[Congressional Record Volume 169, Number 172 (Thursday, October 19, 2023)]
[Senate]
[Pages S5099-S5101]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
LEGISLATIVE SESSION
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STANDING WITH ISRAEL AGAINST TERRORISM
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report the resolution by title.
The legislative clerk read as follows:
A resolution (S. Res. 417) standing with Israel against
terrorism.
Ms. DUCKWORTH. I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. MORAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. King). Without objection, it is so
ordered.
Down Syndrome Awareness Month
Mr. MORAN. Mr. President, in 1984, President Ronald Reagan designated
October as National Down Syndrome Awareness Month. We have been
honoring that month ever since. We are attempting to ensure that
Americans have had the opportunity to celebrate and recognize
individuals with Down syndrome and those individuals' contribution to
our world.
Since 2015, I have served as the cochair of the Congressional Down
Syndrome Task Force, a bipartisan, bicameral caucus dedicated to
promoting policies that enhance the quality of life for individuals
with Down syndrome.
Last September, the task force partnered with leaders in Down
syndrome advocacy groups and the medical research sector to host a
roundtable discussion on recent scientific advances in Down syndrome
research. During the roundtable, self-advocates brought awareness to
the issues important to their communities, such as work and education
opportunities, policies to improve independent living, support for
their loved ones and caretakers, and medical research.
Hearing the firsthand testimonies from individuals of Down syndrome
and medical professionals who have dedicated their careers to the
understanding of Down syndrome in order to better care for the
community was meaningful to me, and it helped us better understand the
needs of the Down syndrome community.
Through my interactions on the task force, I have also had the
privilege to meet amazing parents, siblings, aunts, uncles, advocates,
and caregivers who support individuals with Down syndrome in living
successful and fulfilling lives. The dedication to improving the lives
of those in the Down syndrome community is appreciated not only this
month of October, but in every month, every day, every year.
As a cochair of the task force, I have worked to advocate for Federal
resources for the Down syndrome community to support medical research
and enable individuals with Down syndrome to live a full and
independent life.
Through congressional commitment to expand Federal resources, Down
syndrome research has improved significantly in recent years. In May of
2022, the National Institutes of Health report stated Federal
investment in Down syndrome research had increased from $18 million in
fiscal year 2014 to around $124 million in fiscal year 2022. This
increase in funding is a recognition of the gaps in our medical
research and works to make certain that we prioritize learning more
about Down syndrome.
As we take this month to celebrate the Down syndrome community and
their families, I look forward to building on recent successes and urge
Congress to renew its commitment to pursuing policies that support the
Down syndrome community and improve the quality of every American's
life.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Maryland.
Israel
Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, first, I know that we will be voting on
shortly the resolution showing our support for the State of Israel from
the horrible attack by Hamas. I just really want to thank our
colleagues for the cooperation in getting this resolution before us.
Right after this horrific attack, I worked with Senator Risch to show
bipartisan support to draft the resolution that would express our
strong support for Israel, that we had their back, that
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we stand shoulder to shoulder with them, and that it enjoyed the
support of the U.S. Senate.
I want to thank Senator Schumer and Senator McConnell for their
leadership in being able to bring this up for a vote today. It is a
clear message that the United States stands with the State of Israel;
that Israel has the right to defend itself; that it has the obligation
to defend itself. We certainly have made it clear that if any of the
enemies of Israel try to take care of this situation, they better think
twice because the United States has made it clear that we will not
tolerate such actions. And we have also made it clear that the hostages
need to be released safely, immediately.
So it is a clear message, and we know that President Biden's presence
in the Middle East was also a clear message. I want to thank the
President for what he has done, and we are now hopeful that we are
going to get some humanitarian assistance in to the innocent people who
are being affected by this campaign.
And I must tell you, we are working very hard to make sure that we
maintain the efforts toward normalization. We know that Hamas is trying
to derail that. We are working very energetically to get back on track
the Saudi-Israel normalization talks. But today, we have a chance in
the U.S. Senate to speak with one voice.
I am proud of the action we are going to be taking this afternoon. I
want our brothers and sisters in Israel to know they are not alone,
that America is with them.
I yield the floor.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. HAWLEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Peters). Without objection, it is so
ordered.
Unanimous Consent Request--S. Res. 418
Mr. HAWLEY. Mr. President, on October 7, 2023, the terrorist
organization Hamas invaded the State of Israel. Terrorists killed 1,400
Israeli civilians, including women and children, people asleep in their
beds. They went door to door. They shot Israelis in their homes. They
shot soldiers as they were asleep, unawares in their barracks. They
wounded more than 3,700 civilians. That includes 31 Americans at least.
Over a dozen Americans have been taken hostage and many, many more
Israelis.
It is the worst attack on the Jewish people and the State of Israel
in 50 years. It is truly an existential threat to the State of Israel
and, really, to the safety of Jewish Americans and Jewish people all
across the world.
Perhaps incredibly disturbing--maybe almost as disturbing as the
facts of these terrible attacks themselves--is the response of some
people in this country, on our college campuses in this country, who
promptly took to the streets, to the courtyards of these campuses, to
the airwaves to broadcast their support for this genocide against the
people of Israel. That is right. I said their support for the genocide
against the people of Israel. Listen to what these students said.
At Harvard University, students wrote that they ``hold the Israeli
regime entirely responsible''--``entirely responsible''--``for all
unfolding violence.''
Think about that. They hold the Israelis, the Jewish people,
responsible for their own deaths and massacres. They hold the Jewish
people responsible for their babies' heads being chopped off. They hold
the Jewish people responsible for the homicidal maniacs who came to
their doors and gunned them down in cold blood. They hold them
responsible.
Students at New York University's School of Law wrote that they
believe ``Israel bears full responsibility for this tremendous loss of
life''--``full responsibility.''
Students at Ohio State praised the ``heroic resistance in Gaza.''
``Heroic''? It is now ``heroic'' to massacre Jews in cold blood. It is
now ``heroic'' to try and carry out a genocide against Jewish people.
Students at the University of North Carolina said:
It is our moral obligation to be in solidarity no matter
the pathway to liberation--
their word--
they choose to take. This includes violence.
``This includes violence.'' This is an out-and-out endorsement by
American students for violence against Jewish people and the State of
Israel.
You know, it is not just Jews in Israel who are threatened by these
outrageous remarks. Jewish Americans on our campuses have been
threatened. Columbia University had to close their campus temporarily
when an Israeli student was physically assaulted and Jewish American
students threatened. Jewish American students have been threatened
across the country in all sorts of settings, not the least on our
college campuses. And, in the wake of this, campus leaders have been
silent. They have refused to condemn this violent, virulent, genocidal,
anti-Semitic rhetoric for what it is.
Now, I want to be clear. I believe in our Constitution. The
Constitution has the First Amendment. The First Amendment protects the
right to free speech. As I have said on this floor before, the First
Amendment is the right to be wrong. So these students can say this kind
of virulent, moral idiocy if they want so long as they don't themselves
encourage violence. Although, I would just say, when you say that this
includes violence, that there ought to be violence, they are coming
pretty darned close--pretty darned close.
But let's just assume that their remarks are protected speech. That
doesn't mean we have to endorse them. That doesn't mean we have to say:
Oh, yes, that is fine. It is just another opinion.
No, it is not just another opinion. Calling for the death of Jewish
people is not just another opinion. Calling for the genocide and
celebrating the genocide of Jewish babies is not just another opinion.
Celebrating the assaults on Jewish people in this country is not just
another opinion.
The Senate should be clear and stand with moral clarity and say: This
is wrong.
Can you say it in this country? I guess you can, but it is wrong,
and, frankly, it shouldn't be hard. It shouldn't be hard to say: ``We
condemn this rhetoric. We recognize the right of Israel to exist''--
talk about basic, basic principles here--``and we recognize the right
of Israel to defend itself''--things, by the way, that the President
has said.
It shouldn't be hard for this body to say it, but it is vital--
morally necessary--in this moment of attack, in this moment, frankly,
of danger for Jewish people in Israel, around the world, and, sadly, on
our college campuses.
That is why I have offered this resolution, along with my cosponsors,
that condemns the terrorist attacks by Hamas; that denounces this
violent rhetoric here in the United States against Jewish people,
Jewish Americans, and, of course, the State of Israel; and recognizes
the right of Israel to defend itself. It is a pretty simple amendment,
and I can't imagine what the objection to it would be.
So I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the
consideration of S. Res. 418, which is at the desk. I further ask that
the resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, and that the
motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with
no intervening action or debate.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
The Senator from Maryland.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. The Senator from Missouri is absolutely right about
the horror of the Hamas terrorist attacks on Israel.
I was at the Kfar Aza kibbutz at the end of June. That was the site
of one of the massacres--50 people gunned down, killed: dads, moms,
kids. We have to condemn the horror of the Hamas attack in the
strongest of terms. And we will, as a body, make sure that we stand by
our ally and partner Israel as it prosecutes its fight against Hamas.
Not only does Israel have the right to defend itself, it has an
obligation and duty to its people to defend itself.
I am confident that in the coming days, the U.S. Senate will provide
more than just words of support--those are very important, and I want
to applaud the President of the United States for what he has been
doing--but also tangible support.
This resolution is not about condemning Hamas's attacks on Israel.
[[Page S5101]]
What this resolution does is condemn certain speech around the country.
Now, let me just say to my colleague from Missouri: I stand with
anybody and second to none when it comes to condemning anti-Semitism,
whether in words or in actions. And I have stood up throughout my time
in public service to do exactly that. If the Senator from Missouri
wants to bring to the floor of the Senate a resolution condemning anti-
Semitism, a resolution that points out what we just saw from the most
recent FBI statistics about the rise in anti-Semitism, I will join with
him in that effort. But what this resolution does is attempts to smear
students, many of whom engaged in anti-Semitic remarks but many who did
not.
My view is that when you come to the Senate floor to pass such a
resolution and you are talking about freedom of speech, it is very
important not to paint a broad brush and condemn everybody engaging in
speech.
This is what this resolution does. It is an attempt to say, even to
those who had legitimate--legitimate--statements to make about war and
peace, to smear them all as making anti-Semitic remarks.
I would also say to my colleague that there have been a lot of other
anti-Semitic remarks around the country, from radio show hosts to
others. And if we want to make it a practice of regularly coming to
condemn remarks--hateful remarks--whether anti-Semitic or racist or
anti-gay or whatever it may be, then the U.S. Senate is going to have
to think long and hard about doing exactly that.
I heard you mention violence. Most of these protests--as repugnant as
some of them were in terms of the words--were not violent. The one
terrible violent hate crime we have seen in the United States since
Hamas's awful attack was the 6-year-old Palestinian-American Muslim boy
in Chicago stabbed 27 times.
You mentioned here, ``Whereas Columbia University was forced to close
its campus to the public after an Israeli student was violently
assaulted,'' I ask whether my colleague from Missouri wants to also
include in the resolution violent acts. They were hate crimes. The
police have said these were hate crimes. He was attacked because he was
a Muslim. I don't see any condemnation of that in this resolution.
Nothing.
So I would stand with my colleagues in standing up to hateful
rhetoric, condemning anti-Semitism. But what this resolution does--what
this resolution does--is not that.
Mr. HAWLEY. Would the Senator yield for a question?
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. I would be happy to yield.
Mr. HAWLEY. What of the rhetoric that is cited specifically in the
resolution--you talked about legitimate concerns. What, specifically,
do you think is legitimate?
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. I am not suggesting to my colleague that any
particular statement that he took out from these protests was a
legitimate statement. No. No. But what you are doing here--what you are
doing here--is smearing all of the students who engage in these
protests--yes, you are--and that is wrong.
I would just invite you, again, to join with me--if we are going to
get in this practice--and I don't suggest it; this is one of the
reasons I am here--of when there are terrible, hateful remarks made
against any group, whether they be Blacks or other minority groups, the
U.S. Senate maybe will weigh in, but--
Mr. HAWLEY. Senator, what is the smear? What is the smear?
Mr. VAN HOLLEN.--on this issue--
Mr. HAWLEY. What is the smear? Point me to the language.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. There are student groups that may have legitimate
concerns, for example, about--just a minute--legitimate concerns about
the loss of innocent civilian life in Gaza.
Mr. HAWLEY. They are not condemned by this resolution.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. No. No. No.
But what you are doing is saying--you are questioning--based on
certain remarks made by some students, you are questioning them all.
Mr. HAWLEY. Senator, we are condemning----
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. I object.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The objection is heard.
Mr. HAWLEY. Mr. President.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. President, if I may, I have to----
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Missouri has the floor.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. I have got another meeting, but I object.
Mr. HAWLEY. Mr. President, it is hard to believe what we have just
heard on this floor. Defense of the most vile, anti-Semitic rhetoric
under the excuse that to call out specifically the specific statements,
and denounce them one at a time and say this is wrong, that that is
somehow a smear, what that is, is a failure of moral nerve. What it is,
is a failure of moral clarity. What it is, is, frankly, sympathizing
with this rhetoric.
I don't know why it is so hard, but I guess we have now found out why
college presidents won't come out and say this is wrong.
We cite the specific words. Why is it wrong to say ``It includes
violence''? Why is it wrong to condemn this?
When students say the heroic resistance in Gaza should be praised,
they are not referring to something in general. They are talking about
the attack on Israel, the slaughter of innocent Israelis, and that is
perfectly fine? Those are legitimate concerns?
I mean, this is--the moral equivalency that has seeped into our
college campuses and, I guess, to the floor of the U.S. Senate is
unbelievable.
Let there be no mistake. What has happened today is one Senator has
blocked this body from condemning the attacks against Jewish people in
Israel, Jewish Americans in this Nation, and pretended that there is
some moral equivalency here between this and what?
The State of Israel is under existential threat. We have students in
this country who are specifically calling for and celebrating the
killing of Jews, and we can't condemn that on the floor of the Senate?
To say I am disappointed is an understatement. But I will say this: It
is a revealing moment.
I yield the floor.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I have two cloture motions, and then I
ask unanimous consent that I be allowed to address the Senate before we
vote on the resolution.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
____________________