[Congressional Record Volume 169, Number 147 (Tuesday, September 12, 2023)]
[House]
[Pages H4242-H4247]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
{time} 1615
MAHSA AMINI HUMAN RIGHTS AND SECURITY ACCOUNTABILITY ACT
Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the
bill (H.R. 589) to impose sanctions on the Supreme Leader of Iran and
the President of Iran and their respective offices for human rights
abuses and support for terrorism, as amended.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The text of the bill is as follows:
H.R. 589
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ``Mahsa Amini Human rights and
Security Accountability Act'' or the ``MAHSA Act''.
SEC. 2. IMPOSITION OF SANCTIONS ON IRAN'S SUPREME LEADER'S
OFFICE, ITS APPOINTEES, AND ANY AFFILIATED
PERSONS.
(a) Findings.--Congress finds the following:
(1) The Supreme Leader is an institution of the Islamic
Republic of Iran.
(2) The Supreme Leader holds ultimate authority over Iran's
judiciary and security apparatus, including the Ministry of
Intelligence and Security, law enforcement forces under the
Interior Ministry, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps
(IRGC), and the Basij, a nationwide volunteer paramilitary
group subordinate to the IRGC, all of which have engaged in
human rights abuses in Iran. Additionally the IRGC, a United
States designated Foreign Terrorist Organization, which
reports to the Supreme Leader, continues to perpetrate
terrorism around the globe, including attempts to kill and
kidnap American citizens on United States soil.
(3) The Supreme Leader appoints the head of Iran's
judiciary. International observers continue to criticize the
lack of independence of Iran's judicial system and maintained
that trials disregarded international standards of fairness.
(4) The revolutionary courts, created by Iran's former
Supreme Leader Ruhollah Khomeini, within Iran's judiciary,
are chiefly responsible
[[Page H4243]]
for hearing cases of political offenses, operate in parallel
to Iran's criminal justice system and routinely hold grossly
unfair trials without due process, handing down predetermined
verdicts and rubberstamping executions for political purpose.
(5) The Iranian security and law enforcement forces engage
in serious human rights abuse at the behest of the Supreme
Leader.
(6) Iran's President, Ebrahim Raisi, sits at the helm of
the most sanctioned cabinet in Iranian history which includes
internationally sanctioned rights violators. Raisi has
supported the recent crackdown on protestors and is a rights
violator himself, having served on a ``death commission'' in
1988 that led to the execution of several thousand political
prisoners in Iran. He most recently served as the head of
Iran's judiciary, a position appointed by Iran's current
Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, and may likely be a potential
candidate to replace Khamenei as Iran's next Supreme Leader.
(7) On September 16, 2022, a 22-year-old woman, Mahsa
Amini, died in the detention of the Morality Police after
being beaten and detained for allegedly transgressing
discriminatory dress codes for women. This tragic incident
triggered widespread, pro-women's rights, pro-democracy
protests across all of Iran's 31 provinces, calling for the
end to Iran's theocratic regime.
(8) In the course of the protests, the Iranian security
forces' violent crackdown includes mass arrests, well
documented beating of protestors, throttling of the internet
and telecommunications services, and shooting protestors with
live ammunition. Iranian security forces have reportedly
killed hundreds of protestors and other civilians, including
women and children, and wounded many more.
(9) Iran's Supreme Leader is the leader of the ``Axis of
Resistance'', which is a network of Tehran's terror proxy and
partner militias materially supported by the Islamic
Revolutionary Guard Corps that targets the United States as
well as its allies and partners.
(b) Sense of Congress.--It is the sense of Congress that--
(1) the United States shall stand with and support the
people of Iran in their demand for fundamental human rights;
(2) the United States shall continue to hold the Islamic
Republic of Iran, particularly the Supreme Leader and
President, accountable for abuses of human rights,
corruption, and export of terrorism; and
(3) Iran must immediately end its gross violations of
internationally recognized human rights.
(c) In General.--
(1) Determination and report required.--Not later than 90
days after the date of the enactment of this Act, and
annually thereafter, the President shall--
(A) determine whether each foreign person described in
subsection (d) meets the criteria for imposition of sanctions
under one or more of the sanctions programs and authorities
listed in paragraph (2);
(B) impose applicable sanctions against any foreign person
determined to meet the criteria for imposition of sanctions
pursuant to subparagraph (A) under the sanctions programs and
authorities listed in subparagraph (A) or (F) of subsection
(c)(2) and pursue applicable sanctions against any foreign
person determined to meet the criteria for imposition of
sanctions pursuant to subparagraph (A) under the sanctions
programs and authorities listed in subparagraph (B), (C),
(D), or (E) of subsection (c)(2); and
(C) submit to the appropriate congressional committees a
report in unclassified form, with a classified annex provided
separately if needed, containing--
(i) a list of all foreign persons described in subsection
(d) that meet the criteria for imposition of sanctions under
one or more of the sanctions programs and authorities listed
in paragraph (2); and
(ii) for each foreign person identified pursuant to clause
(i)--
(I) a list of each sanctions program or authority listed in
paragraph (2) for which the person meets the criteria for
imposition of sanctions;
(II) a statement which, if any, of the sanctions authorized
by any of the sanctions programs and authorities identified
pursuant to subclause (I) have been imposed or will be
imposed within 30 days of the submission of the report; and
(III) with respect to which any of the sanctions authorized
by any of the sanctions programs and authorities identified
pursuant to subclause (I) have not been imposed and will not
be imposed within 30 days of the submission of the report,
the specific authority under which otherwise applicable
sanctions are being waived, have otherwise been determined
not to apply, or are not being imposed and a complete
justification of the decision to waive or otherwise not apply
the sanctions authorized by such sanctions programs and
authorities.
(2) Sanctions listed.--The sanctions listed in this
paragraph are the following:
(A) Sanctions described in section 105(c) of the
Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment
Act of 2010 (22 U.S.C. 8514(c)).
(B) Sanctions applicable with respect to a person pursuant
to Executive Order 13553 (50 U.S.C. 1701 note; relating to
blocking property of certain persons with respect to serious
human rights abuses by the Government of Iran).
(C) Sanctions applicable with respect to a person pursuant
to Executive Order 13224 (50 U.S.C. 1701 note; relating to
blocking property and prohibiting transactions with persons
who commit, threaten to commit, or support terrorism).
(D) Sanctions applicable with respect to a person pursuant
to Executive Order 13818 (relating to blocking the property
of persons involved in serious human rights abuse or
corruption).
(E) Sanctions applicable with respect to a person pursuant
to Executive Order 13876 (relating to imposing sanctions with
respect to Iran).
(F) Penalties and visa bans applicable with respect to a
person pursuant to section 7031(c) of the Department of
State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs
Appropriations Act, 2021.
(3) Form of determination.--The determination required by
paragraph (1) shall be provided in an unclassified form but
may contain a classified annex provided separately containing
additional contextual information pertaining to justification
for the issuance of any waiver issued, as described in
paragraph (1)(C)(ii). The unclassified portion of such
determination shall be made available on a publicly available
internet website of the Federal Government.
(d) Foreign Persons Described.--The foreign persons
described in this subsection are the following:
(1) The Supreme Leader of Iran and any official in the
Office of the Supreme Leader of Iran.
(2) The President of Iran and any official in the Office of
the President of Iran or the President's cabinet, including
cabinet ministers and executive vice presidents.
(3) Any entity, including foundations and economic
conglomerates, overseen by the Office of the Supreme Leader
of Iran which is complicit in financing or resourcing of
human rights abuses or support for terrorism.
(4) Any official of any entity owned or controlled by the
Supreme Leader of Iran or the Office of the Supreme Leader of
Iran.
(5) Any person determined by the President--
(A) to be a person appointed by the Supreme Leader of Iran,
the Office of the Supreme Leader of Iran, the President of
Iran, or the Office of the President of Iran to a position as
a state official of Iran, or as the head of any entity
located in Iran or any entity located outside of Iran that is
owned or controlled by one or more entities in Iran;
(B) to have materially assisted, sponsored, or provided
financial, material, or technological support for, or goods
or services to or in support of any person whose property and
interests in property are blocked pursuant to any sanctions
program or authority listed in subsection (c)(2);
(C) to be owned or controlled by, or to have acted or
purported to act for or on behalf of, directly or indirectly
any person whose property and interests in property are
blocked pursuant to any sanctions program or authority listed
in subsection (c)(2); or
(D) to be a member of the board of directors or a senior
executive officer of any person whose property and interests
in property are blocked pursuant to any sanctions program or
authority listed in subsection (c)(2).
(e) Congressional Oversight.--
(1) In general.--Not later than 60 days after receiving a
request from the chairman and ranking member of one of the
appropriate congressional committees with respect to whether
a foreign person meets the criteria of a person described in
subsection (d)(5), the President shall--
(A) determine if the person meets such criteria; and
(B) submit an unclassified report, with a classified annex
provided separately if needed, to such chairman and ranking
member with respect to such determination that includes a
statement of whether or not the President imposed or intends
to impose sanctions with respect to the person pursuant to
any sanctions program or authority listed in subsection
(c)(2).
(2) Appropriate congressional committees defined.--In this
subsection, the term ``appropriate congressional committees''
means--
(A) the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of
Representatives; and
(B) the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate.
SEC. 3. SEVERABILITY.
If any provision of this Act, or the application of such
provision to any person or circumstance, is found to be
unconstitutional, the remainder of this Act, or the
application of that provision to other persons or
circumstances, shall not be affected.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from
Texas (Mr. McCaul) and the gentlewoman from Pennsylvania (Ms. Dean)
each will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Texas.
General Leave
Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may
have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to
include extraneous material on this measure.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Texas?
There was no objection.
Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, we all know that Iran has committed brutal human rights
violations. This regime silences dissent and suppresses the truth, and
those who dare speak out face severe consequences, including death.
Mr. Speaker, 1 year ago, 22-year-old Mahsa Amini was murdered by the
Iranian regime, the so-called morality police, while in police custody.
Iran's morality police had detained her for a false crime unthinkable
to most of us here in this Chamber.
What was the crime?
It was failing to properly cover her hair.
[[Page H4244]]
The people of Iran were outraged by her brutal murder and by the
range of injustices that the Ayatollah subjects Iranians to day in and
day out. This outrage led the great people of Iran to rise up in
peaceful protest, demanding change.
Sadly, but not surprisingly, the regime responded with a violent
crackdown against the protesters. They detained tens of thousands of
their own citizens and killed hundreds more. The regime choked off
access to the outside world by blocking the internet. Disturbingly,
violence and isolation are how they deny their own people their freedom
and their voice.
The international community has failed the people of Iran by failing
to compel their oppressors to stop this abuse. We have many sanctions
laws designed to address the Iranian regime's human rights violations.
However, it is clear that many officials and institutions in Iran have
not yet been sanctioned for their role in these abuses. That is why it
is so important that we pass this bipartisan bill that was authored and
introduced by Representative Banks from Indiana.
We must require the President to formally determine whether specific
high-ranking regime officials and institutions meet the criteria for
imposition of our sanctions and then act based on those determinations.
The Biden administration has its own political agenda when it comes
to Iran. This administration wants to broker a bad nuclear agreement
with Iran and has made it clear that it is willing to sacrifice
leverage in the form of sanctions enforcement to do so.
My longstanding concerns only grew when we learned that the
administration's chief negotiator, Rob Malley, was being investigated
for problems with his security clearance. This administration must be
transparent about these allegations and how they have impacted the last
2 years of Iran's policy.
To the administration, I say this: We must not sell out the Iranian
people to reach a bad nuclear deal with Iran.
A nuclear Iran is simply not acceptable. We must fully enforce the
laws on the books that we have in order to stop the grotesque human
rights violations taking place in Iran.
That is why as we approach the 1-year anniversary of Mahsa Amini's
tragic death--it is so fitting that we do it here in this Chamber this
week--Congress must show the world that we have not forgotten Mahsa or
the millions of Iranians who have experienced violence, oppression, and
even death at the hands of the regime.
Mr. Speaker, I urge unanimous support for this measure, and I reserve
the balance of my time.
House of Representatives,
Committee on Ways and Means,
Washington, DC, June 22, 2023.
Hon. Michael McCaul,
Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC.
Dear Chairman McCaul, I am writing with respect to H.R.
589, the ``Mahsa Amini Human rights and Security
Accountability Act.'' As a result of your having consulted
with us on provisions on which the Committee on Ways and
Means has a jurisdictional interest, I will not request a
sequential referral on this measure.
The Committee on Ways and Means takes this action with the
mutual understanding that we do not waive any jurisdiction
over the subject matter contained in this or similar
legislation, and the Committee will be appropriately
consulted and involved as the bill or similar legislation
moves forward so that we may address any remaining issues
that fall within our jurisdiction. The Committee also
reserves the right to seek appointment of an appropriate
number of conferees to any House-Senate conference involving
this or similar legislation, and requests your support for
such request.
Finally, I would appreciate your response to this letter
confirming this understanding and would ask that a copy of
our exchange of letters on this matter be included in the
Congressional Record during floor consideration of H.R. 589.
Sincerely,
Jason Smith,
Chairman.
____
House of Representatives,
Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC, June 15, 2023.
Hon. Jason Smith,
Chairman, Committee on Ways and Means,
Washington, DC.
Dear Chairman Smith: Thank you for consulting with the
Foreign Affairs Committee and agreeing to be discharged from
further consideration of H.R. 589, the Mahsa Amini Human
Rights and Security Accountability Act, so that the measure
may proceed expeditiously to the House floor.
I agree that your forgoing further action on this measure
does not in any way diminish or alter the jurisdiction of
your committee, or prejudice its jurisdictional prerogatives
on this measure or similar legislation in the future. I would
support your effort to seek appointment of an appropriate
number of conferees from your committee to any House-Senate
conference on this legislation.
I will seek to place our letters on this bill into the
Congressional Record during floor consideration. I appreciate
your cooperation regarding his legislation and look forward
to continuing to work together as this measure moves through
the legislative process.
Sincerely,
Michael T. McCaul,
Chairman.
____
House of Representatives,
Committee on the Judiciary,
Washington, DC, June 15, 2023.
Hon. Michael McCaul,
Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,
House of Representatives, Washington, DC.
Dear Chairman McCaul, I write regarding H.R. 589, the Mahsa
Amini Human Rights and Security Accountability Act.
Provisions of this bill fall within the Judiciary Committee's
Rule X jurisdiction, and I appreciate that you consulted with
us on those provisions. The Judiciary Committee agrees that
it shall be discharged from further consideration of the bill
so that it may proceed expeditiously to the House floor.
The Committee takes this action with the understanding that
forgoing further consideration of this measure does not in
any way alter the Committee's jurisdiction or waive any
future jurisdictional claim over these provisions or their
subject matter. We also reserve the right to seek appointment
of an appropriate number of conferees in the event of a
conference with the Senate involving this measure or similar
legislation.
I ask that you please include this letter in your
committee's report to accompany this legislation or insert
this letter in the Congressional Record during consideration
of H.R. 589 on the House floor. I appreciate the cooperative
manner in which our committees have worked on this matter,
and I look forward to working collaboratively in the future
on matters of shared jurisdiction. Thank you for your
attention to this matter.
Sincerely,
Jim Jordan,
Chairman.
____
House of Representatives,
Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC, June 15, 2023.
Hon. Jim Jordan,
Chairman, Committee on the Judiciary,
Washington, DC.
Dear Chairman Jordan: Thank you for consulting with the
Foreign Affairs Committee and agreeing to be discharged from
further consideration of H.R. 589, the Mahsa Amini Human
Rights and Security Accountability Act, so that the measure
may proceed expeditiously to the House floor.
I agree that your forgoing further action on this measure
does not in any way diminish or alter the jurisdiction of
your committee, or prejudice its jurisdictional prerogatives
on this measure or similar legislation in the future. I would
support your effort to seek appointment of an appropriate
number of conferees from your committee to any House-Senate
conference on this legislation.
I will seek to place our letters on this bill into the
Congressional Record during floor consideration. I appreciate
your cooperation regarding this legislation and look forward
to continuing to work together as this measure moves through
the legislative process.
Michael T. McCaul,
Chairman.
____
House of Representatives,
Committee on Financial Services,
Washington, DC, May 31, 2023.
Hon. Michael McCaul,
Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC.
Dear Chairman McCaul: Thank you for consulting with the
Committee on Financial Services regarding H.R. 589, the Mahsa
Amini Human Rights and Security Accountability Act. I agree
that the Committee shall be discharged from further
consideration of the bill so that it may proceed
expeditiously to the House Floor. The Committee takes this
action with the mutual understanding that, by foregoing
consideration of H.R. 589 at this time, we do not waive any
jurisdiction over the subject matter contained in this or
similar legislation, and that the Committee will be
appropriately consulted and involved on this or similar
legislation as it moves forward. The Committee also reserves
the right to see appointment of an appropriate number of
conferees to any conference with the Senate involving this or
similar legislation, and we request your support for any such
request.
Finally, as you mentioned in your letter, I ask that a copy
of our exchange of letters on this bill be included in your
Committee's report to accompany the legislation, as well as
in the Congressional Record during floor consideration.
Sincerely,
Patrick McHenry,
Chairman.
[[Page H4245]]
____
House of Representatives,
Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC. February 9, 2023.
Hon. Patrick McHenry,
Chairman, Committee on Financial Services,
Washington, DC.
Dear Chairman McHenry: Thank you for consulting with the
Foreign Affairs Committee and agreeing to be discharged from
further consideration of H.R. 589, the Mahsa Amini Human
Rights and Security Accountability Act, so that the measure
may proceed expeditiously to the House floor.
I agree that your forgoing further action on this measure
does not in any way diminish or alter the jurisdiction of
your committee, or prejudice its jurisdictional prerogatives
on this measure or similar legislation in the future. I would
support your effort to seek appointment of an appropriate
number of conferees from your committee to any House-Senate
conference on this legislation.
I will place our letters on H.R. 589 into our committee
report on this bill. I appreciate your cooperation regarding
this legislation and look forward to continuing to work
together as this measure moves through the legislative
process.
Sincerely,
Michael T. McCaul
Chairman.
Ms. DEAN of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I
may consume.
Mr. Speaker, there is no debate in Congress about the nature of the
Iranian Government. The Supreme Leader of Iran murders, tortures, and
abuses his own people. He denies Iranian citizens freedom and
democracy. He guides proxy forces meant to destabilize numerous
regional countries. He has threatened to wipe Israel off the map, and
he is developing a nuclear program that has stockpiled enough highly
enriched uranium for several nuclear warheads. I believe there must be
costs associated with this behavior, and the United States is
delivering those costs.
The Mahsa Amini Human Rights and Security Accountability Act, or the
MAHSA Act, is a bill that would require the President of the United
States to determine whether high-ranking officials of the Islamic
Republic regime in Iran should be listed under existing U.S. sanctions
for human rights abuses and support of terrorism. If an Iranian person
or entity is found to meet these criteria, the legislation strongly
encourages the executive branch to sanction that person or entity to
the fullest extent of the law.
Foreign Affairs Committee Democrats understand the despicable nature
of Iran's Supreme Leader and his regime and the need to hold them
accountable. The Supreme Leader is currently sanctioned under executive
order 13876 which blocks the property of the Supreme Leader and his
office, as well as persons determined to have provided material support
to the Supreme Leader or his office.
As of April 20, 2023, 112 persons have been designated for sanctions
pursuant to this order--75 entities, 36 individuals, and one vessel.
Some of these designations were made by the Trump administration, and
some have been made by the Biden administration. The Supreme Leader is
fully cut off from the American financial system and is not allowed to
travel to the United States.
Mr. Speaker, it is worth noting that other prominent Iranian leaders
currently under strict American sanctions include President Raisi, two
of Iran's vice presidents, and seven cabinet ministers, including the
Ministers of Communication, Culture, Defense, Intelligence, Interior,
and Petroleum. Companies and subsidiaries tied to the Supreme Leader in
the sectors of energy, textiles, mining, chemicals, and financial
services are all under strict sanctions.
Let me be clear: there are more sanctions on the Supreme Leader and
his cronies today than there were 1\1/2\ years ago. Applying maximum
pressure on the Supreme Leader is an entirely bipartisan priority. We
must always do more. Enforcement can be tighter. Legislation with
transparency mechanisms such as the MAHSA Act provide value to the
Congress and our Iran policy oversight efforts.
During committee consideration of the MAHSA Act, I voted to move the
bill to the floor despite having reservations that the text as
currently drafted could damage national security waivers found in the
underlying statute. Though the bill improved throughout the
negotiations process with the majority, an amendment was offered, which
was adopted over the committee Democrats' objections, that undermines
some of the progress we achieved before markup.
During a future conference process with the Senate, we want to assure
this legislative text will not harm any President's ability to adjust
any potential national security event vis-a-vis Iran, including
addressing the nuclear issue. We also hope to streamline the reporting
requirements to make them feasible for OFAC and the Treasury Department
to deliver to Congress.
We look forward to continuing to work in a bipartisan manner on
crafting a final bill that continues to put pressure on the Supreme
Leader of Iran and those who support his nefarious efforts. In the
meantime, I will vote to advance the current draft from the House in
order to prepare for negotiations with the Senate.
Therefore, Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting
this measure, and I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the
gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Banks), who is the author of this bill.
Mr. BANKS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for yielding, and I
thank him for his leadership on this issue and so many other issues
related to our foreign policy and national security.
Mr. Speaker, I am proud to speak today in support of the passage of
my bill, the MAHSA Act. As the chairman said, this bill is named in
honor of Mahsa Amini, a young woman in Iran who was killed by the
Iranian regime nearly almost exactly 1 year ago this week.
Mahsa died after being snatched off the street and brutally beaten by
a patrol of the regime's so-called morality police all because she was
not wearing her headscarf correctly in public.
Mahsa's murder triggered months of the largest prodemocracy and anti-
regime protests in Iran since the 1979 revolution. Iranians called for
freedom and chanted ``death to the dictator.'' Iranian women cast off
their hijabs and burnt them in protest. They shook the regime to its
core and showed the world that the Iranian people despise the Iranian
regime. They will no longer tolerate its human rights abuses,
corruption, and squandering of their wealth on terrorism.
Nevertheless, the Biden administration refused to take real action in
support of the protesters last year and has been looking the other way
ever since.
This administration is too afraid to jeopardize their dream of a new
nuclear deal with Iran, so it is up to Congress to act instead. That is
what we are doing here today.
The MAHSA Act will hold the most malicious elements of Iran's regime
accountable while avoiding collateral damage on ordinary Iranians. My
bill will require the administration to actually enforce sanctions on
the books and to go after Mahsa's killers and funders of terrorism,
including the Supreme Leader of Iran and senior regime officials and
their money laundering organizations.
I thank all of those from both parties who made this bipartisan
legislation possible and to become a reality today. More importantly, I
thank all those Iranian-American groups here at home who showed their
Representatives how important it is to stand in support of the Iranian
people and to finally take action to hold this brutal regime
accountable.
I call upon the Senate to immediately take up and pass the MAHSA Act,
and I call upon President Biden to stop dragging his feet, listen to
the Iranian people, and confront the Iranian regime once and for all.
Ms. DEAN of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Doggett).
Mr. DOGGETT. Mr. Speaker, it has been 1 year since the death of a
young woman, Mahsa Amini, in Iran, and it has been 1 year during which
revulsion to repression has given birth to so many courageous Iranians
expressing their defiance of arbitrary restrictions on their freedom.
Nevertheless, it has also been another year of torture and murder at
the hands of a fanatical tyranny. With approval of this legislation
named for Mahsa, we say to Iranians: ``Your voices are heard, your
voices are important, and you are not forgotten.''
While the type of military action against Iran urged by fanatics
outside
[[Page H4246]]
of Iran would be disastrous and counterproductive, through this act we
seek to use all other available means to hold accountable the cruel
repressors in Tehran.
Those of us who are progressives, opposing any war against Iran, are
equally opposed to the Iran war that the government is currently
carrying out against its own children. We share the battle cry of
peaceful Iranian protesters: Woman, life, freedom.
This bill has little to do with the Iran nuclear agreement, which was
wisely negotiated by President Obama's administration and our European
allies. The world is less safe today not because of that agreement but
because of President Trump's unilateral cancellation of the agreement
presenting us today with an Iran that is nearer the development of a
nuclear weapon than it was prior to the agreement.
We need to be seeking to do everything we can to prevent Iran from
acquiring a nuclear weapon short of war; but our desire for a safer
world should not impair our willingness to do more to make Iran safer
for its own citizens.
As Amnesty International reported just this past month, Iranian
authorities have been subjecting victims' families to arbitrary arrest
and detention, imposing restrictions on peaceful gatherings at
gravesites, and even destroying victims' grave markers, and now within
the last few days, detaining Mahsa's uncle so that he cannot speak out
this Saturday on the anniversary of her murder.
Already this year, the Iranian Government has executed 320 people,
doubling the rate prior to Mahsa's death, and giving Iran the wretched
distinction of the highest number of executions per capita in the
entire world.
Building upon current, existing executive orders, this bill proposes
to codify existing sanctions targeting those at the top of the Iranian
regime for their human rights abuses and for this egregious action over
the last year.
Nevertheless, the attacks on President Biden really are misplaced if
this is to be a truly bipartisan initiative. I believe that passage of
the MAHSA Act sends a message to Iranians not about this
administration, but of the fact that we, the elected Members of the
people of the United States, oppose these abuses.
{time} 1630
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Ms. DEAN of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30
seconds to the gentleman from Texas.
Mr. DOGGETT. Mr. Speaker, passage of this act is not about what this
administration has or has not done, but that it reflects the broad
determination of this body, the Congress, the Representatives of the
people of the United States, to speak out against a brutal theocracy.
We stand with Iranians who seek a brighter future where the rule of law
and freedom are respected, and hopefully one day there will be an end
to the terrible division between our two countries.
Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time, and I am
prepared to close.
Ms. DEAN of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I
may consume for the purpose of closing.
Mr. Speaker, I will vote in support of this measure as it is crucial
that we continue to pressure the Supreme Leader of Iran and his cronies
and enablers, but I look forward to further refining the text with our
Senate colleagues to make this the best bill possible.
Mr. Speaker, I also note that I join Chairman McCaul and
Representative Doggett in acknowledging that it has been nearly 1 year
since the tragic death of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini. We will always
remember her global impact not just for the girls and women of Iran,
but for girls and women all over the world.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I thank the Ranking Member Meeks,
Congresswoman Madeleine Dean, and Congressman Lloyd Doggett for their
work on this bill. I also thank Representative Banks for leading this
important bipartisan measure to ensure the United States upholds its
moral responsibility as a beacon of freedom in human rights.
This bill does not create any new sanctions programs. The tools we
are discussing here today already exist. We are simply asking the
administration to enforce them. We must do everything we can to stand
with the people of Iran and prevent more violence and suffering.
I feel for Mahsa's family, seeing her being beaten, tortured, and put
to death for the so-called crime of merely not wearing her hijab
correctly is really unfathomable to Americans and our way of life in a
free society, and it cannot stand.
I look forward to a day when the Ayatollah is out of power and the
people of Iran can be free to express themselves without this kind of
oppression and tyranny. I know it will happen one day, and I hope it
happens in my lifetime.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. BLUMENAUER. Mr. Speaker, I will vote for this legislation to
stand with those advocating for human rights in Iran however I have
concerns that the legislation could prohibit the President's ability to
adjust sanctions as national security conditions warrant. I am hopeful
this is the last time that Congress puts forward a sanctions bill
without a clear mechanism to remove them as needed.
Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to speak on H.R. 589, the
Mahsa Amini Human Rights Security Accountability (MAHSA) Act.
This bill would require the President of the United States to impose
property- and visa- blocking sanctions on certain individuals and
entities affiliated with Iran.
Additionally, this bill would impose requirements that the President
periodically make determinations about whether certain existing
sanctions apply to specified persons and impose the applicable
sanctions, including determinations concerning:
(1) the Supreme Leader of Iran and any official in the Office of the
Supreme Leader of Iran;
(2) the President of Iran and any official in the Office of the
President of Iran; and
(3) any entity overseen by the Office of the Supreme Leader of Iran
which is complicit in supporting human rights abuses or terrorism.
Iran currently faces widespread unrest because of various human
rights violations.
In 2022, security forces killed more than 500 persons, including at
least 69 children, and arrested more than 19,000 protesters, including
children, according to the nongovernmental organization Human Rights
Activists News Agency.
Some of those arrested faced the death penalty, including children.
The government also routinely disrupted access to the internet and
communications applications to prevent the free flow of information and
to attempt to interrupt or diminish participation in protests.
Although the human rights violations in Iran are unacceptable and
certainly condemnable and actionable in response, to address this
matter in the manner set forth by this bill is concerning.
First, this bill and its text targets the Iran government itself, not
individuals in the government.
Because of this, this bill would essentially remain in effect
indefinitely, regardless of a change in leadership and political or
social agenda.
=========================== NOTE ===========================
September 12, 2023, on page H4246, in the third column, the
following appeared: Because of this, this bill would essentially
remain in effect indefinitely, regardless of a change in
leadership and political or social agenda. In addition, this bill
is supported by 3 organizations that have previously advocated for
military action against Iran (the American Israel Public Affairs
Committee, United Against a Nuclear Iran, and National Union for
Democracy in Iran). Although these organizations might support
this bill with positive intentions, their methods of seeking
change might not be the answer if it includes violence. Iran and
its people deserve peace, not additional hardships.
The online version has been corrected to read: Because of this,
this bill would essentially remain in effect indefinitely,
regardless of a change in leadership and political or social
agenda. Iran and its people deserve peace, not additional
hardships.
========================= END NOTE =========================
Iran and its people deserve peace, not additional hardships.
Instead of implementing this act, Congress should investigate the
sanctions that are already in place on the Iranian leadership and could
consider amending those sanctions.
This bill has been built on positive intentions that seek to solve an
important and pressing issue.
However, I think it would benefit us to reexamine already existing
sanctions on Iranian leadership.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the
gentleman from Texas (Mr. McCaul) that the House suspend the rules and
pass the bill, H.R. 589, as amended.
The question was taken.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds
being in the affirmative, the ayes have it.
Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
[[Page H4247]]
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, further
proceedings on this motion will be postponed.
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