep the lights on for 
them so that we don't shut the government down.
  I brought this chart out before, but this is a contrast of what we 
accomplished when we were in charge. I can go right down the list: the 
Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the Honoring our PACT Act and 
helping our veterans to get additional healthcare, the Violence Against 
Women Act reauthorization, the Inflation Reduction Act, the Bipartisan 
Safer Communities Act, the Chips and Science Act, the Families First 
Coronavirus Response Act, the Paycheck Protection Program and 
Healthcare Enhancement Act.
  These are things that passed the House and the Senate and were signed 
by the President. These are real things.
  Here we are today doing what we did last week, bringing up all these 
rightwing MAGA amendments with appropriations bills that are so bad 
that even Republican members on the Appropriations Committee do not 
want to vote for them in full committee, so we bypass that.
  They come to the floor, and we are going to debate the amendments 
they made in order all day and all night, only to have them pull the 
stuff at the end of the day.
  That is what they did last week. Two bills, after all the time on the 
floor debating, were just pulled.
  I get it. We signed up for this, but I will be honest with you that I 
think it is a disservice to the staff who work up here and who take 
this job seriously to go through all of these kinds of gyrations for no 
reason at all. It is just ridiculous.
  This majority, as we come to the close of this week--hopefully, we 
will break for Thanksgiving--has accomplished nothing. This has been a 
waste of time.
  Do you want to talk about a waste of taxpayer money? It is the 
Republican majority in this House.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from New Mexico 
(Ms. Leger Fernandez), a distinguished member of the Rules Committee.

  Ms. LEGER FERNANDEZ. Mr. Speaker, indeed, today we have yet another 
extreme Republican appropriations bill that focuses more on tax breaks 
for wealthy tax cheats than keeping our communities safe.
  When asked what bothers them most about taxes, nearly two-thirds of 
Americans said they feel that the wealthy and corporations are not 
paying their fair share. Instead of making sure the IRS has the tools 
it needs to go after wealthy tax cheats, this bill slashes its budget 
by $22 billion.
  For every dollar cut from IRS law enforcement, we tend to lose $2 in 
tax revenue. Republicans are clearly bad at budgeting when they are 
giving away revenue.
  But wait, there is more. Republicans like to say they are the party 
of law and order, but this bill also cuts the FBI's law enforcement 
work by $400 million. Cutting the FBI's budget would hurt our rural 
communities. FBI agents can bring in technology and tools that help 
solve crimes that a small police force, like in my district, just don't 
have.
  How can we expect to interdict fentanyl in our rural areas or to go 
after criminal cartels when we are cutting the FBI and cutting the 
Department of Justice, which would prosecute those despicable 
traffickers of death and despair?
  Republicans are clearly bad at making sure criminals are 
investigated, charged, tried, and sent to prison.
  But wait, that is not all. While Democrats are putting people over 
politics and growing the middle class, the extreme Republican 
appropriations bills are blockading the road to the middle class. This 
appropriations bill cuts the pathway to prosperity when it cuts 
economic development programming to 51 percent below last year's 
levels.

                              {time}  1000

  In New Mexico, these cuts would jeopardize local and Tribal economic 
development projects helping us grow jobs and businesses after the 
closure of coal mines and coal plants. These cuts would take economic 
funding down to a level not seen since 2014. Extreme Republicans are 
clearly looking backward.
  My focus in Congress must be toward a future of hope, prosperity, and 
opportunity.
  At the Rules Committee yesterday, Republicans told me they didn't 
have a choice but to make these cuts. That is not true. Remember, they 
are choosing to give up billions of dollars of tax revenue owed by 
wealthy tax cheats. Republicans built the deficit. In 2017, 2003, and 
2001, Republicans chose tax cuts for the wealthy and big corporations. 
Their choices tell us their priorities.
  Mr. Speaker, I have no other choice but to urge my colleagues to vote 
``no'' on this rule, and if we ever see it on the floor, vote ``no'' on 
this bill.
  Mr. MASSIE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  If I had a nickel for every time the other side of the aisle uses the 
word ``extreme,'' I would buy you lunch today. It must be poll tested. 
``Extreme'' must be good for them in the polls.
  Let me tell you what is extreme and what every American thinks is 
extreme: $33.7 trillion is extreme. The fact that we are now paying, 
this year, a trillion dollars in interest on that debt, on that 
national debt, that is extreme.
  Spending money we don't have is extreme. Funding an FBI that targets 
its own citizens who have done nothing wrong, funding the censorship of 
speech of Americans, that is extreme. The American people know that is 
extreme.
  The inflation that is caused by this is extreme, and it is affecting 
everybody. The cost of transportation, the cost of food, and the cost 
of housing are skyrocketing. That is extreme.
  Now, my colleague mentioned that we didn't allow every amendment in 
this rule. Well, as the ranking member of the committee, surely he 
knows not every amendment is in order. We have certain rules in the 
Rules Committee, and a lot of these amendments, unfortunately--and I 
have to tell some of my friends this--failed our own test.
  For instance, they weren't germane to the underlying bill. Americans 
don't want amendments tacked onto bills that have nothing to do with 
the underlying bill, so the amendments have

[[Page H5866]]

to be germane. We are protecting the American people when we keep this 
process for allowing amendments that are only germane.
  The amendments to spending bills, as a rule--it has been a rule since 
I came here 11 years ago--they can't increase spending, yet 
unfortunately some of my colleagues introduced amendments that do 
sometimes intentionally, sometimes unintentionally, but especially the 
Democrats like to increase spending. We can't allow those amendments.
  Finally, we don't allow the amendments that try to legislate on an 
appropriations bill. We don't allow you to change laws on a bill that 
has to do with spending. That is the primary reason most of those 
amendments that the other side is always complaining about are not in 
this bill. There are 119 good amendments that were allowed that we will 
debate later today and that we will vote on in transparency and full 
light of day, not snuck in at the last moment. The American people will 
get to see how they are being represented through these 119 amendments.
  This appropriations bill, I would like to point out, satisfies some 
of our constitutional obligations. Adam Smith said there are three 
primary roles of government: to provide for the national defense, to 
fund public infrastructure, and to institute a system of justice. It is 
that third obligation that we are fulfilling here today with this bill.
  Then we have some constitutional obligations beyond that that are 
fulfilled in this bill. The U.S. Patent and Trademark Office, 
intellectual property, which is in Article I, Section 8, Clause 8 of 
the Constitution. That is an obligation of Congress, to provide for the 
protection of intellectual property. That is in this bill.
  The Bureau of the Census is funded in this bill. We are directed by 
the Constitution to have a census every 10 years, so that is another 
function in this bill.
  This bill funds the National Institute of Standards and Technology, 
sometimes called NIST. This used to be called the Bureau of Weights and 
Measures. The Constitution, Article I, Section 8, directs Congress to 
establish the weights and measures so that we are not all using in this 
country a different set of weights and measures.
  There are many constitutional obligations provided in this bill, many 
necessary roles of government, some things that aren't technically in 
the Constitution, but we agree publicly that these are in the benefit 
of our country. For instance, NASA is funded in this bill.
  Mr. Speaker, that is why I urge my colleagues to support this rule, 
and I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  I don't even know where to begin. What we are witnessing here is 
called smoke and mirrors. The gentleman says we are not going to sneak 
things into a bill at the last minute. A whole bunch of stuff was snuck 
into this bill at the last minute. In fact, I repeat, this bill did not 
go before the full Appropriations Committee. It was not reported out by 
the full Appropriations Committee. Why? Because it is so extreme and so 
awful that they didn't have the votes.
  The same thing last week, two appropriations bills, we wasted all of 
this time on the floor talking about those bills and then they pulled 
them because they didn't have the votes. Here we are again voting on 
another extreme bill that will probably, in all likelihood, be pulled.
  When the gentleman is making the case that somehow amendments are 
blocked because they are not rule compliant, okay, all right, that is 
an argument to be made, but that is not the case with the overwhelming 
majority of the amendments that were blocked. I say to my Republican 
friends who are watching, a majority of your amendments were blocked, 
and you guys are in charge.

  I get it. They blocked 72 percent of the amendments I offered, which 
by the way are rule compliant, but they blocked the majority of 
Republican amendments. The gentleman says: We were just blocking 
amendments that were not rule compliant. Last night in the Rules 
Committee, we offered amendments to strike out language that is in the 
bill. It is totally rule compliant.
  We offered an amendment to strike the anti-abortion riders. We had a 
vote, and the gentleman voted with the majority of Republicans to block 
us even being able to offer an amendment to strike the anti-abortion 
riders. I guess they are afraid they would lose or afraid of the debate 
or afraid to put vulnerable Members in a tough position, whatever.
  We had an amendment striking anti-LGBTQ riders. Again, all the 
Republicans, the gentleman included, voted to block it. It was totally 
rule compliant.
  We had an amendment striking the anti-gun safety riders that were 
added into this bill. They were totally rule compliant. Every 
Republican, including the gentleman, voted to not make our amendment in 
order.
  This is what you call smoke and mirrors. We had an amendment striking 
their anti-climate riders. Again, it is in the bill. We are not putting 
something new in the bill. This is their bill, totally rule compliant. 
Every Republican, including the gentleman, voted to block that.
  Let's not have this kind of fantasy debate where we are saying, oh, 
all we did was we kept out amendments that were not rule compliant.
  The bottom line is: You are afraid of the debates. My friends are 
afraid that they may lose on some of these issues. They also know that 
the majority of the American people do not like their position on 
women's reproductive rights where they want a national abortion ban. 
They also know that a majority of people in this country are sick and 
tired of bigotry against the LGBTQ+ community. They know that a 
majority of Americans are sick and tired of the rising level of gun 
violence in this country. They also know that a majority of Americans 
believe climate change is for real, and they want us to do stuff to try 
to reverse the current trends.
  They blocked all of these amendments. I have the report from the 
Rules Committee last night with all the votes and the amendments. They 
are all rule compliant.
  Let's get real here. We are here today to, again, talk about an 
appropriations bill that is not only extreme, that probably at the end 
of the day, they are not going to be able to pass it with Republican 
votes. It will certainly never become law. It is a joke of a bill. They 
wouldn't even bring it before the full Republican-controlled 
Appropriations Committee and then--or they are going to pull it. That 
is it.
  You want to talk about wasting money, all of the money we wasted last 
week debating bills that are going nowhere. What about the money that 
we wasted while for 26 days we had no Speaker of the House but had to 
keep everybody here while they tried to fight amongst themselves on 
which member of the Republican Conference they disliked the least so 
they could move that person forward as Speaker. Give me a break.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. MASSIE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  I look forward to the passage of this rule because there are 119 
amendments that are going to expose 430-plus Members of this body to 
their voters.
  How is that? Well, each of these amendments gets 10 minutes of 
debate. If so ordered, there will be recorded votes on these 
amendments. They address issues fundamental to our rights.
  There will be amendments in this debate after this rule passes on 
protecting the First Amendment to the Constitution, the freedom of 
religion, freedom of speech, will we allow our government to censure us 
on social media. They have been doing it through NGOs and private 
organizations and research grants. I don't think we should allow it. I 
don't think it is constitutional. You can't launder a violation of the 
First Amendment. There will be a debate on that after this rule passes 
because of this rule.
  There will be a debate on whether you support the Second Amendment, 
the right to keep and bear arms. There is an amendment that we will 
debate when this rule passes that prohibits the ATF from using funds to 
maintain a database. They are prohibited already, but they keep trying 
to do it, so we have to defund them from that.
  There is even an amendment--I am particularly fond of this debate 
that is

[[Page H5867]]

coming up--to prevent Federal funds from being used to prosecute a 
Presidential candidate. We look like a banana republic when our justice 
system indicts candidates for President to try to bring down their poll 
numbers. This is something that you do in Third World countries.

  In any event, there are 119 amendments. I think the other side is 
against this rule because they don't want to have these debates. They 
surely don't want to have to vote because that record will be for all 
time. Every 2 years, each of us faces our voters with those records 
that will be created today as a result of this rule.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
  I think I am beginning to understand the logic of the gentleman from 
Kentucky. He thinks that we have an open process as long as amendments 
that he agrees with are made in order, but any amendments that he 
doesn't agree with it is okay to block them.
  I don't have any problem with some of the crummy amendments that the 
gentleman and the Republicans have made in order that, in my opinion, 
are really bad for this country. We will have those debates, and we 
will vote on them. I have no problem with that.
  I don't know why my friends are afraid to have a debate on women's 
reproductive rights, whether or not we should protect a woman's right 
to choose, whether we should protect a woman's right to abortion in 
this country. They blocked it. They added language in that curtails 
women's rights, but they won't allow an amendment so we can have those 
10 minutes of debate.
  I don't know why the gentleman is afraid to have a debate on whether 
or not we should end bigotry against the LGBTQ+ community. If they 
believe that it is okay to continue prejudice and discrimination 
against that community, they can vote ``no'' on our amendment. Let's 
have the debate.
  On climate change or even on--we have a different position on assault 
weapons. The gentleman can offer his amendment. We have a different 
amendment. Why is it that the amendment that we offered is blocked?
  It is just a strange view of the world when you come up here and say 
we have a very fair and open process here. We block all your 
amendments, but we are making all the amendments that we agree with 
basically in order. I don't really think that is a fair process.

                              {time}  1015

  Mr. Speaker, House Republicans are a minority party that is 
masquerading as a majority party. I say that because I think my friends 
on the other side don't want to actually be in charge anymore. It is 
easier to be in the minority when you are a Republican. They think all 
you have to do is vote ``no'' on everything.
  It is harder to be in the majority. It is especially hard because the 
Republican Party no longer represents a coherent political ideology 
that seeks to solve problems or govern. They just want to scream and 
yell about how this place is broken--when they are the ones that broke 
it.
  They want to use crisis and scandal to mask their own selfishness and 
sedition, and to cover up their own incompetence and ineffectiveness. 
The American people see through it. They know this Republican majority 
is a disaster--a national embarrassment. They have normalized 
dysfunction.
  We have Republican Members of Congress literally assaulting each 
other in the hallways. They are threatening to punch people in 
committee hearings. They are getting into fights on the House floor and 
having their supporters threaten each other's families with violence. 
That is the truth.
  They have wasted away their majority fighting among themselves and 
acting like babies. They focus on retaliation and revenge. They are 
pursuing ridiculous impeachment inquiry sideshows. They are 
conditioning aid to our allies on tax cuts for billionaires here at 
home. They scream about the deficit when they keep passing bills that 
blow up the deficit.
  Mr. Speaker, I say to the people watching this at home, you might not 
agree with Democrats on everything, but we are team normal. The 
Republicans are team totally off-the-deep-end nuts. I cleaned that up 
for the floor, Mr. Speaker, for civility.
  Democrats ran this place like professionals. Republicans are running 
it into the ground. Democrats fight for the people. Republicans only 
care about fighting with each other. Democrats behave like adults. I 
hope rational, reasonable, moderate Republicans, if any are left, will 
join us and reject the MAGA extremists who behave like spoiled rotten 
children.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge a ``hell no'' on this rule and a ``no'' vote on 
the underlying bills.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. MASSIE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, the word of the day is ``extreme'' because the other 
side uses it in every sentence.
  Let me tell you what is extreme: Violating the First Amendment, the 
principles of freedom of speech and freedom of religion. That is 
extreme, and that is going to be addressed in this bill and this rule, 
utilizing the power of the purse. Violating the Second Amendment rights 
of Americans, their God-given rights to defend themselves; that is 
extreme. This bill addresses that. This rule provides for robust debate 
on that issue.
  Extreme is violating the Fourth Amendment of the Constitution and the 
rights there enshrined. Violating the 10th Amendment and Federalizing 
our police forces. That is extreme. These are the things that Americans 
find extreme. These are the things that are addressed in this rule and 
in the underlying bill using the power of the purse.
  The most extreme thing--and I do have to say that the Democrats are 
really good at this form of extremism--the most extreme thing is to 
continually spend money we don't have, to borrow until they won't lend 
us any money, and then to print money so we can spend more of it. 
Extreme is putting ourselves $33.7 trillion in debt. When I say 
ourselves, I mean, the American taxpayers. They are on the hook for 
this.
  Even if you don't pay taxes, if you have worked a hard life, you have 
saved and you have got money in the bank and you are relying on your 
Social Security, what is extreme is the inflation that we have created 
through out-of-control spending in this Chamber over many, many years. 
Both parties are guilty of it. It is extreme because it hurts every 
American when we devalue the dollar through extreme spending.
  What does this bill do?
  It cuts spending.
  This fight is really simple. The disagreements between both sides of 
the aisle--we can argue about the minor issues--but the major issue is: 
Do you want to expand government? Do you want it to be more prevalent 
in your life? Do you want to pay more taxes? Do you want to put your 
grandkids in hock?
  If you do, vote for that side of the aisle.
  If you want to put us on a path to fiscal responsibility, if you want 
to have open debates, if you want to have 72 hours to see what is in 
the bill, if you don't want to have to vote for a bill to find out what 
is in it, then you are with this side of the aisle. You should support 
this rule. I urge adoption of this rule.
  The material previously referred to by Mr. McGovern is as follows:

  An Amendment to H. Res. 869 Offered By Mr. McGovern of Massachusetts

       At the end of the resolution, add the following:
       Sec. 7. Immediately upon adoption of this resolution, the 
     House shall proceed to the consideration in the House of the 
     resolution (H. Res. 178) affirming the House of 
     Representatives' commitment to protect and strengthen Social 
     Security and Medicare. The resolution shall be considered as 
     read. The previous question shall be considered as ordered on 
     the resolution and preamble to adoption without intervening 
     motion or demand for division of the question except one hour 
     of debate equally divided and controlled by the chair and 
     ranking minority member of the Committee on Ways and Means or 
     their respective designees.
       Sec. 8. Clause 1(c) of rule XIX shall not apply to the 
     consideration of H. Res. 178.
  Mr. MASSIE. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I 
move the previous question on the resolution.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Valadao). The question is on ordering 
the previous question.

[[Page H5868]]

  The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that 
the ayes appeared to have it.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, further 
proceedings on this question will be postponed.

                          ____________________