[Congressional Record Volume 169, Number 184 (Tuesday, November 7, 2023)]
[Senate]
[Pages S5375-S5382]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]



                  Unanimous Consent Request--H.R. 6126

  Mr. MARSHALL. Mr. President, what if it was your family in these body 
bags? What if your wife, your daughter, or your mom were raped, 
tortured, and killed? What if videos of your baby or your grandchild 
being massacred were posted all over social media? What if a month had 
passed and there has been no meaningful action from your ally, the most 
powerful nation in the world?
  I stand here today to right this wrong. Today, we will show the world 
that, once again, America will be there to do justice, to stand up for 
humanity, and ensure Hamas does not become more powerful.
  As I stand in this Chamber, we have the opportunity to send a real 
message to Iran and its terrorist proxies that we will stop their 
hatred and evil from spreading.
  This morning, I rise in support of the bipartisan, House-passed, 
standalone legislation to provide aid to the people of Israel, our 
strongest ally in the Middle East, during their ongoing war with Hamas. 
It is hard to believe that today marks a month--a month--since the 
October 7 savage attacks by the Hamas army of terror on the people of 
Israel.
  Hamas unleashed an attack that was worse than animals, killing 
thousands of Israelis and 36 American citizens. And, right now, there 
are as many as 240 people taken hostage by these savages that only know 
one language: death and destruction.
  Right now, there are families of hostages here at the U.S. Capitol 
begging for their loved ones to be no longer tortured, for their loved 
ones to reach safety from the grips of this evil army of terror.
  Time is of the essence. And it is imperative that the Senate not 
delay delivering this crucial aid to Israel another day. A timely 
military aid package with a unified voice from Congress showing support 
for Israel will not only add to Israel's stability, it will slow down 
and hopefully stop the evil plots of Hamas, Iran, and its proxies.

  Our bill provides military assistance and resources to Israel at the 
exact spending levels the Biden administration has requested. And I 
want to emphasize: These are the exact spending levels President Biden 
put forth that he agrees Israel needs in this time of war.
  You can imagine my surprise--and the surprise of many--to hear that 
our Commander in Chief, admitting to a significant security crisis in 
the Middle East, has threatened to veto this aid package.
  Now, think about this. Our President is threatening to veto the aid 
he requested from Congress. With this veto, he would snatch defeat from 
the jaws of victory. And why? ``Why?'' many, many people are asking. 
Just because it isn't being leveraged for a $105 billion boondoggle 
package with another blank check to another unending war in Ukraine.
  Today, we plan on calling the President's bluff and delivering this 
critical standalone measure in a bipartisan victory for the White 
House. We must fast-track this much needed assistance to one of our 
staunchest allies: the people of Israel.
  If this military aid and our strong message of support is not 
delivered soon, Israel will find itself fighting a war on three fronts. 
We know that Iran has those capabilities; that through their proxy 
forces, they have the ability to send long-range missiles to Israel 
from Lebanon and Yemen.
  Helping our ally who is fighting a war from all angles against Hamas 
shouldn't require a prolonged battle here in Congress. This is a no-
brainer and should have been done yesterday--or the week before.
  The support for this package to Israel is bipartisan and bicameral. 
Again, our legislation honors the spending levels outlined by the Biden 
administration for Israel and keeps aid to Israel separate from the 
other conflicts.
  What I want to make perfectly clear to every American is that our 
standalone package is an opportunity to secure a huge, bipartisan win 
for all of humankind and get aid to Israel quickly. The legislation we 
brought to the floor today ensures that funding for Israel is not 
coupled with a billion dollars of additional moneys in aid to Ukraine, 
Taiwan, or for a mass amnesty program at the border.
  By passing this standalone spending bill today, the Senate will 
expedite the arrival of the assistance to Israel after the House and 
our newly elected Speaker,   Mike Johnson, passed with bipartisan 
support.
  Now, many of us have concerns about the Ukraine conflict. But until 
the White House answers the 12 questions posed by the House, including 
the need for an inspector general and a clear-cut peace strategy, many 
of us will continue to block sending billions more in dollars to what 
looks like a stalemate that has already, tragically, cost over 200,000 
lives.
  Here in the home front, what is even more disheartening for the 
American people is this White House embrace of open-border policies 
that has allowed almost 10 million--that is right, we are approaching 
10 million illegal crossings of our border, making every State a border 
State and every American less safe.
  And it is a poke in the eye to every Member of Congress who has been 
to

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the border and advocated for border security. This President sends us a 
$105 billion bill, gaslighting the American people with a small 
fraction of this money going to Israel, and funds to make our border 
even more porous--more open--with an asylum-assist program on steroids.
  This is a slap in the face and disrespectful for the families who 
have lost a loved one to the fentanyl crisis, for the communities who 
are overwhelmed by our open borders, and for every American who feels 
less and less safe in their own homes every day. This package the White 
House has given us is the only unserious package in town, jammed with 
very serious topics, and each of these issues should be debated fully, 
completely, and individually.
  But today, on this Senate floor, we have the opportunity to make a 
difference for the people of Israel and all mankind. The legislation we 
brought to the floor would provide $14 billion to Israel, including 
$3.5 billion for foreign military financing and $200 million in 
diplomatic funding to help protect the U.S. Embassy and personnel.
  This bill would provide funding for the Iron Dome and Iron Beam 
defense systems. It will allow the United States to stockpile more 
weapons in Israel and provide more funding to protect U.S. Embassies.
  Importantly, this bill strips all aid to Gaza, which we know is 
frequently commandeered by Hamas.
  All this will make Israel safer and help stop this war. And, yes, 
Israel has the right to defend itself and to defend its people.
  Our legislation is a real opportunity to find common ground and unite 
here to help our allies. It passed with 226 bipartisan votes in the 
House. Let's stop playing politics and pass this stand-alone bill for 
Israel right now. The House moved quickly to deliver this legislation 
to us here in the Senate. We should do the same and get it to the 
President's desk today.
  Today, I am pleased to be joined by one of my colleagues from the 
great State of Ohio, Senator Vance, in leading this effort in the 
Senate and pushing for its passage today so we don't delay this 
critical funding for our greatest ally in the Middle East, Israel, and 
stop the spread of terror.
  I yield to the gentleman from Ohio.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Ohio.
  Mr. VANCE. I appreciate my colleague from Kansas making a forceful 
case for why this package is necessary.
  We have been told by the President, we have been told by our Israeli 
allies, and we have been told by a number of national security experts 
that Israel is in a fight for its life. It is in a fight for its life 
against not just an enemy in Israel but an enemy--radical Islamist 
terrorism--that very often has and is planning as we speak to come to 
our shores and to attack us.
  This is a commonsense package. As the Senator from Kansas mentioned, 
it gives the President the exact amount of money that he asked for to 
support our Israeli allies. What is different about our bill--what is 
different about the House's bill that had already passed from what the 
President requested is twofold.
  First of all, this is ready to go. It is ready to go today. If we 
pass this package today, aid would flow to our Israeli allies 
immediately. That is reason No. 1 to support it.
  The other difference from the President's $106 billion behemoth of a 
supplemental is that this is about a single problem, because we should 
be debating single problems in this country. The world is complicated, 
of course. The world has intertwined complexities. But we should have 
enough respect for the American people to debate these issues 
distinctly because they raise separate questions.
  Many of my colleagues may forget that a matter of weeks ago--a matter 
of months ago, there were people in this Chamber, there were people in 
the United States of America demanding that the State of Israel give 
money and weapons to the Ukrainians--money and weapons that the 
Israelis are now using this very moment to defend themselves.
  The idea that these policies are not intentioned with one another, 
the idea that what happens in Russia and Ukraine is separate from what 
happens in Israel is not just obvious, it is common sense, and it has 
been borne out by the reality of the last couple of weeks.

  My colleagues would like to collapse these packages. Too many of my 
colleagues would like to collapse these packages because they would 
like to use Israel as a political fig leaf for the President's Ukraine 
policy. But the President's Ukraine policy, just like the Israeli 
policy, should be debated. We should talk about it. We should discuss 
it. We should separate the cost and benefits and analyze them as 
distinct policies because that is what the American people deserve of 
their legislature.
  There are many questions we could ask about the Ukraine policy, many 
issues that have gone completely unanswered.
  No. 1: What is our end goal in Ukraine?
  You hear commonly that the goal is to throw the Russians out of every 
inch of Ukrainian territory. Yet, when you talk to the President's own 
administration in private, they admit that is a strategic 
impossibility. Let me repeat that. No rational human being in the 
President's administration believes that it is possible to throw the 
Russians out of every inch of Ukrainian territory.
  So why is that the public justification offered by many advocates of 
indefinite, unlimited Ukrainian aid? Because this debate is 
fundamentally dishonest. We are not telling the American people the 
truth because we know that if we did tell them the truth, they would 
not support an indefinite flow of money to Ukraine.
  What are we doing, ladies and gentlemen? How long is this supposed to 
go on? How much money are we expected to spend? What is the strategic 
objective? What are we trying to do? Are we monitoring the fact that we 
have spent nearly $200 billion, if the supplemental passes--$200 
billion to one of the most corrupt countries in the world? Do we have 
proper assurances that all that money is being spent on the things we 
tell ourselves it is being spent on? The answer, of course, is no 
because we have not had a real debate in this Chamber. The American 
people, I think, should be ashamed of us for that fact.
  Let me offer just one final observation here. You have heard in this 
Chamber--you heard even today--that the Ukraine policy was born of a 
spirit of bipartisan agreement; that we had this moment where Democrats 
and Republicans recognized that it was very, very important to help the 
Ukrainians push back against the Russian attack. Of course, we support 
and praise our Ukrainian friends. They have done a lot more than many 
people gave them credit for.
  But let's also be honest that for 30 years, Washington, DC, has run 
on bipartisan foreign policy wisdom, and it has run this country to the 
ground with $1.7 trillion deficits; war after war after war that has 
killed thousands of Americans, millions of other people, and has not 
led to the strategic strength of this country.
  It was great bipartisan agreement after September 11 that threw 
Saddam out of Iraq. Of course, a lot of people celebrated it until 
right now we realize that Iraq is a client state of Iran. We empowered 
one of the worst regimes in the world with our bipartisan wisdom.
  Maybe what we should have is some bipartisan wisdom that the foreign 
policy consensus of this country for the last three decades has been a 
disaster. It has been a disaster for this country. It has been a 
disaster for our dead marines, Army soldiers, Navy sailors, and Air 
Force airmen. It has been a disaster for this country's finances, and 
it has been a disaster for the entire world.
  Let's have a real debate. We haven't had one in 30 years.
  Mr. President, I yield to my distinguished colleague from Florida.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Florida.
  Mr. SCOTT of Florida. Mr. President, the terror and devastation 
unleashed on Israelis by Iran-backed Hamas terrorists have rightly 
horrified the world. Innocent families were murdered in their homes. 
Children were beheaded. Girls were raped. Whole families were burned 
alive. An elderly, wheelchair-bound woman, later identified as a 
Holocaust survivor, was brutally dragged through the streets of

[[Page S5377]]

Gaza. Children who witnessed the murders of their parents have been 
kidnapped and are being held hostage by Hamas. Hundreds were mowed down 
at a music festival. Thousands are dead. At least 33 Americans are 
dead, and reportedly 10 are held hostage. The atrocities are too 
numerous to fully recount, but the images we have seen will never leave 
our memories.
  In 2019, my wife Ann and I had the opportunity to visit Kfar Aza, one 
of the kibbutzes that was the site of a complete massacre. As the early 
reports were coming out, I was really worried about the kibbutz because 
of its proximity to Gaza. It is about half a mile away. When I heard 
the news that it was the site of some of the most horrific and barbaric 
activities, my heart just sank. We had spent an afternoon there, and it 
was the most peaceful place. I keep thinking about the moms and kids 
who were playing outside, enjoying the warm summer weather. It is gut-
wrenching to think of the fate of the families we met that day.
  I spoke with Chen, the lady who led our tour of the kibbutz, who was 
traveling outside of Israel that day and survived. I was able to speak 
to her right after it happened, and she has not been able to go back 
home. She said it was unclear if she will ever be allowed to go back 
home. Can you ever imagine?
  So many of us in this Chamber are so deeply connected to Israel, and 
I bet almost everyone here as a story like mine. We know people in the 
IDF who have been called to serve. We have friends all over Israel who 
have spent days in bomb shelters as rockets have been launched by 
terrorists intent on wiping Israel and Jews off the face of the Earth.
  I have met with survivors and hostage families. I have placed a 
poster outside my office that features the faces of the hostages being 
held by Hamas. I am not going to take it down until they get home.
  Not since the Holocaust has the world witnessed such a brutal attack 
on the Jewish people. We have to really let that sink in. It is 2023, 
and it sure feels like history is repeating itself. We also have a 
President who can barely even talk about the Americans who are held 
hostage right now in Gaza.
  The first step to freeing these hostages and helping Israel destroy 
these terrorists is passing aid for Israel. We must send the world a 
clear message: Attacking the United States and our allies and partners 
is a bad idea, and it will only end with us winning.
  In the days and weeks ahead, Israel is going to once and for all 
destroy Hamas and its ability to exist as a terror state on Israel's 
borders. The United States has to support Israel right now and ensure 
they have the weapons they need to completely destroy Hamas.
  That is why I am proud to join Senators Marshall, Vance, and our 
colleagues on the bill. The House took decisive action by passing this 
bill last week. They moved quickly, and the measure is fully paid for. 
The Senate can follow suit right now. I am proud to colead the 
companion bill in the Senate.
  I yield back to my colleague from Kansas.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Kansas.
  Mr. MARSHALL. As if in legislative session, I ask unanimous consent 
that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of H.R. 6126, 
which was received from the House. I further ask that the bill be 
considered read a third time and passed and that the motion to 
reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
  The Senator from Washington.
  Mrs. MURRAY. Mr. President, reserving the right to object, there are 
some fundamental flaws in the arguments my colleagues are making for 
the Senate to do only half of its job, to say nothing of the partisan, 
so-called pay-for here--which is a giveaway to billionaires--that 
actually costs our Nation money and sets a dangerous precedent that our 
allies are fair game to be used as partisan bargaining chips.
  First, we should not be pitting funding for Israel against funding 
for Ukraine and other needs. There is no need given the widespread 
support for providing assistance to both nations on both sides of this 
aisle. There is strong support for providing the assistance the 
President requested for Israel, and there are also bipartisan 
supermajorities in both the House and Senate in favor of Ukraine aid. 
That is because most of us on both sides of the aisle understand that 
while there are important differences, the challenges we and our allies 
are facing around the world today are connected.
  Just last month, over 300 House Members voted for Ukraine aid, so 
pretending that this doesn't have the votes to pass the House simply 
doesn't pass muster. There is strong support here in Congress to 
address these urgent priorities in one package, and that is exactly 
what I am working with my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to do 
right now.
  Secondly, our allies in Ukraine can no more afford a delay than our 
allies in Israel. Ukraine is at a critical point in a brutal war to 
defend its sovereignty against Putin's bloody invasion. We must not 
give Putin a win and throw Ukraine to the wolves for political 
expediency. After all, what sort of message does it send about our 
commitment to our allies if we delay Ukraine aid further, especially 
after we have already missed our earlier opportunities to get this 
done?
  For American leadership to have any weight in the world, our word has 
to mean something. Our commitments have to be ironclad. That means we 
do not abandon our allies in their time of need, period.
  Failing to stand by Ukraine now will only embolden Putin and other 
dictators looking to trample democracies, which brings me to my last 
point.
  While the challenges we and our partners face across the globe have 
different natures and nuances, we have to be strategic enough to 
understand that they are connected, they are urgent, and they should be 
addressed as part of one package.
  The Chinese Government is watching how we respond to Putin's 
aggression in Ukraine. Putin is wanting the Hamas attack to give him an 
opening to distract the world from aiding Ukraine against his brutal 
invasion.
  In fact, we know that a Hamas delegation visited Moscow recently. So 
let's stop pretending there is no common thread.
  And, make no mistake, Hamas is hoping that we ignore the humanitarian 
needs in Gaza so it can drive people to despair and anger and, 
ultimately, extremism.
  When it comes to humanitarian aid, making sure that people have food 
and water and medical care isn't just the right and moral thing to do. 
It is also very clearly in our national interest, as this promotes 
long-term stability and security, combatting hopelessness that can 
spiral into new threats.
  Our adversaries are watching closely to see whether we have the 
vision to recognize how these crises are related and the resolve to 
come together and respond forcefully to them. We need to send a strong 
message, and the way we do that is by passing a strong security 
package. We are working together right now to get that done, and I urge 
all of our colleagues to support us in those efforts.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Rhode Island.
  Mr. REED. Mr. President, reserving my right to object, I, too, 
believe, with my colleague from Washington State, that we must move 
forward with emergency funding for our allies--all of our allies, not 
just the State of Israel but also Ukraine. I also think we have to move 
quickly to head off a closure or shutdown of our government next week, 
and we have to address the pressing needs of the American people in 
this process.
  But it is very clear that this proposal before us--this unanimous 
consent to pass the bill including only funds for Israel--is just an 
attempt to deny assistance to Ukraine. It is not really about helping 
Israel. It is about making sure we don't continue to keep our 
commitments to Ukraine.
  And we have had a debate about Ukraine. We have talked over 2 years 
about Ukraine, how dangerous Russian aggression can be, not just with 
respect to the people of Ukraine but to the rest of the world.
  As my colleague said, China is watching. In fact, I think they are 
paying more attention to Ukraine than the current issue in Israel 
because Putin's imperialistic dreams of restoring the

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Russian Empire resonate more closely to the Xi Jinping's imperialist 
dreams to reunite Taiwan to China.
  So if we fail in Ukraine, I think that will send a very strong and 
unfortunate message to China that you can attack, wait the West out, 
and, eventually, they will concede. That is not good strategy or 
policy.
  My colleagues argue that this will deny Israel getting the means to 
defend itself. Well, we have already been supporting the State of 
Israel. We have moved two aircraft carrier strike groups into the 
region. We are moving marines into the region. We are sending signals 
that we are strongly protecting them. Indeed, we have already engaged 
and shot down missiles from our naval forces. We have also suffered 
more than 40 injuries of American military personnel because of actions 
against the United States' positions in the Middle East because of our 
protection of Israel.
  We cannot abandon Ukraine. They have lost hundreds of thousands of 
civilians and military personnel.
  If you want to talk about horrors, October 7 was a horrible day. I 
was in Israel. I saw photographs--some that have not yet been 
released--of the tragedy. It was traumatic for the entire State of 
Israel.
  But go to Ukraine. Go to Bucha. Dig up the graves of people shot in 
the back of the head while their hands were tied.
  You want to talk about atrocities? Those were atrocities.
  So we are fighting forces that are dark and evil, and we have to 
support all of those democratic nations--Israel and Ukraine--that are 
struggling against that darkness.
  Now, this is not my opinion alone. Last week, Mike Pompeo, the former 
Secretary of State for Donald Trump and a former Congressman from 
Senator Marshall's home State of Kansas wrote:

       Make no mistake: the outcome of this war will have a direct 
     impact on U.S. national security.

  He was speaking of Ukraine.

       Should Putin prevail--whether on the battlefield or through 
     a war of attrition that leads to ill-conceived diplomacy--the 
     war would be felt well beyond Ukraine's borders.

  Indeed, I would add, if we fail to support Ukraine with funding and 
equipment, then it is more likely that young American servicemembers 
will be called upon to fight and die and suffer in Eastern Europe, 
because, as so many of my colleagues have suggested and as Secretary 
Pompeo suggested, Putin will not be satisfied with simply taking 
Ukraine, and we could see ourselves engaged in defending one of our 
NATO allies.
  I have a very simple sort of notion about American military policy. I 
would rather send resources to a country fighting than send American 
soldiers to do the fighting, and, if we don't support Ukraine, that 
will happen.
  Now, this is a situation that calls on us to do the right thing, and 
we have to do the right thing. But this is not something that we can do 
separate one from another, because, as we have all said, there is a 
connectivity here, and this connectivity has to be recognized.
  Now, the other point I would make, too, is that this bill is paid 
for. Now, this to me is one of the most startling aspects of the 
legislation that the Senator from Kansas is promoting because they pay 
for it by taking money away from the Internal Revenue Service. Some 
would say they are using the Israeli crisis as a way to do what so many 
of my Republican colleagues like to do--give tax breaks to the 
wealthy--because when you take money away from the IRS, you go ahead 
and ensure that people can feel much more comfortable about not paying 
their taxes.
  The Wall Street Journal published an article a few days ago. In 2021, 
the IRS failed to collect $688 billion that was owed to the United 
States of America. That is many times this supplemental that we are 
talking about. No financial institution would take money away from its 
bill collectors on the notion that, oh, that is OK. Only in Washington 
would we do that.
  This bill is, thus, irresponsible in the way it is paid for and 
irresponsible in ignoring our commitment to Ukraine.
  It is time to get serious. We have 10 days before our government runs 
out of funding. Israel needs our support. Ukraine needs our support. 
American families and communities are counting on us to deliver 
critical disaster assistance. They need support for affordable, high-
quality childcare. They need many things that are also at a crisis 
level. And we don't have time--we don't have time--to entertain 
political gestures to send a signal to Israel and a signal to the rich 
in America that we are with you and neglect and leave out Ukrainians, 
who have been struggling and fighting against a foe that is determined 
to continue this fight in Europe. Ultimately, I feel if we don't 
respond appropriately, this forces us to send our men and women into 
the fight.
  I commend Chair Murray and Vice Chair Collins for standing up for 
this country and for our allies.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Maryland.
  Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, reserving the right to object, as the 
chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, I have come to the 
floor to speak about Hamas's attack on Israel. I joined with Senator 
Reed--10 Senators, 5 Democrats and 5 Republicans--to visit Israel 2 
weeks ago. We saw the brutality of Hamas firsthand. We met with the 
families of the hostages. We made it clear that we stand with Israel's 
right to defend itself, and we strongly support President Biden's 
efforts and the supplemental appropriations to provide those funds to 
Israel.
  So why do I have concern about the unanimous consent request that has 
been presented? Because it is not bipartisan. If you want to look at 
bipartisanship, look at the work of Senator Murray and Senator Collins 
on the Appropriations Committee. They have worked to get the type of 
unity we need in order to pass appropriations bills and get them into 
law, consistent with the agreements that were reached earlier this 
year, recognizing the division in our Congress. We need to have a 
bipartisan supplemental appropriations bill on the floor as quickly as 
possible.
  So I am extremely disappointed by the action of the House because it 
is urgent that we consider the supplemental appropriations bill, and, 
because of the action in the House, it will now be delayed. Make no 
mistake about that. If the House would have acted in a responsible, 
bipartisan way, including the package that was submitted by President 
Biden, we would have had an excellent opportunity to pass a 
supplemental appropriations bill before November 17--the date, by the 
way, that our continuing resolution expires.
  I am now deeply concerned, as a result of what happened in the House, 
as to whether we are going to be able to get that supplemental 
appropriations bill done before November 17, and it is urgent that we 
do this.
  So let me speak about Ukraine. Ukraine is the frontline in defense of 
democracy. We know that Russia's invasion of Ukraine was not just aimed 
at taking over Ukraine. Mr. Putin would not stop with Ukraine. The 
Baltic States are clearly in his vision, and Moldova, Georgia, and 
beyond.
  And as Senator Reed pointed out, it is a lot better for us to have 
the frontline with the use of our funds defending our democracy than 
having to send American soldiers to Europe.
  It is urgent we get assistance to Ukraine. We missed an opportunity 2 
months ago. We have got to show the world that we are committed to the 
defense of democracy--U.S. leadership.
  Just think about the message it would send if we say: We are going to 
help Israel, but I am sorry, Ukraine, we don't have time for you.
  That is giving Mr. Putin a gift. We can't do that.
  U.S. leadership is critically important. We need to make sure that we 
provide the leadership, and, quite frankly, our allies around the world 
are joining us, providing in total more assistance than we are. But it 
is absolutely essential that America lead, and we must get this 
Ukrainian aid moving forward. We need to do it in a bipartisan way.
  It is a good investment. It is a good investment in protecting our 
democracy in Ukraine. It is a good investment in degrading Russia's 
military.
  So let me try to connect the dots here, if I might, because Russia's 
war of aggression in Ukraine is very much related to Hamas's attack in 
Israel. Two of the most dangerous and brutal dictatorships in the 
world, Iran and

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North Korea, have joined forces with Putin to support Russia's war 
efforts. Make no mistake about it. It was Russia that invaded Ukraine. 
Iran's proxy, Hamas, attacked Israel. Connect the dots.
  We can't ignore Russia and think we are going to be safe in the 
Middle East. We need to provide the type of security that will help us 
with our own national security.
  Iran is building factories in Russia to pump out new drones. North 
Korea is sending munitions to help Putin rearm his forces. We need a 
supplemental appropriations package that counters all of these threats, 
and we need to do it now.
  So for the sake of our national security, we can't waste time. That 
is exactly what the House is doing by sending us this supplemental 
appropriation. We need to come together and show the leadership--the 
bipartisan leadership--in the Senate. Keep the package together. Let's 
put America's security first, and let's get to work immediately.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Oregon.
  Mr. MERKLEY. Mr. President, reserving the right to object, our 
colleague has come to the floor and asked for unanimous consent for a 
bill of some major significance. This bill deliberately throws the 
Republic of Ukraine under the bus by ripping Ukraine out of the 
emergency supplemental. This bill would have a very powerful, 
consequential impact. It will allow Ukraine to be torn apart by Putin's 
savage invasion.
  In the process, it will shatter the Atlantic alliance; it will 
fracture NATO; it will destroy American leadership in defending 
democracies; and it will empower dictators around the world, dictators 
who conclude that they can outlast the coalition of democratic 
republics when a dictator seeks to conquer a democratic neighbor.
  The last time our world saw such complicity placating a vicious 
conqueror was when Chamberlain went to Munich. In Munich, Chamberlain 
told Hitler he could take a big slice of Czechoslovakia, and England 
would look the other way.
  Chamberlain declared peace in our time, but his appeasement did not 
produce peace in our time. Instead, it stoked Hitler's appetite for 
conquering adjacent land and set the stage for the Second World War, 
with a massive loss of life and treasure of Americans and life and 
treasure of many nations around the world.
  I tell you this: Appeasing Putin today is as wrong and mistaken as 
appeasing Hitler was 85 years ago. We must stand with the freedom-
loving, fierce-fighting, democracy-defending people of the Republic of 
Ukraine.
  If you love Putin, then by all means, support this bill. If you love 
China and want to stoke China's appetite to invade Taiwan, then by all 
means, support this bill.
  But if you love freedom, if you love democracy, if you respect the 
courage and the fortitude of the freedom-loving people of Ukraine, if 
you oppose democracy-crushing authoritarians wherever they are found, 
then oppose this bill.
  There must be no Putin appeasement on the floor of the Senate. There 
must be no complicity in creating a Munich moment. And so I join my 
colleagues in preparing to object to this bill.
  I yield to my colleague from Maryland.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Maryland.
  Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. President, reserving the right to object, at this 
moment of danger and peril around the world, we, the United States, 
must support our friends and democracies that are under attack from 
brutal adversaries. That means ensuring that Israel has the right to 
defend itself in the aftermath of the brutal October 7 attack of Hamas. 
It also means ensuring that the people of Ukraine can defend themselves 
against Putin's rank aggression.
  This proposal on the floor today is tantamount to surrendering to 
Putin's aggression. This is waving the white flag.
  All of us were gathered in the Old Senate Chamber--most of us--
recently when President Zelenskyy addressed the U.S. Senate. President 
Zelenskyy was very clear that the Ukrainians would continue to fight on 
no matter what. But he was equally clear that without the support of 
the United States and our allies, Putin has the upper hand, and it 
becomes a matter of time.
  As we speak here, the Ukrainians are shedding blood. They are giving 
their lives. For God's sake, the least we could do is continue to 
provide them with the military and other assistance they need to fight 
off aggression, and time is of the essence in Ukraine.
  And as my colleagues have said, this is not only about defending 
democracy and sovereignty in Ukraine; it is about the credibility of 
the NATO alliance and our other European partners who have come 
together to say to Putin: We stand together against your aggression.
  The United States takes a walk, it sends a terrible signal not just 
to Ukraine but to all our NATO partners with whom we also say we have 
shared security interest. They see the United States walk away, it 
undermines the credibility of the entire alliance, not just with 
respect to Ukraine but with respect to any further aggression by Putin 
or others.
  And it is not just about the NATO alliance. As my colleagues have 
said, this is also about other autocrats around the world who are 
watching very closely what happens in Ukraine, including what happens 
with respect to U.S. support in Ukraine.
  President Xi is watching very closely as he keeps one eye on Taiwan. 
So make no mistake about it, you can't get out here on the Senate floor 
and say you want to help protect Taiwan, say that you want to be tough 
on China when you are weak on Ukraine because what happens in Ukraine 
has a direct bearing on what happens to Taiwan and a direct bearing on 
Xi's aggression in the Indo-Pacific region. You can't have it both 
ways. That has been very clear from our allies in East Asia.
  Talk to the leaders of Japan. Talk to the leaders in the Republic of 
Korea. Talk to other leaders in the Indo-Pacific. They say, if the 
United States walks on assistance to Ukraine, that our credibility will 
be totally undermined with respect to our allies in the Indo-Pacific 
region and that President Xi will have the upper hand there. So let's 
not pretend we are tough on China when you are weak on Ukraine.
  Finally, as the chair of Appropriations pointed out, embedded in this 
proposal is also what appears to be a very cynical effort to actually 
use the claim of supporting Israel in order to secure relief for very 
rich taxpayers in the United States. This cuts funding from the IRS 
that the IRS will use to enforce current law against very wealthy 
Americans who are not paying the taxes that are already due and owing.
  So under the cover of this bill, our Republican friends apparently 
want to help out very wealthy taxpayers who aren't paying their fair 
share, which is why the Congressional Budget Office has said that even 
when you cut the moneys to the IRS, it is going to actually increase 
the deficit.
  The provision that the House had to cut funding for the IRS, which I 
guess they thought they were going to fool people that it was going to 
cover the cost of helping Israel--it doesn't do that. It actually adds 
to the deficit. Why? Because the IRS will not be able to enforce 
current tax law against very wealthy Americans who refuse to pay their 
fair share.
  I know Republicans are always looking for a way to give the very 
wealthy and the very rich a free ride, but this takes cynicism to a new 
level. So I propose that we come back to the Senate floor with a 
proposal that does the right thing to support and defend Israel and its 
attacks from Hamas but also does the right thing for Ukraine, for the 
credibility of the NATO alliance, for the credibility of our alliances 
in the Indo-Pacific, for the people of Taiwan, and makes sure that this 
isn't used as a cover to give very wealthy people here in the United 
States a free ride on the taxes that already are due and owing.
  So, with that, I yield the floor to the Senator from New Hampshire.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Hampshire.
  Mrs. SHAHEEN. Mr. President, reserving the right to object, I join my 
colleagues in opposition to Senator Marshall's proposal and in support 
of a supplemental funding request that

[[Page S5380]]

recognizes the breadth of our national security interests, which should 
include Ukraine, Israel, and the emerging challenges in the Indo-
Pacific region.
  In Ukraine, as we know, Russia's brutal campaign of aggression is 
threatening the country's freedom and sovereignty, and the horrific 
events of October 7--1 month ago today--have forced Israel to defend 
itself in response to the worst terrorist attack that they have 
encountered. Both nations--both nations--face a similar threat against 
adversaries that seek to destroy them: Hamas wants to wipe Israel off 
the map. Putin wants to absorb Ukraine into Russia to recreate the 
Soviet Union.
  Now, our allies and partners have already contributed a total of 
$94.1 billion to support Ukraine's war and recovery effort. And we, 
alongside our international partners, recognize that the Ukrainian 
people are not only defending their land and freedom, they are fighting 
for the preservation of liberal democracies around the world.
  What some of my colleagues overlook in their singular campaign in 
support of Israel is just how closely the fate of Ukraine and Israel 
are tied together, and there is one country which links both of those 
countries together. That country is Iran. Iran has been complicit in 
Russia's actions in Ukraine, exporting weapons and drones which inflict 
further bloodshed and harm on the Ukrainian people, and Iran is backing 
Hamas, which is waging war on the State of Israel.
  And what is especially egregious is the blatant display of their 
malign partnership. Last week, Putin hosted Hamas and Iranian 
leadership, and Hamas expressed appreciation for Russia's criticism of 
Israeli sanctions.
  This bill that Senator Marshall is proposing would also cost the 
Federal government $27 billion--almost double what it provides to 
support Israel--and Senator Van Hollen has been very eloquent in the 
reasons why that seems to be in the bill.
  But it also strips out essential funding we need to address: the 
pacing threat from China in the Indo-Pacific. It ignores the 
humanitarian needs for both Ukraine and Israel. But most important, we 
can't pick and choose when the United States stands on the side of 
freedom and democracy. Do we really want to give a green light to 
Vladimir Putin to continue his revisionist crusade across Europe? Do we 
really want to give the impression to the allies and adversaries that 
the United States can't be depended on as a trusted partner? Do we 
really want to sow doubt in President Xi's mind that the United States 
will stand up for a free and open Indo-Pacific?
  Our adversaries want the United States to fall short in standing up 
for our allies. They want us to be divided. We need to show them that 
we are united, and I am very pleased that Leader McConnell and 
Appropriations Vice Chair Collins and so many of our Republican 
colleagues are in full support of a holistic supplemental funding 
package. It is important that we fund this holistic response to address 
both Israel and Ukraine's needs, which includes humanitarian support 
for both Israel and Ukraine. I yield to my colleague from Minnesota.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Minnesota.
  Ms. KLOBUCHAR. Mr. President, reserving the right to object, I rise 
today to implore my colleagues to pass a national security supplemental 
in line with what Senator Shaheen, the great Senator from New 
Hampshire, just outlined: yes, to stand up to the Hamas terrorists but 
also to stand up for an open and free Indo-Pacific, to stand up for 
humanitarian aid, and to stand up to Vladimir Putin and his barbaric 
invasion of our ally Ukraine.
  That is what I am going to focus on today because I have seen many of 
our colleagues on both side of the aisle standing proudly with 
President Zelenskyy. The rhetoric of standing up for democracy has to 
be matched by what happens in this bill. Just as Putin has shown his 
true colors--intentionally bombing apartment buildings, capturing 
cities, and slaughtering innocents, abducting Ukrainian children--the 
Ukrainian people have shown theirs in bright blue and yellow against 
all odds.
  Since the invasion last February, Ukraine has reclaimed 50 percent of 
the territory that Russia unlawfully seized from them.
  As the Ukrainians advance, Putin--what has happened? He tried to 
capture Kyiv, but he failed. He tried to wipe Ukraine off the map, but 
he failed. He tried to drive a wedge between the United States and our 
allies, but he failed. He tried to topple the Ukrainian Government, but 
he failed.
  Putin tried to break the Ukrainian spirit, but he has made it 
stronger. He tried to break NATO, but NATO added member states.
  Our Ukrainian allies have persevered against all odds. When Putin 
tried to weaponize winter, Ukraine kept the lights on. When he tried to 
stop them from producing and selling grain, Ukraine found a way 
forward.
  In his visit to Washington, DC, in September, President Zelenskyy 
made it clear: Ukraine as we know it depends on the support of its 
allies--not just the United States but countries in Europe, countries 
like South Korea, countries like Japan. To abandon our allies now would 
be a dereliction of duty.
  We will not abandon our allies. As Americans, we believe in 
government based on the principles of democracy and decency at home and 
abroad. After World War II, we made it clear that big countries can't 
invade little countries. Our fight is not only a fight for Ukraine; it 
is a fight for protecting democracy across the globe.
  As President Zelenskyy said at the U.N. earlier this year, if we 
allow Ukraine to be carved up, is the independence of any nation 
secure?
  We know what Putin has done--bombed hospitals, schools, apartment 
buildings; continues to weaponize food and energy. We cannot let our 
Ukrainian allies succumb because the United States just decided, eh, we 
said we were going to do this before, but now, we don't think so. That 
is not standing up for democracy. As my colleagues have so well pointed 
out, other tyrants in the world are watching. They are watching to see 
if we keep our covenants. They are watching to see if we keep our word.
  We know what is happening in Ukraine--ballerinas putting on camo and 
going to the frontlines; exhausted workers at the biggest nuclear 
powerplant in Europe trying to protect not only Ukraine but all of 
Europe from a nuclear disaster; the cellist playing melodies in the 
bombed-out remnants of a town square to remind people that despite 
Vladimir Putin's worst efforts, culture and humanity are there in 
Ukraine and are not going away--as we saw the head of the museum in 
Odesa remind us this week--despite the bombing.
  As President Zelenskyy has said, ``There is not a soul in Ukraine 
that does not feel gratitude to you, America.''
  When Rob Portman and I visited Kyiv this last August, what did we 
hear a year ago? We heard ``Thank you for the HIMARS'' on a bag of 
takeout food to the U.S. Embassy. We heard that was a name they were 
naming their kids--``Himar.'' They know what we have done. They need us 
now.
  As Congress continues to negotiate the budget, we must find a way 
forward on Ukraine. As Senator McConnell reaffirmed, ``Think of it as 
an axis of evil: China, Russia and Iran. So this is not just a test for 
Ukraine,'' I say to my colleagues who are focused on national security. 
``It is a test for the United States and for the free world''--yes, an 
opportunity to secure our own borders but also an opportunity to secure 
the borders of our allies' democracies.
  Remember the three words that Zelenskyy uttered on that first day 
when everyone had counted him out? He went to the street corner--just a 
few people around him--when everyone thought Russia was just going to 
take them out, and he said three words: ``We are here.''
  ``We are here.''
  That is what we have to do right now in this Chamber. We cannot send 
the message ``We are not here'' or ``We were there before, but we are 
not here right now.'' We are here.
  I yield the floor, and I turn it over to my colleague from the great 
State of Delaware.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Hickenlooper). The Senator from Delaware.
  Mr. COONS. Mr. President, reserving the right to object, I join my 
colleagues in standing to speak against a proposal brought to the floor 
by my

[[Page S5381]]

colleague from Kansas--a proposal that would move aid to Israel swiftly 
but ignore the urgency and the importance of humanitarian aid to 
countries around the world, of investments to secure our own border, of 
critical aid to Ukraine.
  As my colleague has just spoken eloquently, we have all been inspired 
by the tens of thousands of Ukrainians who, hearing the urgency of the 
call to fight for their nation, to fight for their freedom, have laid 
down their lives, have worked to restructure their society and to aim 
towards freedom.
  I have a hard time countenancing the idea that we today, on this 
floor, in this Senate, would walk away from this moment of challenge. 
As many colleagues have said and as I will briefly point out, the 
proposal that has come over from the House is not serious. It uses the 
tragedy, the horror of Hamas and its attack on innocent civilians in 
Israel, killing dozens of Americans, 1,400 in all--the brutality of 
that and the urgency of this moment--to advance a pay-for under the 
cloak of fiscal responsibility that would add $27 billion to our 
national deficit.
  Many of us have already dismissed this proposal as not serious, but 
this is a serious moment. As my colleague from Ohio has said, we need a 
serious debate about our path forward, about where we are going and 
why.
  I want to speak briefly to two components of this bill and then 
close.
  Our President's supplemental proposal includes $13.6 billion to 
secure our border. The last serious, bipartisan proposal on border 
security, which was the King-Rounds bill we took up in 2018, invested 
$25 billion over 10 years, $2.5 billion a year. This supplemental would 
put $13 billion in 1 year into hiring thousands of new border agents--
CBP and Border Patrol; thousands of new staff--attorneys, folks who can 
move the asylum process quickly; money for detention and deportation; 
and nearly a billion-dollar investment in scanning everything coming 
across our border to end human trafficking and the importation of 
fentanyl. This is a serious proposal that deserves serious support.
  Last, the humanitarian piece of this overall supplement would not 
just help ease the suffering in Ukraine, in Gaza, but in dozens of 
countries around the world facing a collapse due to a global calamity 
of hunger.
  Let me conclude. It is right now--right now--twilight, dusk in Kyiv. 
It is right now as we debate on this floor twilight, dusk in Jerusalem. 
I am confident there are members of the Ukrainian Government, there are 
members of the leadership of Ukrainian forces, there are individuals on 
the frontline in Ukraine listening to this debate, urgently wondering: 
Will we stand? Will this Senate that invited President Zelenskyy to 
address us in the Old Senate Chamber just 6 weeks ago keep our word? 
Will we stand or will we fall? This is a moment that will test our 
Nation. This is a moment that tests this body. Will we allow ourselves 
to be distracted by moments of comfort or ease or will we take up the 
hard work with the leadership of this talented and capable pair, the 
chair and vice chair of our Appropriations Committee? Will we 
negotiate? Will we compromise? Will we take up the challenge laid 
before us to be the indispensable Nation that will care for those in 
need, that will secure our own border, that will defend Israel, that 
will defend Ukraine, that will look and face this moment and say: We 
are the indispensable Nation.
  Will we stand, Mr. President?
  It is my prayer that we have, we must, and we will.
  With that, I yield the floor to my colleague from the State of 
Washington.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Washington.
  Mrs. MURRAY. Mr. President, for all of these well-stated reasons, I 
object.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Objection is heard.
  The Senator from Kansas.
  Mr. MARSHALL. Mr. President, this has certainly been one of the most 
substantive debates we have had up here--very meaningful and very 
important to myself--because it exposes what our priorities are as 
Senators to everybody across the Nation.
  Today, I heard lots of arguments on why we should combine funding. 
People essentially want to leverage support for Israel for their own 
priorities. Again, there were lots of arguments on why we should 
combine the funding, but I didn't hear one meaningful argument that 
describes why we should not fund Israel singularly. Why shouldn't we 
just do it by itself? There is near unanimous agreement up here. This 
is a great opportunity to say, indeed, this is the time to support 
Israel. No one is abandoning Ukraine today. We are not abandoning 
Taiwan today.
  But it is interesting to me that no one talked about the concern of 
the corruption in Ukraine, talked about their federal government 
nationalizing communications companies, the fact that Poland and 
Hungary and other countries are leaving them and saying that they don't 
support the war anymore.
  No one is talking about peace. No one is talking about the 200,000 
people who have already died in Ukraine. Are those bodies--are those 
people not important as well? Why isn't America leading a peace 
agreement?
  Time is of the essence. Time is of the essence. But, as we can tell 
today, we can debate each and every one of these topics until the Sun 
sets here, until the Sun rises in Israel, but there is not unanimous--
not near unanimous support for Ukraine without some certain questions 
being answered. Lots of questions need to be answered. Is there a plan?
  Look at the schedules this week. Why are we talking about some type 
of supplemental bill on the floor? Why don't we have it on the floor 
yet? If we were serious up here, if my leaders across the aisle and at 
the White House were serious, they would have had something on the 
floor last week. This is the administration that takes a week to decide 
to send an aircraft carrier when our allies are in need. The schedule 
this week is embarrassing, what we are spending time on up here.
  I want to go back to priorities. I think so often all these causes 
are important, and we all agree that we need to address each and every 
one of them, but if I listen to my friends across the aisle, they would 
describe Ukraine as the priority.
  I don't think anyone back home can really take the President's 
supplemental bill as serious when he actually makes the border more 
open. Ten million people have crossed the border illegally under his 
watch, and what he throws into this supplemental package is actually 
going to increase the number of people crossing the border illegally. 
The priority should be to fix a broken immigration system and to secure 
the border; that at the end of the day, there are less people crossing 
the border illegally, not more; that we need a policy that turns off 
this magnet of asking people to come here.
  At the end of the day, what it looks like to me is my friends across 
the aisle want to take this opportunity of support for Israel and 
leverage it to pass their votes for their own agenda--an agenda of an 
open border, endless funding for an endless war in Ukraine.
  Every day I wake up, I pray that I would do justice, that I would 
love mercy, and I would like to think that would be true of every 
Member of the Senate.
  The argument today is not about the IRS. It is not about what is 
happening in the House. It is about what we are saying. It is about 
what we are doing and our willingness to stand up and fight in this 
case for the people of Israel. But this is a battle that goes way 
beyond just a battle between the people of Israel and the Hamas army of 
terror; this is a battle for the future of humankind.
  We have encountered 179 known terrorists on the watch list, 60,000 
aliens of interest have crossed our border, and the numbers go on. Just 
this week, they caught a terrorist who was released at the border, 
caught in New York as well.
  This is about doing what is fair, what is right, and what is just. We 
may disagree on Ukraine. We may disagree on what we should do in 
Taiwan. We definitely disagree on what we should do at the border. And 
I will admit to you, I could be wrong on Ukraine. It will take history 
50 or 100 or 200 years to find out who was right or wrong on Ukraine. 
But I am telling you this. You can take this to the bank: I am right on 
securing the border, and I am right on supporting Israel.
  Mr. President, I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Washington.

[[Page S5382]]

  

  Mrs. MURRAY. Mr. President, I am going to ask unanimous consent, but 
before I do, I just want to respond to the Senator and say we have a 
proposal that covers Israel, humanitarian aid, Ukraine, and the border. 
We are working to get that done, and I welcome the input from our 
Republican colleagues so that we can be a strong United States of 
America and address the issues we all need to address.