[Congressional Record Volume 169, Number 58 (Thursday, March 30, 2023)]
[Senate]
[Pages S1066-S1069]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
VETERANS' COMPENSATION COST-OF-LIVING ADJUSTMENT ACT OF 2023
Mr. TESTER. Mr. President, Montanans proudly serve in our Armed
Forces at one of the highest rates in the Nation. These veterans put
their lives on the line to defend our freedoms every day. Their
families make sacrifices too. These veterans and their survivors, who
depend on VA benefits, deserve certainty when it comes to providing for
their families.
As chairman of the Senate Veterans' Affairs Committee, I am proud to
have introduced bipartisan legislation with my good friend Jerry Moran
to ensure that these benefits are keeping pace with the cost of living.
This bill, the Veterans' Cost-of-Living Adjustment Act, is legislation
that must pass.
Each year, millions of disabled veterans, surviving spouses, and
their children rely on tax-free compensation for disabilities sustained
during their military service. This income helps cover groceries and
prescription medications, rent and electrical bills. It also helps
veterans replace clothing damaged by their prosthetic or orthopedic
devices.
Our bill directs the VA to increase veterans' compensation so that
folks across the country--including 30,000 veterans in Montana and
survivors--get the support they need to stay afloat. At a time when
many Montanans are struggling with rising costs, from housing, to
healthcare, to groceries, this cost-of-living increase will help give
our veterans a little more peace of mind.
Today, we have the opportunity to put political differences aside and
come together for the men and women who risk their lives for this
country. Let's pass this bill.
With that, I will turn it over to my friend Senator Jerry Moran.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from Kansas.
Mr. MORAN. Mr. President, I rise today to join the chairman of the
Senate Committee on Veterans' Affairs in asking that the Senate pass
the Veterans' Compensation Cost-of-Living Adjustment--COLA--Act of
2023.
This is not the first time we have done this. This is an annual
occurrence, and it is good to be back and suggesting to my colleagues
that this nonpartisan bill--that we once again come together to pass it
this year, 2023.
This legislation makes certain that the VA's compensation benefits,
which millions of veterans--thousands of Kansans--receive and which
their survivors rely on, keep pace with Social Security and are
adjusted to match the Consumer Price Index.
As we enter another year of crushing inflation--as we unfortunately
enter another year of crushing inflation--this commonsense legislation
is necessary so that veterans and survivors are able to keep pace with
rising costs, make ends meet, and continue to receive the support they
have earned and deserve.
Yesterday, March 29, was National Vietnam War Veterans Day and the
50th anniversary of the last combat troops leaving Vietnam. This is an
opportune time for us as a Senate, us as a Congress, us as a country to
once again commit to making certain that veterans and their survivors
receive the due support, the due respect, and the due recognition they
deserve.
I want to take a moment to address a concern that veterans have
brought to me regarding a December 22 report from the Congressional
Budget Office and a proposal that was put forth to means test veterans'
disability benefits. I do not support this idea, nor am I aware of any
Member of Congress who is pursuing that idea, but it is running around
on social media. If we can assure our veterans that is not a
likelihood, that is a valuable thing to do and provide them some
certainty and eliminate some fear they and their families may have.
Let me assure veterans and their loved ones right now I would oppose
any legislation to enact that proposal.
As ranking member of the Senate Committee on Veterans' Affairs, I
know it is our responsibility not only in our committee but within this
Senate Chamber to take care of our veterans--many of whom rely upon the
Department of Veterans Affairs for financial support. This bill once
again this year will help do that. I appreciate the cooperation from
the chairman of the committee.
With that, I yield the floor.
Mr. TESTER. Mr. President.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Lujan). The Senator from Montana.
Mr. TESTER. Senator Moran, I appreciate your comments on means
testing. It is absolutely a nonstarter. That information is revolving
around on the Hill, and it is best to nip it in the bud, so thank you
for that.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on
Veterans' Affairs be discharged and the Senate proceed to the immediate
consideration of S. 777.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report the bill by title.
The legislative clerk read as follows:
A bill (S. 777) to increase, effective as of December 1,
2023, the rates of compensation for veterans with service-
connected disabilities and the rates of dependency and
indemnity compensation for the survivors of certain disabled
veterans, and for other purposes.
There being no objection, the committee was discharged, and the
Senate proceeded to consider the bill.
Mr. TESTER. I further ask that the bill be considered read a third
time and passed and the motion to reconsider be considered made and
laid upon table with no intervening action or debate.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The bill (S. 777) was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading,
was read the third time, and passed, as follows:
S. 777
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ``Veterans' Compensation Cost-
of-Living Adjustment Act of 2023'' or the ``Veterans' COLA
Act of 2023''.
SEC. 2. INCREASE IN RATES OF DISABILITY COMPENSATION AND
DEPENDENCY AND INDEMNITY COMPENSATION.
(a) Rate Adjustment.--Effective on December 1, 2023, the
Secretary of Veterans Affairs shall increase, in accordance
with subsection (c), the dollar amounts in effect on November
30, 2023, for the payment of disability compensation and
dependency and indemnity compensation under the provisions
specified in subsection (b).
(b) Amounts To Be Increased.--The dollar amounts to be
increased pursuant to subsection (a) are the following:
(1) Wartime disability compensation.--Each of the dollar
amounts under section 1114 of title 38, United States Code.
(2) Additional compensation for dependents.--Each of the
dollar amounts under section 1115(1) of such title.
(3) Clothing allowance.--The dollar amount under section
1162 of such title.
(4) Dependency and indemnity compensation to surviving
spouse.--Each of the dollar amounts under subsections (a)
through (d) of section 1311 of such title.
(5) Dependency and indemnity compensation to children.--
Each of the dollar amounts under sections 1313(a) and 1314 of
such title.
(c) Determination of Increase.--Each dollar amount
described in subsection (b) shall be increased by the same
percentage as the percentage by which benefit amounts payable
under title II of the Social Security Act (42 U.S.C. 401 et
seq.) are increased effective December 1, 2023, as a result
of a determination under section 215(i) of such Act (42
U.S.C. 415(i)).
(d) Special Rule.--The Secretary of Veterans Affairs may
adjust administratively, consistent with the increases made
under subsection (a), the rates of disability compensation
payable to persons under section 10 of Public Law 85-857 (72
Stat. 1263) who have not received compensation under chapter
11 of title 38, United States Code.
SEC. 3. PUBLICATION OF ADJUSTED RATES.
The Secretary of Veterans Affairs shall publish in the
Federal Register the amounts specified in section 2(b), as
increased under that section, not later than the date on
which the matters specified in section 215(i)(2)(D) of the
Social Security Act (42 U.S.C. 415(i)(2)(D)) are required to
be published by reason of a determination made under section
215(i) of such Act during fiscal year 2024.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Montana.
Mr. TESTER. Mr. President, the Senate has just come together to do
our job by Passing the Veterans' COLA Act. We would now urge our House
colleagues to quickly follow suit. Let's continue to show our fighting
men and women that when you get sent off to war, it is with the promise
that you will be cared for when you return home, not through words but
by action.
[[Page S1067]]
With that, I yield the floor.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. WICKER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
National Defense Budget
Mr. WICKER. Mr. President, I come to the floor today to discuss,
again, a key constitutional duty to provide for the common defense. The
Constitution lays this weighty task at the feet of Congress. We hold
the purse strings, and today our task is to provide for sustained
growth in the capacity and capability of our Armed Forces. For 30
years, we have lived off the military investments of the eighties and
these investments have kept China and Russia and others from attacking
us. They have kept us safe.
Today, those investments have largely expired, and both Beijing and
Moscow are acting increasingly adversarial. In particular, China's
military is growing so quickly that we will not long deter them unless
we invest more in our military too. It will cost a lot to deter
Beijing, but it will cost a lot more if we do not.
In February, I delivered a speech on our most dire national security
challenge: preventing the Chinese aggression against Taiwan. Defending
our security and prosperity means defending Taiwan. If the island
falls, the global balance of power tilts for decades. Our children and
grandchildren would then not live in an American-led 21st century.
Today, I will focus on the Chinese Communist Party's rapid military
buildup and the U.S. ability to boost our military capability. I will
show how both demand sustained real growth in our defense budget
alongside increased reform and prioritization. Inexplicably, in the
face of these facts, the President has proposed another military cut.
Twice now, he has proposed cuts and twice Congress has replied with an
emphatic and bipartisan no. Instead, Congress has added, over the last
2 fiscal years, $70 billion of targeted investments to our military to
help us catch up with China. I am confident, on a bipartisan basis,
again, we will do this for the next fiscal year.
Let's begin by outlining the rising threat of the Chinese Communist
Party. As Congress considers this year's military spending commitments,
we need to consider what we are up against. The U.S. military
investment must counter Chinese military investment. If we do not,
history may one day bestow on our moment--on this time--the ignominious
title of a ``prewar period.'' I hope we are not in a prewar period. If
we are prepared, there is a much greater chance that we can avoid a war
in the future.
We know China intends to dominate the Pacific. They boast about it in
public speeches, and they are building a military capable of turning
their rhetoric into reality. We have debated what year we should be
worried about. Some say 2023, 2025, 2027; some say 2035. Secretary
Blinken says China wants to seize Taiwan on a much faster timeline than
we have previously thought. The 2027 date, what some call the Davidson
window, is based on Xi Jinping's orders to his military about when he
expects them to be ready. We would all do well to remember that
dictators start wars of aggression before their militaries are ready.
Look no further than Germany and Japan in World War II and look at
Putin's Russia today. If Putin's invasion of Ukraine taught us
anything, it is that the plans of dictators are often driven as much by
delusions of grandeur as by honest assessments of relative military
capabilities. This is what makes the next few years so dangerous.
Last year, Xi Jinping fully consolidated his control over the Chinese
Communist Party, beginning a historic third term which lasted through
2028 with very few restraints on his power, and it shows. As the
People's Liberation Army grows more capable and the Chinese Communist
Party faces growing domestic turmoil, Beijing may soon decide that its
power is peaking. That may prompt them to act sooner rather than later.
China is certainly signaling a sinister intent. Last August, they
concluded unprecedented military drills around Taiwan's most trafficked
waterways and flight routes. They did so arguably to project strength
in response to Nancy Pelosi's visit to the island, when she was then
Speaker of the House. They build replicas of U.S. Navy ships, aircraft,
and air defense systems, and they regularly practice striking these
replicas.
Their military buildup is the strongest signal of their intent to
dominate the Pacific. I, along with many other Senators, have seen the
sobering classified reports, but the public picture is grim enough. The
Chinese Communist Party just announced the expansion of its defense
budget by 7.2 percent for this year, about six times the increase the
Biden administration proposed. Beijing has increased its military
spending every year for more than 20 years, and we know that they
actually hide many portions of their defense budget. By simply looking
at Beijing's quantitative and qualitative improvements, we see that
Beijing spends freely on its military.
China has expanded its nuclear forces faster than anyone thought
possible. Already, they have more ground-based nuclear weapon launchers
than we do. This changes our entire nuclear readiness calculus. For
seven decades, we focused on matching the Russian nuclear arsenal. But
we experienced a new Sputnik moment when we watched the Chinese
hypersonic glide vehicle perform maneuvers we had never contemplated.
China has also rapidly expanded its conventional sea, air, and rocket
forces.
Their Navy outnumbers ours. They will have more than 460 ships by
2030. U.S. naval intelligence indicates these ships may already be as
high quality as our own. Yet our senior Navy leadership continues to
underestimate Chinese capabilities. China's civilian fleet is expanding
also, and the People's Liberation Army has used it in mock amphibious
invasions--the civilian fleet.
The Chinese Air Force has shed its third-generation, Vietnam-era
fighters and built an impressive fourth-generation fighter force. They
are building fifth-generation fighters at scale today, just like we
are. And their air-to-air missiles have greater range than U.S.
missiles. China's air warfare training has advanced beyond anything we
thought possible 5 years ago.
The Chinese rocket force points thousands of short-range ballistic
missiles at Taiwan and hundreds of long-range missiles at U.S. bases in
Japan, Guam, and elsewhere.
China has not restricted its advances to traditional military domains
either. It is a major player on the cyber battlefield. Top U.S. cyber
commander, General Nakasone, says the increase in Chinese cyber warfare
capabilities has been unlike anything he has ever seen--unlike anything
General Nakasone has ever seen. Earlier this year, our top nonmilitary
cyber official told us the Chinese would combine an attack on Taiwan,
if that occurs, with broad attacks on U.S. cyber infrastructure. And
that certainly makes sense.
Beijing has also overtaken Russia in space. Russia is now the junior
partner to communist China, not only in space communications and
intelligence satellites, but also in space warfighting capabilities.
Finally, China is building a multinational syndicate of bad actor
nations. Beijing envisions itself as the central character in an anti-
U.S. coalition that includes junior partner Russia as well as North
Korea. Xi Jinping took a significant step in that direction last week
when he visited Vladimir Putin, a man he has described as his ``best,
most intimate friend.'' As China's military rises, regrettably, the
U.S. military treads water.
I will identify five areas of improvement to help our military catch
China.
First, we have not focused nearly enough on honing our capabilities
in a set of key areas we need to win. Our efforts to build a series of
modern and flexible command-and-control networks are just now gaining
steam. We still possess no relevant mine warfare capabilities. After
three decades of neglect, we are just beginning to rebuild core
competencies in electronic warfare. We have finally begun to build the
right bases in the right locations in the Western Pacific. We have
Senators Reed and Inhofe, the authors of last year's NDAA, to thank for
that. I issue my thanks to this bipartisan team.
[[Page S1068]]
Our munitions industrial base is in woeful shape, and we have only
begun to scratch the surface of our production capacity. I am pleased
to see the Pentagon moving in the right direction, but it remains clear
to me that Congress can take additional actions--should take additional
actions this year to accelerate and expand production.
Secondly, we should rapidly work to expand our naval fleet. As I
said, China's fleet has eclipsed ours, and yet the Department of
Defense proposes ship decommissionings. The Marine Corps was unable to
assist victims of the earthquakes in Turkey just a few months ago
because the Navy lacked enough amphibious ships. Yet President Biden's
budget proposes to end an entire amphibious ship production line--an
entire production line. I do not believe this Congress will allow that
to happen.
Our Navy Secretary recently noted that one Chinese shipyard--one
Chinese shipyard--has more capacity than all of ours combined. For many
years, we tried to wring more efficiency out of our shipbuilding
industrial base, and for many years we have largely failed. Without a
massive change in direction and an infusion of funds, we are unlikely
to grow the fleet beyond 300 ships over the next decade. I would remind
my colleagues that the statutory minimum requirement enacted by this
Congress and signed by the President of the United States is 355 ships
at a minimum. It is time for the U.S. Congress to lead the Nation in
expanding the shipbuilding industrial base.
Third, our Reagan-era Air Force fleets grow older. For years, we have
known we need to purchase 72 tactical aircraft each year to have a
healthy fleet--72 each year. For years, we failed to do so. Our next-
generation fighters are still nearly a decade away, as are significant
numbers of autonomous wingmen for them. And the Air Force remains
almost 2,000 pilots short this year.
Fourth, we are on the leading edge of a recruitment crisis. By the
end of this year, the Army could be 40,000 soldiers smaller than it was
just 18 months ago--40,000 soldiers short. Even as its missions
continue to increase, the Navy and Air Force are not far behind. The
recruiting crisis is a complex problem that will require a multifaceted
solution. We had the Chief of Staff of the Army before the Armed
Services Committee, along with the Secretary of the Army, just this
morning to discuss this and other important issues. However, the budget
can, right away, provide one solution. We should set aside funds for
barracks and facility improvements. Potential recruits have frequently
cited poor living conditions as one reason not to enlist.
Fifth, we must boost our defense infrastructure. Almost 2 years ago,
I led an amendment on the infrastructure bill--not the Defense bill,
the infrastructure bill--along with Senators Shelby and Inhofe, that
would have devoted $50 billion to begin boosting this foundational
infrastructure.
We never got a vote. Unfortunately, that amendment was blocked. Our
shipyards, military family housing, hypersonic test ranges, ammo
plants, and other sites are key in enabling our military to be ready
and capable.
Perhaps such an amendment would pass today with broad bipartisan
support. The facts certainly call for it.
And, finally, we must link increased investment with accelerated
reform in the Pentagon. The Department of Defense's audit championed by
former Deputy Secretary David Norquist progressed more in the last 5
years than in the last 25 years before that.
The Marines may become the first service to earn a clean financial
bill of health this year. That is good news.
Deputy Secretary Hicks has also embraced and accelerated efforts
begun by Deputy Secretary Norquist to bring 21st century data-driven
management practices to DOD. This work has already saved us tens of
billions of dollars.
Congress will continue to lead and partner with the Pentagon in
ongoing and new reform efforts. This year, experts with the Pentagon
budgeting commission will help Congress to innovate more quickly and
improve the relationship between Congress and the Department of
Defense.
I also believe the Office of Strategic Capital will help us partner
with American private capital. American capital is an advantage we
have. Yet we do not leverage it often enough in the national security
space. The Office of Strategic Capital can help diversify our defense
industrial base to compete with the People's Republic of China in a
cost-effective manner.
Cost-saving measures, though necessary, will not be enough.
Counterintuitively, many reforms cost money up front. Senator Inhofe,
my predecessor, as ranking member of the committee, was correct when he
said: We cannot spend our way out of the challenges we face, but we can
spend too little to give ourselves a chance.
The United States has not faced national security challenges of this
scale, scope, and complexity since World War II. This moment is a fork
in the road. Neither the peace we have enjoyed nor the war some predict
are inevitable. Decisions we make will determine whether that occurs.
Effective deterrence will be a complex operation, but its starting
place is simple: We must, once again, for the third year, increase the
military budget.
And, as we grow the budget, we will save where we can, prioritize the
most effective purchases, and share the load with our allies and
partners and insist that they do their share.
Again, it would cost a lot to deter China, but it will cost a lot
more if we do not.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Michigan.
The Republic of Yemen
Mr. PETERS. Mr. President, 5 years ago, I stood in this Chamber and
condemned the Saudi military campaign in Yemen. Today, I rise once
again to condemn the egregious violence that continues to haunt the
Yemeni people.
Last weekend marked the 8-year anniversary of the start of the
conflict--8 years of families being torn apart by war; 8 years of
children going without access to food, healthcare, and quality
education; 8 years of destruction that has caused one of the greatest
humanitarian crises since World War II.
The Republic of Yemen has been torn apart by multiple armed
conflicts, and, as a result, the Yemeni people have been caught in
between an internal power struggle as well as a regional proxy
conflict. Saudi Arabia has taken advantage of Yemen's domestic strife
and led a military campaign that has only heightened the conflict and
caused further destruction.
The previous conflicts, along with the current war, have collectively
eroded central governance in Yemen and left more than 24 million of
Yemen's 31 million citizens in dire need of assistance and protection.
I am proud that Michigan is home to the largest Yemeni population
outside of Yemen. The diaspora community is vibrant and has endured
harms that no community should have to.
The circumstances under which many have immigrated to the United
States is truly devastating. It is estimated that there are roughly 4.5
million displaced Yemenis as a result of this conflict, with a majority
of those displaced still in Yemen. Those that remain continue to face
food and housing insecurity, with over half of the total population
requiring humanitarian assistance.
We have failed the Yemeni people with our longstanding military
support for the Saudi Arabian military coalition in Yemen, and I
applaud--I applaud--President Biden's decision to end all U.S. support
for offensive operations in Yemen. We must continue to build on this
measure and ensure that the United States is in no way--in no way--
involved in the continuation of this war.
The failure of warring parties to come to an agreement to extend the
U.N.-backed truce demonstrates that this conflict is, unfortunately,
far from over. The United States must continue to leverage all
diplomatic tools available to assist in the peace process.
As we enter into the ninth year of this conflict, I encourage all of
my colleagues to reflect on the lives lost, the children who never got
to grow up, and the communities that will never be the same. The Yemeni
people have remained resilient in the face of extreme adversity, and it
is our responsibility to ensure that we continue to be strong partners
in providing aid and securing peace.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Iowa.
[[Page S1069]]
Student Loan Debt
Ms. ERNST. Mr. President, earlier this week, myself, Senator Cassidy,
and Senator Cornyn, along with 35 of our Republican colleagues,
introduced an effort to block President Biden's plan to transfer
student loan debt onto the back of hard-working Americans. This
includes ending the pause on student loan payments, which has been
extended six times since the start of the pandemic.
What might seem like a ``free pass'' in making payments on student
loans is, actually, a scheme orchestrated by the Biden administration
that could cost taxpayers an estimated $900 billion.
Let's break it down: $400 billion to cancel student loan debt, $195
billion to pause loan payments and interest accrued during the
pandemic, and $200 billion to implement President Biden's loan
repayment rule.
Folks, $900 billion is more than the Federal Government has ever
spent on higher education in our Nation's history. To give you some
additional perspective, this radical proposal costs--get this, folks--
three times more than what the government will spend on Pell grants in
this decade--in this decade--a program designed to help our neediest
students.
This is not debt cancellation. It is socialism.
President Biden is rewarding those who chose the path of higher
education by strapping their debt onto the backs of those who did not.
This is a personal issue to me.
My brother chose to enter the workforce directly out of high school.
My brother is a hard-working union laborer.
My sister worked to put herself through community college. She
received an associate's degree in Southwest Iowa. She works for a
trucking company and farms.
Their stories are similar to many Iowans across my home State. Why
should countless Americans who made responsible, financial planning
decisions be forced to take on the debts of others?
Biden's plan is unfair and unaffordable. It is fanning the flames of
inflation and is a driving factor in our growing Federal debt. Most
importantly, this transfer of student loan debt does nothing to address
and may actually be contributing to the real issue of rising costs to
attend college.
What message does this send to veterans who pursue higher education
through the GI bill or medical professionals who joined the National
Health Service Corps?
I was able to cover a portion of my college tuition at Iowa State
University through an ROTC scholarship. Joining the Army after
graduation was a privilege and an honor. I made a commitment to my
country, and, in return, they made a commitment to me to help me
receive my college degree.
President Biden's radical proposal invalidates many other successful
loan forgiveness and repayment programs designed to incentivize
participation in critical fields, including the military, public
service, and medicine.
Instead of putting a bandaid on the problem and passing the buck, we
should be giving students and their families a clear picture up front
about the true costs associated with their education. That is why I am
working in a bipartisan way to ensure that students know, before they
take out a loan, the estimated total interest amount based on their
repayment plan.
Folks, we have warned for years that the left is on the march toward
socialism. Look no further than Biden's student debt transfer plan.
I am proud to join my Republican colleagues in working to stop this
scheme.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Jersey.
Nomination of Richard R. Verma
Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I am extremely pleased that the Senate
will be voting shortly to confirm Ambassador Richard Verma to be the
Deputy Secretary of State for Management and Resources at the
Department of State. This role is one of the most critical positions at
the Department of State.
DMR, as it is known, has wide-ranging responsibility for overseeing
personnel and ensuring the Department is sufficiently resourced to
carry out effective U.S. diplomacy.
And there are no shortages of challenges. As we reorient our foreign
policy toward strategic competition with China, as we counter malign
influence by Russia across the globe, as we work to address global
health, food insecurity, and climate crisis, it is imperative that our
diplomatic corps has the tools they need to address the challenges
ahead.
Ambassador Verma is superbly qualified to lead this part of the
Department in confronting these challenges. His long public sector
career, which includes service in the Air Force, the Senate, and the
State Department, will help him be an effective leader who can advance
the Department's modernization agenda.
And as our first-ever Indian-American Ambassador to New Delhi, he has
firsthand experience leading a major U.S. Embassy and a deep
understanding of the strategic advantage of cultivating and retaining a
diverse and expert workforce.
I have full confidence that Ambassador Verma will be a constructive
partner with Congress and work to make sure the Department has the
support, the resources, and the leadership it needs to succeed.
Given the challenges ahead, I am pleased that we are finally voting
to confirm Ambassador Verma today, and I urge all of my colleagues on
both sides of the aisle to support this nomination.
I yield the floor.
____________________