[Congressional Record Volume 169, Number 149 (Thursday, September 14, 2023)]
[Senate]
[Pages S4501-S4503]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                          LEGISLATIVE SESSION

                                 ______
                                 

     MILITARY CONSTRUCTION, VETERANS AFFAIRS, AND RELATED AGENCIES 
          APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 2024--MOTION TO PROCEED--Resumed

  The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. Under the previous order, the 
Senate will resume consideration of the motion to proceed to H.R. 4366, 
which the clerk will report.
  The senior assistant legislative clerk read as follows:

       Motion to proceed to Calendar No. 198, H.R. 4366, a bill 
     making appropriations for military construction, the 
     Department of Veterans Affairs, and related agencies for the 
     fiscal year ending September 30, 2024, and for other 
     purposes.


                   Recognition of the Majority Leader

  The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The majority leader is recognized.


                            AI Insight Forum

  Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, yesterday, Senators from both sides of 
the aisle participated in one of the most informative and historic 
discussions ever held in the Congress.
  Many of us came out of our first AI Insight Forum exhilarated. The 
debate was illuminating; the discussions, candid and unvarnished, and 
direct.
  I want to thank Senators Rounds, Heinrich, and Young for joining me 
in leading the discussion. They helped make yesterday an all-out 
success.
  I want to thank every Senator who attended. We had great turnout. I 
am told about 70 Senators from both parties attended, and I think we 
all left with a greater understanding and appreciation of AI's 
importance and complexity.
  By the end of the day, everyone in the room did reach a consensus on 
a few important points.
  First, Congress must play a role--must play a role--in regulating AI. 
One of the most striking moments at the forum was when I asked all of 
the participants--the critics, the experts, the developers alike--to 
raise their hands if they agreed that government had to be involved, 
and we had universal support. Not one person had their hand down.
  Second, most everyone agreed that the government must also play a 
role promoting what we call transformational innovation. Bill Gates 
talked about AI's potential for combating hunger worldwide. Eric 
Schmidt talked about the way AI could help doctors do their job. 
Senator Rounds, in a touching moment, talked about losing his wife to 
cancer, which hit home to a lot of people in the room, as it does with 
millions and millions of Americans. And it led to a conversation about 
how AI can be used one day to model never-before-seen drugs to do the 
unthinkable: cure cancer.
  But at the same time and with equal vehemence--maybe even more--we 
had a consensus on the need for guardrails for a sustainable 
innovation, because just as AI can be used to design cancer cures, it 
could also, if things went wrong, be used to make terrible bioweapons 
or other dangers.

[[Page S4502]]

  I think everyone at the forum agreed that if we don't do anything on 
AI, then the lowest common denominator can occur: Racial bias that is 
in our society would be enshrined in AI; massive job displacement and 
even more unthinkable doomsday scenarios. So we talked about the need 
for not only transformational innovation that does the positive but for 
sustainable innovation, where the government installs guardrails to 
minimize these risks.
  It is called sustainable because AI won't be able to go forward if we 
don't have guardrails to prevent the very serious downsides. And we 
agreed that only the government can fill the hole of creating and 
enforcing these guardrails, because even if a good number of private 
companies do the responsible thing and regulate themselves, there will 
always be outlier companies that don't, and that brings the lowest 
common denominator way down.
  Finally, there was a consensus that we need to find balance between 
innovation and guardrails. This won't be easy, but it is essential. You 
can't go too far in either direction. We want to both maximize the 
benefits and minimize the risks, and if you go too far on one side, you 
may hurt the other. So Congress must pay attention to both. That ain't 
easy. This is going to be one of the toughest jobs the Congress has 
ever undertaken but one of the most important and one of the most 
necessary.
  To be sure, we didn't cover everything in today's forum. We are just 
at the beginning. The conversation that began yesterday will continue 
into the fall and beyond when we host even more AI Insight Forums. Our 
committees, which will have to do the work--the real work--of crafting 
legislation, have already held a dozen hearings and are going to hold a 
lot more, using what we learn at the forums to help craft legislation.
  Well, we have a lot of work in front of us, but yesterday's 
conversation gave the Senate a strong sense of where to begin, and it 
was a decided blow to the ostriches around here who might put their 
heads in the sand and say: It is too complicated. It is too difficult. 
Let's do nothing.
  Thanks to all of our participants who came to yesterday's AI forum. 
Thanks to Senators Rounds and Young and Heinrich for hosting with me, 
and thanks to all of my colleagues who joined. Let's now look ahead to 
our second day AI Insight Forum, which will happen very soon.


                       Business Before the Senate

  Now, Mr. President, on Senate business, today, the Senate will take 
the next step in our bipartisan appropriations process. Later this 
morning, we will hold a vote on the motion to proceed to the minibus, 
which contains three spending bills: MILCON-VA, Agriculture, and 
Transportation-Housing, affectionately known around here as T-HUD.
  Earlier this week, the first vote on this bill got an overwhelming 
85-to-12 vote. That is yet another example of the bipartisan nature of 
our work here in the Senate to date, and I hope both sides come out in 
strong support of the vote in a few minutes. We should not slow this 
process down because once we are on the bill, I look forward to a 
constructive debate where both sides can secure votes on amendments.
  Off the floor, the work of advancing the President's highly qualified 
nominees also continues. Today, the Judiciary Committee will hold a 
markup on another seven district judges, two U.S. attorneys, and other 
nominees.
  I thank Chairman Durbin and my colleagues on the Judiciary for their 
work. They have helped the U.S. Senate confirm over 140 judges, 
including 36 circuit judges, 104 district court judges, and, of course, 
Ketanji Brown Jackson, the historic nomination to the U.S. Supreme 
Court.


                           Republican Agenda

  Mr. President, on Republican extremism, a lot has changed since I 
first arrived in Congress but nothing more so than the seismic shift in 
the Republican Party's support for the members of our great Armed 
Forces.
  When I arrived in the House, Republican Representatives used to fall 
over each other to give speeches expressing support for those in 
uniform--the same when I arrived in the Senate. Their policies didn't 
always match the rhetoric, but the support truly seemed real and 
genuine. It no longer does. Oh, some of them may still use the 
rhetoric, but these days, the actions we see on the other side say more 
than all of the patriotic rhetoric on Earth.
  Look at where we are. In the House, the Republicans can't even agree 
to debate a bill to fund the Defense Department and the intelligence 
community, and they balk at providing emergency aid to a democratic 
partner fighting off a Russian invasion. In the Senate, our Republican 
colleagues are more supportive of our Ukrainian friends, to their 
credit, but extremists in their ranks are blocking the promotion of 
hundreds of military leaders. And what does the Republican leadership 
do? Nothing--tacit approval of this nakedly cynical tactic. They are 
shrugging their shoulders and letting it go forward. The result? Real 
lives--real lives, families--trapped in limbo because a select few want 
to push the MAGA hard line on women's choice.
  To my colleagues on the other side of the aisle, these 
servicemembers--the finest our military has to offer--are seemingly 
just numbers on the Senate calendar. The Senator from Alabama claims 
that no one is being harmed by his obstruction and that the leadership 
of his conference supports him.
  Well, I say to my friends: These are not just numbers. Our armed 
services members are real people who have dedicated their lives to 
serving and defending our great country. They are real families, 
spouses, children whose lives have been put in limbo by the callous 
calculation of the Senator from Alabama; officers who cannot assume 
their new assignments, spouses who cannot find jobs in new locations, 
families who cannot get settled in their new homes; kids who have to go 
to a new school can't start.
  The bottom line is this: This is a Republican problem. It was created 
by the Senator from Alabama--no one else--and it is up to Republicans 
to put pressure on him to back off, plain and simple.
  We already see that pressure mount. Last week, one of the major 
Republican Presidential candidates said that the Senator from Alabama 
ought to back off. Just a few days ago, the House chairman of the 
Foreign Relations Committee--one of the most respected, conservative 
Members of the House--said the same thing. But Senate Republican 
leaders need to step up. Yet here we are with extremists--extremists--
of one party choosing to upend the lives of hundreds of dedicated and 
honorable military families.
  I will continue to find a way to break this logjam and get these 
lives back on track.
  I yield the floor.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The clerk will call the roll.
  The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded.
  The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. Without objection, it is so 
ordered.


                   Recognition of the Minority Leader

  The Republican leader is recognized.


                           National Security

  Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, America's example and the threats posed 
by Russia and China are leading major allies and partners in Europe and 
Asia to step up their commitments to collective security and 
dramatically increase investments in their own defense.
  It is worth pointing out once again that the United States is not--I 
repeat ``not''--shouldering the burden for European free riders. In 
fact, when it comes to security assistance to Ukraine as a share of 
GDP, 14 of our European allies are actually giving more.
  Lithuania--a small nation by any measure--has sent tens of thousands 
of rifles, handguns, and grenade launchers and millions of rounds of 
ammunition. Denmark and Estonia have sent their entire inventory of 
certain critical artillery. Larger allies, like the United Kingdom and 
France, are making remarkable contributions themselves, including 
longer range systems than the United States has provided. Even Germany, 
despite slow and sometimes agonizing decision making, has provided 
historic support to Ukraine and is the continent's largest provider of 
security assistance to Ukraine. Europe has more than doubled American 
economic and humanitarian assistance, not to

[[Page S4503]]

mention the massive cost of hosting millions of Ukrainian refugees.
  But, like America, our allies are not in the business of 
philanthropy. As far away as Tokyo and Seoul, leaders are making a 
sober calculation about their interests. Our friends are making 
historic new investments in growing their arsenals and modernizing 
their militaries.
  More than half of our NATO allies are now on track to hit the 
alliance's 2 percent spending target by the end of next year. Sweden, 
not yet a full-fledged NATO member, is increasing its defense spending 
next year by nearly 30 percent to invest in modern capabilities and 
meet its 2 percent of the GDP target. Lithuania, which spent less than 
1 percent of its GDP on defense back in 2014, is set to spend over 2.5 
percent next year.
  To bolster their security, many of our allies are buying American. 
Since Russia's escalation began last February, our allies and partners 
across the globe have purchased over $120 billion in advanced, 
American-made weapons systems.
  Germany, Switzerland, Finland, and the Czech Republic have all moved 
quickly to sign contracts to purchase F-35s. Indonesia has signed up 
for nearly $14 billion in F-15 fighter aircraft made in St. Louis, MO. 
Bulgaria--an economy roughly the size of the State of Maine--has spent 
$1.5 billion on Stryker combat vehicles that are produced in Lima, OH, 
and Anniston, AL. Poland has ordered $12 billion worth of Apache 
helicopters produced in Mesa, AZ, and is planning to buy 486 HIMARS 
launchers. They will have the biggest HIMARS inventory in the world.
  Here is the most important part: When our friends and allies ``Buy 
American,'' they are buying into a closer security relationship with 
the United States. They are building more interoperable militaries to 
strengthen deterrence. They are also lowering costs for the American 
taxpayer as we rebuild our own capabilities. They are sharing the 
burden of collective defense.
  These investments are not a coincidence; they are a demonstration of 
the confidence our allies have in American leadership. But make no 
mistake, that confidence is perishable. As we saw with the disastrous 
retreat from Afghanistan, America can lose trust far more quickly than 
we can earn it.
  If we pull the plug on our commitment to stand with Europe, our 
largest trading partner, I can guarantee it will shred our credibility 
as a security partner worldwide. It will make it harder to convince our 
allies to stand together against Chinese aggression--the single biggest 
threat to our own security and prosperity.


                         Tribute to Mike Duncan

  Mr. President, today, I join folks in my home State in thanking Mike 
Duncan for his decades-long service to the Kentucky Republican Party as 
he steps down as our national committeeman.
  In Washington, it is rare to find an individual equally skilled at 
navigating the worlds of business and politics, but my good friend Mike 
is just that rare hybrid. Despite his success in standing up a chain of 
community banks, Mike chose to commit his considerable talents to 
public service. He would serve terms as Governor of the U.S. Postal 
Service, chairman of the Republican National Committee, and chairman of 
the Tennessee Valley Authority, on top of a number of impressive 
positions under five Republican Presidents. In my home State, Mike has 
served as a national committeeman for the Kentucky GOP since 1992, 
advising the Republican leaders at the local, State, and national 
levels his entire career.

  Early on, Mike had a gift for giving that he shared generously with 
the people of my home State. When Mike and his wife Joanne first moved 
to East Kentucky, they committed to spending at least 1 day a week 
doing something to benefit their community.
  Since then, Mike has devoted decades to student mentorship, training 
young people in Appalachia, and sponsoring their continued education. 
His lifetime of civic service has been recognized by a number of 
prestigious organizations.
  Somehow, between raising a family and serving his country, Mike found 
time to develop a close circle of friends, which I am grateful to be a 
part of. Mike has been a trusted source of counsel, and I am thankful 
to always have him in my corner.
  So as Mike steps away from his national role, I am grateful he will 
continue to be a leader in our State party and in his own community.
  Thank you, Mike. Thank you for your decades of friendship and your 
service to our country. Elaine and I wish you and Joanne all the best.
  The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from Washington.
  Mrs. MURRAY. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The clerk will call the roll.
  The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mrs. MURRAY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded.
  The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. Without objection, it is so 
ordered.


                             Appropriations

  Mrs. MURRAY. Mr. President, I urge all of our colleagues who have 
come to me and to the Senator from Maine to talk about the need for 
regular order to vote yes now on this motion to proceed. I will have 
more to say about what we all need to do to keep this process moving, 
but this vote is important if we want to make sure that Senators will 
have the opportunity to speak out for their values and their 
constituents.
  So I urge a yes vote on the motion to proceed, and let's get going on 
an agreement, as soon as possible, so Senators can vote and debate and 
act on amendments. That is what regular order is, and that is what 
everyone has told me is exactly what they want and what I have been 
hearing all year from Senators on both sides of the aisle.
  Let's keep up the bipartisanship. Let's get to work.


                             Vote on Motion

  The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. Under the previous order, all 
postcloture time is expired.
  The question is on agreeing to the motion to proceed.
  Mrs. MURRAY. I ask for the yeas and nays.
  The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. Is there a sufficient second?
  There appears to be a sufficient second.
  The clerk will call the roll.
  The senior assistant legislative clerk called the roll.
  Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from Illinois (Ms. Duckworth) 
and the Senator from New Mexico (Mr. Lujan) are necessarily absent.
  The result was announced--yeas 91, nays 7, as follows:

                      [Rollcall Vote No. 228 Leg.]

                                YEAS--91

     Baldwin
     Barrasso
     Bennet
     Blackburn
     Blumenthal
     Booker
     Boozman
     Britt
     Brown
     Budd
     Cantwell
     Capito
     Cardin
     Carper
     Casey
     Cassidy
     Collins
     Coons
     Cornyn
     Cortez Masto
     Cotton
     Cramer
     Crapo
     Daines
     Durbin
     Ernst
     Feinstein
     Fetterman
     Fischer
     Gillibrand
     Graham
     Grassley
     Hagerty
     Hassan
     Heinrich
     Hickenlooper
     Hirono
     Hoeven
     Hyde-Smith
     Johnson
     Kaine
     Kelly
     Kennedy
     King
     Klobuchar
     Lankford
     Lee
     Manchin
     Markey
     Marshall
     McConnell
     Menendez
     Merkley
     Moran
     Mullin
     Murkowski
     Murphy
     Murray
     Ossoff
     Padilla
     Paul
     Peters
     Reed
     Risch
     Romney
     Rosen
     Rounds
     Rubio
     Sanders
     Schatz
     Schumer
     Scott (SC)
     Shaheen
     Sinema
     Smith
     Stabenow
     Sullivan
     Tester
     Thune
     Tillis
     Tuberville
     Van Hollen
     Vance
     Warner
     Warnock
     Warren
     Welch
     Whitehouse
     Wicker
     Wyden
     Young

                                NAYS--7

     Braun
     Cruz
     Hawley
     Lummis
     Ricketts
     Schmitt
     Scott (FL)

                             NOT VOTING--2

     Duckworth
     Lujan
       
  The motion was agreed to.

                          ____________________