[Congressional Record Volume 169, Number 146 (Monday, September 11, 2023)]
[Senate]
[Page S4339]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]



                           National Security

  Mr. President, on another matter, as I discussed last week, skeptics 
of American leadership like to hang their hats on the notion that 
support for Ukraine somehow saps our ability to compete with and deter 
communist China. This view does not hold up to serious scrutiny.
  For one thing, the patina of hawkishness on China is too often just a 
mask--a mask--for isolationism. If critics of U.S. support for Ukraine 
disparage the principle that we should oppose adversaries who evade and 
destroy Western-aligned neighbors, how credible--how credible--is their 
commitment to defend Taiwan or other vulnerable allies?
  Of course, this isn't a debate about abstract principles or 
philanthropy. The United States isn't arming Ukraine out of a sense of 
charity. We are backing a fellow democracy because it is in our direct 
interest to do so--in our interest to do so.
  To rebut one ad hominem accusation in particular, there is nothing 
``neoconservative'' about support for Ukraine. Helping a democratic 
partner defend its sovereign territory against an unprovoked attack 
from a common enemy is obviously in America's interest.
  Let me stress, we aren't defending Ukraine from aggression. The 
Ukrainians are doing that. America's two most powerful adversaries have 
struck up a ``friendship without limits.'' If we fail to help Ukraine 
stop Russia in its tracks, there is every reason to believe Russia and 
China will both be emboldened.
  Our closest allies and partners in Asia--people with even more to 
lose from PRC aggression than armchair isolationists here in 
Washington--understand this fundamental reality.
  It is why Taiwan provides humanitarian assistance to Ukraine. It is 
why the leaders of Japan and South Korea have traveled to Kyiv and 
pledged billions of dollars in assistance.
  Our partners in Europe and Asia are joining us in investing in our 
military readiness and expanding our defense production capacity. If 
not for the conflict in Ukraine, it is difficult to imagine any of this 
happening.
  Republicans should welcome Democrats who are finally willing to spend 
money on our defense industrial base. Such a bipartisan consensus will 
not survive if we turn our backs on this conflict.
  And why would we pull the plug on the transatlantic alliance just 
when European allies are making credible investments in their own 
defenses and also coming around to share our concern about Chinese 
aggression?
  Competition with China is a global proposition. And the strength of 
our closest military and economic allies in Europe affects China's 
calculus. Beijing would love to see the transatlantic alliance fracture 
in the wake of America turning our back on our closest trading partner.
  If the United States proves we cannot be trusted to back our allies 
in Europe, why on Earth should our allies in Asia expect different 
treatment in the face of Chinese aggression?
  War in Ukraine has taught the West a crucial lesson about the 
importance of investment in defense industrial capacity. And as I 
discussed last week, it has directed billions and billions of dollars 
toward restocking America's arsenal with American weapons built here by 
American workers.
  This is a fundamental prerequisite for competition with China, and we 
are accomplishing it using a tiny fraction of the historically small 
and insufficient defense budgets President Biden has sent up to 
Congress.
  Put another way, America is making urgent strides in the race to 
compete with our biggest adversary, China. And in the process, we are 
helping degrade Russian military strength and encouraging our allies to 
``Buy American'' and invest in their own defense.

  This is American leadership, and Republicans should be pressing 
President Biden to show more of it instead of dreaming about American 
retreat.