[Congressional Record Volume 169, Number 163 (Wednesday, October 4, 2023)]
[Senate]
[Pages S4937-S4940]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]



                                Ukraine

  Mr. President, tonight, I rise to discuss the state of the war in 
Ukraine and the vital importance of our support for the Ukrainian 
people.
  While we could all breathe a sigh of relief that the House GOP didn't 
shut the government down last week, we need to move quickly to restore 
the military and humanitarian assistance that the House stripped out of 
the 47-day stopgap funding bill. At a minimum, we need to provide the 
full amount of Ukraine assistance requested by the administration. It 
is not just that we have a moral obligation to assist Ukraine; it is in 
our national security interest to do so.

[[Page S4938]]

  I can't begin to understand the political infighting and intrigue 
that are occurring within the Republican majority in the House, and I 
certainly can't explain why GOP leaders allowed a small cadre of their 
caucus to effectively veto assistance to Ukraine. What I do know is 
that Ukrainians are at a crucial point in their fight against Russia, 
and they need our help.
  Ukraine will soon enter another difficult winter, and we know Russia 
will target its energy and civilian infrastructure without regard for 
innocent civilians.
  In a letter to congressional leaders last Friday, Michael McCord, the 
Comptroller for the Department of Defense, wrote that ``the [Department 
of Defense] has exhausted nearly all available security assistance 
funding for Ukraine.''
  Under Secretary McCord added:

       Without additional funding now, we would have to delay or 
     curtail assistance to meet Ukraine's urgent requirements, 
     including for air defense and ammunition that are critical 
     and urgent now as Russia prepares to conduct a winter 
     offensive and continues its bombardment of Ukrainian cities.

  We cannot let that happen.
  Mr. President, I would ask unanimous consent that the text of this 
letter be printed in the Record.
  There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

                                   Under Secretary of Defense,

                               Washington, DC, September 29, 2023.
     Hon. Hakeem Jeffries,
     Minority Leader, House of Representatives,
     Washington, DC.
       Dear Leader Jeffries: I write to express the Department of 
     Defense's deep concern with the absence of security 
     assistance funding for Ukraine in the continuing resolution 
     (CR) being considered in the House, H.R. 5525, or any similar 
     continuing resolution that might be proposed. The Department 
     of Defense (DoD) is anxious to avoid a lapse in 
     appropriations, but it is important that a CR protect our 
     security interests and uphold our commitments and our values.
       As you know, the Department has been providing vital 
     security assistance to Ukraine since Russia's unprovoked 
     invasion in February 2022, thanks to the bipartisan support 
     of Congress. It is just as vital today that we continue that 
     support.
       Today, DoD has exhausted nearly all available security 
     assistance funding for Ukraine. We are already out of funding 
     for the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative, one of the 
     two security assistance tools we have.
       The other funding tool we need are those funds provided to 
     replenish our military's inventories for the weapons and 
     supplies we've provided to support Ukraine in their fight via 
     drawdown. We have only $1.6 billion remaining of the $25.9 
     billion Congress has provided. We have already been forced to 
     slow down the replenishment of our own forces to hedge 
     against an uncertain funding future. Failure to replenish our 
     military services on a timely basis could harm our military's 
     readiness.
       Without additional funding now, we would have to delay or 
     curtail assistance to meet Ukraine's urgent requirements, 
     including for air defense and ammunition that are critical 
     and urgent now as Russia prepares to conduct a winter 
     offensive and continues its bombardment of Ukrainian cities. 
     For example, a lack of USAI funding now will delay 
     contracting actions that could negatively impact the 
     Department's ability to purchase essential additional 155mm 
     artillery and critical munitions essential for the success of 
     Ukraine's Armed Forces.
       This ammunition is critical to sustaining Ukraine's Armed 
     Forces, including for their ongoing counteroffensive. An 
     inability to ensure timely procurement and deliveries could 
     undermine essential Ukrainian operations to retake additional 
     territory or defend against potential future Russian 
     offensives.
       It would also affect our ability to support Ukraine's land 
     forces, including obstacle breaching equipment, sustainment 
     of previously provided small Unmanned Aerial Systems, systems 
     to detect, analyze, and locate adversary signals, and 
     demolitions equipment. It would affect training, maintenance 
     and sustainment of the equipment we have previously provided, 
     exportability efforts, spare parts, and other activities to 
     ensure the Ukrainian Armed Forces receive a full capability.
       A funding cutoff would also send a negative signal to our 
     defense industrial base, which we have asked to step up 
     munitions production across the country, resulting in 
     increased defense capacity and higher employment. We cannot 
     afford to throw that progress away. In fact, we are counting 
     on it to implement our National Defense Strategy. It is 
     important to note that from workers supporting Stinger and 
     AMRAAM manufacturing in Arizona to factories producing 
     components for Patriot interceptors and GMLRS in Arkansas, 
     this funding is strengthening the American economy and 
     creating hundreds of new American jobs.
       Some have suggested that the Department could still execute 
     the mission and support Ukraine's needs if we were given 
     permission to transfer funds from inside a short-term CR from 
     our own needs to fund more security assistance. I want to be 
     clear, the Department does not support that approach, which 
     will create unacceptable risk to us. Under a CR, the 
     Department will be operating at a level approximately $25 
     billion below our budget request for FY2024, which was and is 
     consistent with the Fiscal Responsibility Act funding levels.
       The bottom line is we cannot sustain adequate levels of 
     Ukraine assistance with transfer authority alone.
       Delays to additional funding would also be perceived by 
     Ukraine as a sign of wavering U.S. support and likely as a 
     betrayal of our previous commitments. Allies and partners are 
     also unlikely to sustain their increased level of support 
     without clear, continuing U.S. leadership. As you know, 
     Secretary Austin successfully engages over 50 nations every 
     month to press for sustained support. It is crucial that the 
     U.S. continues to lead this global coalition, and we need the 
     resources to underwrite our leadership role.
       The Department appreciates your leadership on this vital 
     matter, and I am sending an identical letter to the Speaker 
     of the House as well as the Senate Majority and Minority 
     Leaders.
                                                   Michael McCord.

  Mr. REED. I must point out that our support is the leading edge of 
worldwide support. Our NATO allies have stepped forward, and countries 
around the globe understand that this battle between democracy and 
freedom and autocracy and inhumanity must be won.
  President Zelenskyy came to this very building 2 weeks ago to ask for 
our support. He received overwhelming bipartisan promises from Members 
of both the Senate and the House. Of course, I was proud to pledge my 
support, and I know nearly all of my Senate colleagues were also.
  It is shameful that on the heels of that visit, after looking 
President Zelenskyy in the eye and promising to stand with him, our 
House colleagues decided to strip all Ukraine funding from their 
continuing resolution. That decision contradicts the will of the 
majority of Congress and the American people, and it breaks faith with 
the people of Ukraine, who are in a battle to preserve their nation and 
their lives. And their battle is our battle. Their battle against 
unprovoked aggression by Putin against a democratic neighbor is a 
battle that we must ensure they can win because he won't stop there.
  We can't allow the obstinacy of a few Members of the House of 
Representatives to force a cruel deal on those who least deserve it--
the Ukrainian people.
  As I said, this conflict matters not just to Ukraine but to our own 
security here at home. It is clear that if Putin succeeds in Ukraine, 
he will not stop. He made this clear years ago when he talked about 
that his mission in life, his sole, overwhelming preoccupation, was to 
recreate the Russian Empire--the Balkans, parts of Poland, Moldova, 
Georgia. He is very clear.
  It is ironic in history how dictators can be so clear about what they 
want to do but ignored by people who should stand up to them. Hitler 
was very explicit in ``Mein Kampf'' on what his goal was. Yet world 
leaders appeased him. Will we appease Putin and cut off aid to the 
Ukrainians? If we do, it will be our problem.
  He will seek to destabilize other countries in the region, including 
our NATO allies. If that happens, under article 5 of NATO, we have a 
legal and moral obligation to go to their aid. That means the blood 
that will be shed is not Ukrainian blood but the blood of our soldiers, 
sailors, airmen, marines, guardians, and coastguardsmen. The cost of 
that, in my view, is priceless.
  Our job in some respects is to ensure by our actions here that we 
continue lowering the probability that American men and women in our 
service will suffer and die in action. If we renege on our commitment 
to Ukraine, that probability will go up, not down, and we will regret 
it immensely.
  We have seen colleagues on the other side speak out, but they have to 
speak out more vigorously.
  Leader McConnell said recently:

       With Ukraine bravely defending its sovereignty and eroding 
     Russia's capacity to threaten NATO, it is not the time to 
     ease up. . . . Helping Ukraine retake its territory means 
     weakening one of America's biggest strategic adversaries 
     without firing a shot.

  Leader McConnell is right about that, and I admire his forceful and 
courageous support of the Ukrainian people.
  Remember, also, China is watching how the democratic nations of the

[[Page S4939]]

world respond to Russia. In considering a potential invasion of Taiwan, 
President Xi is scrutinizing Putin's playbook and the international 
response, and he has seen things that are potentially encouraging, 
particularly if the international community simply gives up and allows 
Ukraine to fall.
  The conclusion he likely will draw is that, if I engage and I am 
persistent enough for long enough, then the political whims in the 
United States and across the globe will fall behind and they will give 
up and I will succeed.
  The credibility of the U.S. deterrent is only as strong as our 
actions. Our would-be partners around the world are also watching 
closely at what we are doing. Will we have their backs if they are 
attacked? We must show that we are a steadfast ally, not hamstrung by 
the whims of fringe politicians. Again, our adversaries would see 
themselves empowered as our alliances dissolve because there is no 
confidence or a lack of confidence in the United States.
  This is especially true when we consider how the Ukrainians have 
proven, time and time again, that, given the right support, they are 
entirely capable of defeating the assaults launched against them, and 
there are a number of reasons for this.
  First and foremost is the incredible courage and fighting skill of 
the Ukrainian people as well as the inspirational leadership of 
President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. I had the opportunity, like so many of 
my colleagues, to travel to Kyiv earlier this year and was deeply moved 
by the Ukrainians' bravery and commitment to defending their homeland.
  Second is the remarkable statesmanship of President Biden. His 
administration has forged a unified response, leading the worldwide 
condemnation of Putin and providing enormous military, economic, and 
humanitarian support for Ukraine. I doubt if anyone in this Senate, in 
the weeks before the invasion of Ukraine, would have predicted that 
NATO would rally as it has to support the Ukrainians; that allies 
across the globe would dig into their stocks of munitions and transfer 
them to the Ukrainians; that the whole world would be, in some 
respects, moved by the actions of our country in standing up and 
inspiring others to join with us.
  We also benefited from 8 years of training of Ukrainian forces, 
starting in 2014. In fact, I had the first opportunity to meet General 
Cavoli, our Supreme Allied Commander, when he was a brigadier general 
in Lviv training Ukrainian soldiers. That training was manifested as 
they repulsed the Russian assault. It was squad leaders and company 
commanders and young battalion commanders who had been trained by us 
and our allies who were able to outfight, outmaneuver, and outthink 
their Russian adversaries, and they continue to do that.
  Finally, Putin's assault has faltered from the inept performance of 
his own forces. The war has exposed a poorly led and poorly trained 
Russian Army with corrupt leadership at every level, poor tactics and 
communication and inept logistics. But people learn from adversity. The 
Russians are learning, and they are beginning to understand the 
limitations of their forces. So they are putting them in trenches; they 
are fortifying the battlefield; they are minimizing any maneuver that 
they must do because that is a complicated military operation. Then 
they are throwing in thousands and thousands of poorly trained but 
still well-armed soldiers.
  So we can't assume that their poor performance will last forever. 
That is another reason we have to continue our support and give our 
Ukrainian allies all the help they need.
  Now, Putin assumed, I believe, that his actions, his quick assault on 
Kyiv, would drive a wedge within the international community; that we 
would dither; that we would debate; that we would do nothing. Well, he 
was badly mistaken. As I indicated before, with the leadership of 
President Biden and Secretary Blinken and others, NATO has shown a 
remarkable unity and resolve. And we can't overstate the scale of this 
importance; that countries that before were unenthusiastic, let me say, 
about military operations, suddenly began to provide equipment, 
support, training, raised their budgets, and do so to assist the people 
of Ukraine.

  Also, something that goes unstated by so many is that our European 
allies are also giving tremendous aid to civilian populations that have 
been displaced and aid to the budget of Ukraine. If you look on a per 
capita basis of the GDP--I should say the basis of percentage of the 
GDP--we are not the most generous benefactor of Ukraine; it is the 
Baltic nations. So this is an unusual worldwide commitment of 
sacrifice, of resources, in which we are the leader, but many other 
nations are giving as much, if not more.
  Now, Putin, I think, believes he can wait us all out. He can wait for 
the supplies to be exhausted by the Ukrainians. Oh, and by the way, if 
we take away our resources, those supplies will be quickly exhausted. 
But we cannot validate this viewpoint as the Ukrainians have fought too 
hard and suffered too much to be left alone on the battlefield, to be 
abandoned.
  And just as the Ukrainians have learned and adapted on the 
battlefield, the effort to aid and equip their security forces has 
evolved as we have gone forward. Throughout the war, the Biden 
administration has calibrated our assistance to Ukraine, calibrated in 
a very difficult situation. We have allies that were somewhat reluctant 
to move weapons systems in. We have allies that are signatories to the 
treaty against the use of cluster munitions, which we had to take into 
account. We have to negotiate between multiple parties that don't have 
precisely the same viewpoint as we have, but yet we have been able to 
consistently support, train, equip, and provide the resources necessary 
for the Ukrainian forces to begin their counteroffensive, which they 
did weeks ago; to continue their fight through this winter and position 
them, we hope, for a decisive action as soon as possible.
  We have committed tremendous amounts of security assistance, 
including advanced air defense systems equipment, and we remain keen 
that we look ahead to provide the most modern weapons systems that the 
Ukrainians can use. Many people forget the training that is necessary 
to use sophisticated weapons systems. Many people forget that the key 
to maneuver operations is a rather sophisticated coordination between 
ground forces, heavy armored forces, artillery support, air support 
when available. All of these things are not something that one just 
does naturally. It takes training. It takes repeated attempts. 
Fortunately, for us, the Ukrainians are so dedicated to their country 
that they are committing their all to use our equipment effectively.
  I will also note that the supplemental funding that we have brought 
has allowed us to invest more money and create more jobs right here in 
the United States as U.S. defense industry partners ramp up production 
to meet Ukraine's needs and to backfill our own munitions supplies.
  Indeed, what we have found is, really, a new type of warfare. We had 
become accustomed for decades to have complete air superiority when we 
fought, to have precision weapons that were so accurate that the 
battles we fought were weeks: Desert Storm, Iraqi Freedom, the first 
phase of the battlefield in Afghanistan. So we didn't think we needed a 
large-scale munitions production. The type of warfare we are seeing 
now, which very well might be the type of warfare we encounter in the 
future, requires an industrial base that can provide adequate 
ammunition, an adequate supply of equipment. We have started that 
process. One aspect is multiyear contracts now for munitions so that 
there is a demand that producers understand and will fulfill.
  Now, some have said our response has been too slow and that we should 
have given more weaponry or better weaponry, et cetera. Well, those 
people who have criticized the President about their claims of slowness 
should be outraged at the House, which is demanding we stop it all. 
They should raise their voices now, strongly, emphatically, to tell the 
House: We must have Ukrainian aid approved, and we must do it quickly.
  Throughout the war in Ukraine, President Biden has led the United 
States and the international community with admirable resolve. Congress 
must send a strong message to Putin that Americans continue to stand in 
solidarity with the people of Ukraine

[[Page S4940]]

and that we are committed to supporting them as they fight bravely to 
defend their homeland.
  The simple truth is that their battle is our battle. If they lose, 
Americans lose, and the likelihood that our young men and women will be 
called upon to enter the fray increases dramatically. We must support 
our Ukrainian allies.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Ms. Hassan). The Senator from Rhode Island.
  Mr. REED. I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.

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